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CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 




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Cornell University 
Library 



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http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924070623685 



GAZETTEER 



OP THE 



BOMBAY PRESIDENCY. 



VOLUME XVIII. PART II. 



POONA. 



Under Government Orders. 



PRINTED AT THE 

GOVEENMBNT CENTRAL PRESS 

1885. 



CONTENTS. 



POO If 4; 

Chapter IV. — Agricnltore. page 

Husbandmen ; Seasons ; Soils ; Arable Land ; Holdings ; 

Stock ; Plough of Land ; Crop Area 1-7 

Field Tools; Hand Tools ; Ploughing; Sowing; Manure , 8-11 
Ibbigation : 

Motasthal ; P^tasthal ; Government Water Works ; Reser- 
voirs 12-28 

Weeding; Watching; Reaping; Thrashing; Winnowing; 
Storing ; Mixed Sowings ; Wood-ash Tillage ; Rotation ; 

Fallows; Gardening 29-33 

Crop Details 34-62 

Coffee; Senna; Cochineal; Silk 63-75 

Experimental Gardens ; Botanical Gardens 76-79 

Blights; Locust and Rat Plagues ; Famines 80-96 

Chapter V.— Capital. 

Capitalists ; Saving Classes ; Banking ; Exchange Bills ; 

Currency; Insurance 97-105 

Moneylenders ; Interest ; Borrowers ; Husbandmen ; Deccan 
Riots ; Deccan Riots ' Commission ; Deccan Agriculturists' 
Relief Act; Slaves 106-133 

Wages; Prices ; Weights and Measures 134-140 

Chapter VI.— Trade. 

Communications : 
Routes (b. c. 100 - a. d. 1884) ; Passes; Bridges ; Ferries ; 
Rest-houses; Tolls ; Railway ; Post andTelegraph Offices. 141-162 
Trade : 
Changes ; Course ; Centres ; Market Towns ; Fairs ; Vil- 
lage Shopkeepers ; Peddlers 163-166 

Imports; Exports; Railway Traffic i . 167-172 

Crafts : 
Brass Work ; Silk Weaving ; Gold and Silver Thread ; 
Cotton Goods ; Glass Bangles ; Combs ; Clay Figures ; 
Paper; Iron Pots ; Tape-weaving; Felt ; Wood-turning. 173-210 



ii CONTENTS. 

Chapter VII. —History. page 

Early Hindus (b.c. 100 - a.d. 1295) : 

Nana Pass Inscriptions (b. c. 90 - a. d. 30) ; Junnar, Kdrle, 
Bhija and Bedsa Cave Inscriptions (a.d. 160) ; Early 
and Western Chalukyas (550 - 760) ; Rashtrakntas 

(760-973); DevgiriTadavs (1190-1295) 211-214 

MuSALMANS (1295-1720) : 

Delhi Governors (1818-1347); Bahmanis (1347 - 1490) ; 
Niz4m Shahis (1490 1636) ; Adil Shahis and the 
Moghals (1636 - 1680) ; Shiviji's rise and wars -vvith the 
Adil Shdhis and the Moghals (1643-1680); Condition 
(1673); Sambhaji (1680-1689) ; Rajaram (1690-1700); 
Tar^bai (1700 - 1708) ; Shdhu's Restoration (1708); 

BalajiVishvandthPeshwa (1714-1720) 215-242 

Marathas (1720-1817) : 

Imperial Grants (1719) ; Bajirav Ballal, Second Peshwa 
(1720- 1740) ; Bdldji B4jirAv, Third Peshwa(1740-1761); 
Shahu's death (1749); Brahman supremacy (1749- 
1817); Battle of Udgir (1760); Battle of Pdnipat 
(1761); Condition (1714 1760) ; Mddhavrav Ballal, 
Fourth Peshwa (1761-1772); NarayanrAv, Fifth Peshwa 
(1772-1773) ;Raghnnathr4v,SixthPeshwa(1773-1774) ; 
GangAbai's Regency (1774); Mddhavrav NarAyan, 
Seventh Peshwa (1774-1795) ; Treaty of Snrat (1776) ; 
Treaty of Purandhar (1776); Nana Fadnavis (1761- 
1800) ; English Expedition (1778) ; Conventionof Vadgaon 
. (1779) ; Goddard's March (1779) ; Treaty of SaMi 
(1782); Sindia in Poona (1792); Battle of Kharda 
(1796); ChimnAji Madhavriiv, Eighth Peshwa (1796); 
B4jir4vRaghun4th, Ninth Peshwa (1796-1817) ; Poona 
plundered (1797) ; the Widows' War (1797) ; Yashvant- 
rdv Holkar's invasion (1802) ; Holkar's victory (1802) ; 
Poona plundered (1802) ; Treaty of Bassein (1802) 
Bdjirdv restored (1803); Condition (1803-1808); Mr. 
Mountstuart Elphinstone (1811 - 1818); Trimbakji 
Denglia (1815) ; Gangddhar ShAstri (1815) ; Bajirav's 
disloyalty to the British (1816) ; Treaty of Poona 
(1817) ; Battle of Kirkee (1817) ; Poona surrendered 

to the British (1817) 243-301 

The British (1817-1884): 

Battle of Koregaon (1818) ; SitAra Pi^oclamation (1818); 
Bajir4v's Flights ; Settlement of the country ; Bamoshi 
Rising (1827) ; Koli Risings (1839 & 1846) ; tiie Mutinies 
(1857); Honya (1873) ; Gang Robberies (1879) . . , 302-309 



CONTENTS. iii 

Chapter VIII.— The Land. page 

Acquisition; Staff; Alienated Villages 310-312 

History : 

Early Hindu Thai or Jatha system ; Malik Ambar's system 
(1605 - 1626); Dadaji Kondadev's system (1630) ; the 
Moghal system (1664); the Maratha system (1669-1817). 313-340 
Bkitish Management (1817-1884) : 

Management (1817 - 1820) ; Condition (1821) ; Slavery 
(1821) ; Tenures (1821) ; Landholders (1821) ; Village 
Communities (1820) ; Hereditary Officers (1820) ; Assess- 
ment (1820-21) ; Cesses (1820-21); Revenue system 
(1820-21); Seasons (1820-1828); Eevenne system 
(1828-29); Mr. Pringle's Survey Settlement (1829- 1836); 
Survey and Seasons (1836-1867); Revision Survey 
(1867-1884); Survey Results (1836-1880); Revenue 
Statistics (1837-1884); Agricultural Banks (1884) , .341-513 

INDEX 515-625 



POONA. 



DSCCMI.] 



CHAPTER IV. 

AGRICULTURES 

According to tlie 1881 census, agriculture supports about 500,000 
people or 56 per cent of the population. The details are : 

POONA AORWULTVBAL POPULATION, 1881. 



Aos. 


Males. 


Females. 


Total. 


Under Fifteen ... 
Otm Fifteen ... 

Total ... 


103,288 
155,407 


97,174 
156,074 


200,482 
311,481 


258,695 


253,248 


511,943 



* Kunbis and Mdlis, though the chief, are by no means the only 
husbandmen. Men of aU classes, Brdhmans, Gujar Mdrwdr and 
Lingayat Vanis, Dhangars, Nhdvis, Kolis, Rdmoshis, Mhdrs, 
ChambhdrSj and Musalmans own land. About four-fifths of the 
landholders till with their own hands. The rest rent the land to 
tenants and add to their rents by the practice of some craft or 
calling. Kunbis depend almost entirely on the produce of their 
fields. They work more steadily, and have greater bodily strength 
than other husbandmen, and they show high skill both in dry-crop 
tillage and in cultivating the watered lands in which cereals are 
grown. At the same time, especially at a distance from trade 
centres, they are slow to adopt improvements, and, especially in the 
east, are not careful to keep their fields clear of weeds. Malis or 
gardeners cultivate a large area ■ of garden and watered land. 
Some of them depend entirely on the produce of their fields, and 
manage their garden lands with great care and skill. Though, like 
Kunbis, Mdlis are slow to change their modes of tillage, they are 
ready to grow any new crop that seems likely to pay. They are 
most skilful in mixing and varying crops, and are the most regular 
and thorough ploughers and the cleanest weeders in the district. 
Where there is a constant drain on the land they are careful to 
use every available particle of manure and in the neighbourhood of 
Poena have completely overcome their dislike to the use of poudrette. 
Mdlis are of four kinds, Phul or flower Mdlis, Haldya or turmeric 
Malis, Lingayat or Zmgr-wearing Malis generally of southern or 
Karnatak origin, and Jire or cumin-seed Malis. Brahmans generally 
have their lands tilled by hired labour, themselves superintending 



Chapter IV. 
Agriculture. 

HUSBANDMEX. 



1 Details about Fiftld-tools, Agricultural Processes, and Crops are chiefly taken from 
Mr. W. Fletcher's Deccan Agriculture. 
' From materials supplied by Messrs. J. G. Moore, C.S. and A. Keyser, C,S. 

B 1327—1 



[Bombay G-azetteert 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 
Agriculture. 

Husbandmen. 



and directing the workmen, but, in parts of Khed, and occasionally 
elsewhere in the west, BrAhmans have for generations worked their 
fields without the help of hired labour. V^nis are perhaps the 
only class who never till- with their own hands. They let their lands 
to tenants who pay them either in money or in kind. A large 
section of the landholders are Dhangars or shepherds by caste. 
Most Dhangars, besides tilling their lands, rear sheep and weave 
blankets, but some have given up rearing sheep and live entirely 
on the produce of their lands. Except the Haldya or turmeric 
Mdlis, no husbandmen grow only one crop. 

The uncertain rainfall over a great part of the district, the 
poverty of much of the soil, the want of variety in the crops 
grown, and a carelessness in their dealings with moneylenders, 
have, since the beginning of British rule, combined to keep the 
bulk of the Poona landholders poor and in debt. Between 1863 
and 1868 they suffered from the introduction of revised rates of 
assessment based on very high produce prices which were wrongly 
believed to have risen to a permanent level. To their loss from the 
fall in produce prices was added the suffering and ruin of the 
1876-77 famine. In spite of these recent causes of depression, the 
records of former years seem to show that except during the ten years 
of unusual prosperity ending about 1870, when great public works 
and the very high price of cotton and other field produce threw 
much wealth into the district, the mass of the landholding classes, 
though poor and largely in debt, are probably at present less 
harassed, and better fed, better clothed, and better housed than they 
have been at any time since the beginning of the present century. 
In the west, where famines are unknown and scarcity is unusual, 
the husbandmen are fairly off. But in Ind^pur and Bhimthadi and 
in parts of Sirur and Purandhar they have not recovered the distress 
and indebtedness caused by the 1876-77 famine. In 1876-77, 
a large area of land was thrown out of tillage and • the low price 
of grain during the two years ending 1882-83 has made it 
difficult for the landholders to recover what they lost in the 
year of distress.-^ At the same time the Mutha canals and other 
water-works, by introducing a variety of crops and fostering more 
careful tillage, have done much to enrich the landholders. As a 
class the landholders are hardworking, frugal, and orderly. Jut, 
except near Poona, whose market quickens their energies, they are 
slower and less intelligent than the landholders of most other parts 
of the Presidency. Their tillage is careless, at times even slovenly, 
and they fail to strengthen the land by deep ploughing, by change 
of crops, or by the sufficient use of manure. This is due to poverty 
forcing them to take all they can from the land, rather than to 
laziness or to ignorance of the value of suitable ploughing, of plentiful 
manure, of clean weeding, of fallows, arid of changes of crops. 
Their greatest want, and this with the spread of irrigation is more 



' In Ind&parjvdri sold at seventy-six pounds in 1881-82 and at sixty-two pounds 
in 1882-83. The corresponding average price during the twenty years before 1881-82 
was thirty-seven pounds. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



3 



and more felt, is manure. As there are almost no leaf-yielding 
forests, as grass is scarce, and as most of the straw-giving 
crops are millets whose stalks are valuable fodder, there is a great 
scarcity of stable-litter, and from the want of other fuel most of the 
cowdung is lost to the land. In 1837 Colonel Sykes thought the 
mixing of several grains and pulses in one field was one of the chief 
blemishes in the Poena tillage.^ More recent writers, including 
among them the revenue and survey oflBcers of the district, do not 
share Colonel Sykes' opinion. Over most of the district the chief 
danger against which the husbandman has to guard is a failure of 
rain. Millet may perish in a year in which the hardier and less 
thirsty pulse will thrive or at worst will yield a fair crop. If the 
millet succeeds it smothers the pulse and takes no harm. The 
mixing of crops has also the advantage of lessening the drain on the 
land by taking different elements out of it. 

In Poena all arable land comes under one or other of three great 
heads, jirdyat or dry-crop land, bdgdyat or watered land, and dvan or 
rice land. Dry-crop lands are divided into kharifor early and rabi or 
late. 'I'he early crops are brought to maturity by the rains of the south- 
west monsoon ; the late crops depend on dews, on watering, and on 
the partial fair-weather showers which occasionally fall between 
November and March. Early or ft/ian/ crops are sown in June and 
July and are reaped in September and October or November. In the 
Maval or wet and hilly west, whose staple is rice and whose other 
crops are the coarse or varkas grains vari, sdva, ndchni, and khurdsni 
the chief harvest is the early harvest. The exposure to the cold damp 
of the south-west rains severely tries the husbandmen of the west. 
But they are a hardy cheerful race and their labour is seldom made 
useless by a failure of crops or unprofitable from the want of a 
market. 

In the Desh or eastern plain, where the south-west rain is light 
and uncertain, the early or kharif harvest is less important than 
in the west. The chief early crops are spiked millet or hdjri mixed 
with the hardy tur and early Indian millet or jvdri. These are 
sown in late May or in June on the first sufficient rainfall. In 
good years they ripen in late September and October ; in bad years 
not till November. When the early crops are reaped in September 
and where the land permits, a second or dusota crop is raised. As, 
after October, rain rarely falls in the hilly west, except a little 
wheat grown on the eastern fringe, the late or rahi dry-crop 
harvest is of comparatively little importance. In the east of the 
district which is within the range of the north-east rains, the late or 
rabi harvest is more important than the early harvest. There the 
late crops are sown in October and November and ripen in February 
and March. They are chiefly shdlu and other cold-weather Indian 
millets and gram, lentils, and other pulses. 

^ The soil of the district is lighter in the west than in the east. It 



Chapter IV. 
Apiculture. 

Httsbandmbn. 



Seasons. 



Soils-. 



1 Eeport British Association (18,37), 324. 

'Mr. A. Keyser, C.S., aiid Captain H. Robertson (1821) iu East India Papers, 
IV. 565, 566. 



[Bombay Qazetteer, 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 
Agticultnre. 

Soils. 



belongs to three olassesj black or Mli, red or tdmbdi, and coarse gray 
or barnd. In some places each class of soil blends with the other 
in varying proportions and in turn is modified by sand, graTel, 
lime-salts, and other ingredients. The Uli soil is generally black 
or nearly black, and has sometimes a gray or a bluish tmge. It la 
commonly found in layers several feet deep. It belongs to the plain 
east rather than to the hilly west, and covers wide areas near rivers 
and large streams. In such places it is of great and uniform 
depth. It is sometimes injured by being mixed with lime nodules ; 
and, occasionally, from the action of water or the presence of 
mineral salts, it becomes stiff and clayey, which, except in years of 
heavy rainfall, much lessens its richness. Excellent black soil of 
small and varying depth, with its surface covered with black basalt 
stones, is found on tablelands. Black soils are richer than 
either red or coarse gray soils. The sun does not harden their 
surface but cracks and crumbles it, and as they keep their 
moisture longer than other soils they are the favourite land 
for late or rabi crops. They yield all the produce of the 
Deccan in abundance and are specially suited for the growth 
of wheat, gram, and sugarcane. Towards the west as the level 
rises the black soil shallows till in the waving slopes that skirt 
the hills it changes to red or gray. The black soil is of two 
kinds, the gaping black soil known as dombi and Jcevaldhds and 
the stony black called khadkal or dhondal. Though better than 
the stony black the gaping black soil is very thirsty and 
requires plentiful and constant watering to bring out its powers 
and keep them in action. If it is not continually drenched while 
the crop is growing the people say that the crops pine and wither. 
The stones in the stony black are said to make it firmer -and 
better able to hold water. This is the most valued land for the 
ordinary dry-crops whose supply of water depends on the local 
rainfall. This stony black is not so strong and as a rule is shal- 
lower than the gaping black. Being lighter the gaping black is more 
easily worked, but has to be ploughed oftener than the stony black 
and wants more manure. The best black soil yields year after 
year apparently without suffering though its powers might have 
become exhausted if it were not for the relief given by sowing a 
mixed crop. Other and poorer black soils occur mixed with sand 
and clay. The reddish or copper-coloured soils called tdmbat or 
tdmbdi are always shallower and coarser than the black. They 
are probably the ruins of the iron-bearing rOcks without the 
decayed vegetable element which deepens the colour of the black 
soils. They are often injured by a mixture of gravel, but when 
watered by frequent showers are generally well_ suited for the khccfif 
or early crops. The red soil is commoner and richer in the west than 
in the east. It has many Varieties, for it includes lands on the 
skirts of hills and other most barren soils. Red soil is generally 
rough and stiff and requires deep ploughing. The best red soils are 
found near Pd,bal, midway between Khed and Sirur, where also the 
ploughing is very deep. The red soil of Pdbal itself is very powerful, 
but requires great labour. It is a mixture Of sand with a Smaller 
quantity of clay. There are three varieties of red soil, pure red or 



DccoanJ 



POONA. 



nirmal tdmbdi, upland or nidljamin, and sandy or vaUd/ri jamin. The 

Eure red or nirmal tdmbdi is lighter and richer than the others and 
as perhaps a larger proportion of sand. The upland or mdl jamin 
is a reddish soil thick-spread over rock. According to its depth and 
the quantity of sand and friable stones it is of two varieties mdl murud 
that is plain red land and tdmbdi malsi that is hill red land. Sandy 
or valsdri jamin when deep enough yields fair crops. Higher up 
the slopes or covering the tops of the lower uplands of the eastern 
plain is the coarse gray or harad. It varies in colour from a light 
reddish brown to gray, is of a coarse gravelly or loose friable texture, 
and is greatly wanting in cohesion. It is decomposed basalt with a 
mixture of iron ore. It does not yield wheat, peas, or any late or 
cold-weather crops ; but in seasons of heavy rainfall spiked millet 
and the early pulses give a good return. When waste it bears 
nothing but scanty spear-grass. It does not occur in the hilly west. 
Qdvkhar pdndhari or white village soil is much like the coarse gray 
in colour, but is finer and is often of great depth. It is only found 
close to villages or on deserted village sites. Its special appearance 
is probably due to the manure which gathers on village sites and 
gives the soil a chalky character. It is a clean Hght soil and on a 
basis of black mould yields excellent crops, especially of tobacco. 
There are also patches of stiff clayey soil called shedvat that is white 
clayey or chopan that is clayey or loamy and of chiJmi or pure clay in 
which nothing grows. Clayey patches, black brown or white in 
colour, are generally found on the banks of rivers. A rare swampy 
or undrained soil of a clayey texture is termed shembat that is stony 
and upaZ that is sodden. A rich alluvial soil called dheli or kevtal 
that is soil left by the overflowing of rivers, ranges in colour from 
pale yellow to dark brown. It covers a limited area, but, partly 
from the vegetable matter it holds and partly because it is regularly 
strengthened by fresh deposits, it is the richest soil in the district. 
Near some of the larger rivers within flood limits is a narrow belt of 
land of no great value known as malai or vegetable land. In thd 
hilly west is a barren blackish soil called murmdd that is crumbly 
rock. It is very stiff and hard and is found mostly at the foots of hills 
wherever water lodges. Here and there in black and other rich 
soils spots yield wretched crops compared with the surrounding 
fields. These spots are called chunkhadi or lime-laden because 
limestone is always found near the surface. 

Of an area of 5347 square miles 5198 square miles or 3,327,283 
acres or 97"21 per cent have been surveyed in detail. Of these 467,884 
acres or 14"06 per cent are the lands of alienated villages. The rest 
contains, according to the revenue survey, 2,113,221 acres or 63'ol 
per cent of arable land; 272,271 acres or 8'18 per cent of unarable j 
21,107 acres or 0'63 per cent of grass or kuran ; 263,797 acres 
or 7"92 per cent of forest ; and 189,003 acres or 5'68 per cent of 
village sites, roads, and river beds.^ In 1881-82 of the 2,113,221 
acres of arable land in Government villages, of which 193,224 or 
9"14 per cent are alienated, 1,786,065 acres or 84*51 per cent were 
held for tillage. Of this 44,503 or 2-50 per cent were garden land. 



Chapter IV. 
Agriculture. 

Soils. 



Abablb Land. 



' The forest area has lately been increased to 422,400 acres or 661 square miles, 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



DISTRICTS. 



acres or 



27,674 acres or 1"54 per cent were rice land, and l,713,f 
95'96 per cent were dry-crop land. 

Though large holdings are found in many villages the holdings as a 
rule are small. They are also so divided among members of different 
families that the entries in the Government books are not a complete 
guide to the average size of a holding. In the hilly west, where the 
chief grains are rice, ndgli, and other coarse grains, which require 
great attention and labour, the holdings are generally smaller than in 
the east. In 1882-83, including alienated lands, the total number of 
holdings was 227,871 with an average area of about nine acres. Of 
the whole number, 86,193 were holdings of not more than five acres ; 
43,898 were of six to ten acres ; 45,359 of eleven to twenty acres ; 
30,677 of twenty-one to fifty acres; 11,340 of thirty-one to forty 
acres ; 7576 of forty-one to fifty, acres ; 2739 of fifty-one to one 
hundred acres; seventy-six of 101 to 200 acres ; thirteen of 201 to 
300 acres ; and one above 300 acres. More than 100 acres of dry- 
crop land is considered a large holding, fifty to 100 acres is consi- 
dered a middle-sized holding, and less than twenty-fiVe acres is 
considered a small holding : 

POONA HOLDINSS, 1882-83. 









■m 


m 




. 


d 


i 


i 


i 




































SnB-DivisiOK. 


1 


S 




Si 


S 


< 

o 


o 

3 


< 


< 


Total. 


Land 
Revenue 


Total 
Area. 








rH 


I-l 




r-l 




















to 


iH 












<M 


































£ 


Acres. 




21,048 


6004 


4152 


1594 


653 


191 


180 


20 


2 




32,844 


14,747 


221,761 


Khed 


27,624 


8316 


6829 


2052 


544 


139 


64 


6 


1 




45,474 


16,981 


283,824 


MSval 


8373 


6917 


4929 


4127 


3414 


5154 


1092 


2 


2 




34,010 


7631 


126,037' 


HaveU 


14,436 


13,925 


11,829 


9916 


1126 


105 


96 








51,430 


18,822 


261,286 


Sirur 


6022 


3726 


4832 


2150 


783 


119 


71 


6 


4 




17,719 


13,824 


236,212 


Purandhar 


3468 


2696 


3848 


2428 


621 


206 


119 


21 


3 




13,899 


9798 


166,216 


Bhimthadi 


3943 


2645 


7489 


6443 


2524 


760 


378 


21 


1 


1 


24,205 


23,461 


451,197 


Indipur 

Total .. 


1390 


671 


1451 


19G7 


1676 


901 


734 








8790 


10,646 


220,746 


86,193 


43,898 


46,359 


30,677 


11,340 


7576 


2739 


76 


13 


1 


227,871 


114,902 


1,967,278 



Stock, -^s in other famine districts farm stock considerably decreased in 

1876-77, and has not yet reached its former level. In 1875-76, the 
year before the famine, the stockincluded 21,857 carts, 63,629 ploughs, 
233,759 bullocks, 160,097 cows, 12,107 he-buffaloes, 45,765 she- 
buffaloes, 12,790 horses including mares and foals, 4932 asses, and 
342,081 sheep and goats.^ According to the 1882-83 returns the 
farm stock included 21,044 carts, 52,630 ploughs, 227,619 bullocks, 
144,949 cows, 12,084 he-buffaloes, 40,646 she-buffaloes, 11, 163 horses 
including mares and foals, 6745 asses, and 289,688 sheep and goats. 
The details are : 



1 Horses and asses, though almost never used for field purposes, are usually classed 
with agricultural stock. 



Deccau] 



POONA. 







POONA AORiaVLTUBAL Stock, 188S-8S 










Carts. 


Ploughs. 


. 




Buffaloes. 


h 


Sheep 










S. 






Sob-Division. 


. 




-■3 


s 


Cowa. 




^ 


-£ 


AND 


Abbes. 




.5 


r 


o 


o 

It 


p 






h 


P 


Goats. 




Junnar 


643 


1529 


4288 


3348 


27,481 


16,944 


2731 


6320 


906 


40,870 


866 


Khed 


883 


3234 


7436 


4849 


44,176 


31,664 


1946 


10,868 


1262 


19,409 


783 


MS,val 


22 


2066 


6213 


813 


16,623 


12,370 


2810 


4175 


293 


1927 




Haveli 


962 


6110 


4608 


4369 


34,046 


26,229 


1666 


8763 


2176 


21,169 


2140 


Sirur 


472 


1512 


1432 


4080 


27,296 


18,266 


617 


2188 


1484 


38,107 


736 


Purandhar 


257 


1093 


1540 


3017 


23,987 


13,883 


597 


364C 


1252 


31,267 


689 


Bhimthadi 


69 


2675 


625 


3434 


36,696 


18,618 


866 


2712 


2647 


83,786 


1015 


Ind&pur 


26 


1213 


780 


1608 


17,514 


8086 


1061 


2096 


1263 


63,163 


662 


2723 


18,321 


26,722 


26,908 


227,619 


144,949 


12,084 


40,646 


11,163 


289,688 


6746 



With four oxen a Kunbi will till some sixty acres of light soil. 
Sixty acres of shallowish black soil require six or eight oxen. Eight 
oxen can till some fifty acres of deep black soil, provided that in 
occasional years when ploughing is necessary the landholder is 
able to hire two more pairs of bullocks. With eight pairs of oxen, 
and the power where necessary of making use of two pairs more, an 
acre or two of the sixty might be kept under the lighter garden 
crops. Many husbandmen have much less than the proper number 
of cattle, and have to join with their neighbours before their fields 
can be ploughed . 

In 1881-82, of 1,786,065 acres, the whole area held for tillage, 
209,447 acres or 11-72 per cent were fallow or under grass. Of the 
remaining 1,576,618 acres, 18,740 were twice cropped. Of the 
1,595,368 acres under tillage, grain crops occupied 1,374,702 acres 
or 86' 16 per cent, of which 588,502 were under Indian millet, jvdri, 
Sorghum vulgare ; 557,807 under spiked millet, hajri, Penicillaria 
spicataj 60,524 under wheat, gahu, Triticum sestivum ; 52,365 under 
rdgi or ndchni, Elensine corocana ; 47,885 under rice, bhdt, Oryza 
sativa ; 32,342 under saya and -ycM-i, Panicum miliaceum and miliare; 
3844 under maize, makha, Zea mays ,• 1084 under rdla or Icdng, 
Panidum italicum; 397 undevlwdra or harik, Paspalum frumentaceum ; 
141 under barley, yav, Hordeum hexastiohon ; and 29,811 under other 
grains of which details are not given. Pulses occupied 86,919 acres 
or 5-38 per cent, of which 28,879 were under gram, harhhara, Oicer 
arietinum ; 13,065 undev kulith ov Iculthi, Dolichos biflorus; 12,851 
under tur, Cajanus indicus ; 3900 under mug, Phaseolus mungo; 
3519 under udid, Phaseolus radiatus ; 836 under peas, vdtdna, Pisum 
sativum; 836 under masur, Ervum lens; and 24,033 under other 
pulses. Oilseeds occupied 102,786 acres or 6'44 per cent, of which 
29,449 were under gingelly seed, til, Sesamum indicum ; 159 under 
linseed, alsM, Linum usitatissimum ; and 73,178 under other oilseeds. 
Fibres occupied 8382 acres or 0-52 per cent, of which 4565 were 
under cotton, hdpus, Gossypium herbaceum ; 1375 under Bombay- 
hemp, san or tag, Crotalaria juncea ; 18 under brown hemp, amhddi, 
Hibiscus cannabinus ; and 2424 under other fibres. Miscellaneous 
crops occupied 23,569 acres or 1'47 per cent of which 8089 were 
under chillies, mirchi, Capsicum fruteseens ; 5502 under sugarcane. 



Chapter IV. 
Agriculture. 

Stock. 



Plough of 
Latsu. 



Crops. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 
Agriculture. 

Field Tools. 



Plough. 



Seed-Dria. 



US, Saccharum officinarum ; 817 under tobacco, tambdkhu, Nicotiana 
tabacum ; and the remaining 9161 under various vegetables and 
fruits. 

The field tools are, the plough, ndngar ; the seed-drills, pdbhar 
and TOOgi^ad J the hoes, kulav, kulpe or joli, and phardt; the beam- 
harrow, maind ; the dredge or scoop, petdri ; and the cart, gdda. 

The ploug^h, ndngar or when small ndngri, is usually of hdbhul 
Acacia arabica wood. It contains five distinct pieces, the pole 
halas, the share or coulter ndngar, the yoke ju or shilvat, the tail 
rumane, and the handle muthya. These five parts are kept together 
by a leather rope, vethan, which passes back from the yoke behind 
the plough tail, and forward again to the yoke. To the share a 
moveable iron shoe or phdl is fixed by a ring called vasu. A large 
plough for stifE soil which works nine inches deep requires seven 
to ten yoke of oxen. In the light eastern Desh soils the plough 
requires only two yoke. In the west, where it is fit only for 
stirring flooded rice land and for breaking the surface after it has 
been softened by rain, the plough is light enough to be carried on a 
man's shoulder and one yoke of oxen are enough to draw it. The 
large plough is an efiicient implement passing under tho hard crust, 
turning the soil in great lumps, and exposing a large surface to the 
weather. It can be made to cut a deep or a shallow furrow by 
changing the angle of the share or coulter. The Kunbis manage the 
plough with considerable skill. One man can work a plough with 
two yoke of oxen turning them at the end of the furrow by voice 
alone. With a team of six or seven pair a boy is usually seated on 
the yoke of the third pair and hustles them, along with whip and 
voice. Each ox knows his name and obeys the boy's voice. The 
furrows are never straight and the field is usually ploughed crosswise 
as well as lengthwise. In the plain east, the plough is often left in 
the field when not in use, the iron shoe the ropes and the yokes being 
taken home. In the east, a plough with four separate yokes varies 
in value from 16s. to £1 (Es. 8-10). With yearly repairs costing 
about 3s. (Rs. IJ), a plough lasts for five years. In the west a 
complete plough costs 4s. to 5s. (Rs. 2-2^).i 

The seed-drill, pdbhar, is a model of simplicity and ingenuity 
and IS cheap and effective. It consists of two to four wooden iron- 
shod shares or coulters called phans, fed with seed through bamboo 
tubes from a wooden bowl or chdde into which the seed is dropped by 
hand. The whole is held together by ropes strained in different 
directions. It is drawn by two oxen. Gram and wheat are sown by 
a larger drill called moghad drawn by four oxen. Its tubes are larger 
and the shares or coulters stronger so as to pass deeper into the soil. 
It sows four to SIX mches deep to suit some of the cold-weather 



1 Mr. Shearer, the agricultural instructor in the Poona College of Science, has found 
that, by using an iron share instead of the heavy wood block, the native plough 
and" ™tHnV f r f '"^' v^^"; passing through the most caked and hardened surface, 
and cutting the roots of bushes which had formerly to be dug out by the hatchet 

rc'ost'of'''£l 5^ TI^'mT'^'TT "'^' ^* *^ T^'^^'^^P^ °^ the^CoUegJoTscience ai 
a cost ot £1 5s (Rs. 124). They have also been successfully copied by viUaga 
blacksmiths. Mr. Shearer to Collector of Poona, 105, 14th July 1882. 



Deccau.] 



POONA. 



9 



crops. Both the small and the large seed-drill are often used as 
harrows by removing the middle shares, the bamboo tubes, and the 
bowl. A drill costs about 5s. (Rs. 2^) and with care lasts foar or 
five years. 

The hoe, Iculav, is used for breaking the clods thrown up by the 
plough, for loosening the surface when the plough is not used, for 
removing weeds, for filling cracks or fissures, and for covering the 
seed. The hoe is two shares or coulters joined by a level cross iron 
blade or phds set obliquely in a wooden beam. A. pole unites it to 
the yoke and it is guided by an upright handle. When he wishes 
to work the hoe deep the driver stands on the wooden beam or lays 
heavy stones upon it. It requires only one yoke of oxen, costs 
about 7s. (Rs. 34), and lasts four or five years. The kulpe also 
called the joli is a weeding hoe. It is two iron blades or golis like 
a mason's square with their inward ends six inches apart set in a 
piece of wood to which the yoke is joined by a pole and ropes. It 
has two handles the rumane and the veski, the veski being a loose 
forked stick which is held on the top. It is drawn by two oxen 
and is driven so that the row of young plants passes through the space 
between the blades. The kulpe is often worked double, that is two 
kulpes are drawn by one pair of oxen. It requires much care in 
working, costs about 4Js. (Rs. 9), and lasts five years. The phardt is 
like the kulav, only its blade is longer, three feet six inches in length, 
and its woodwork is lighter. It is used to follow the seed-drill and 
cover the seed and is drawn by two oxen. It costs aobut 4s. (Rs. 2). 

The beam-harrow, maind or phdla, is a large beam of wood fitted 
■with a yoke and upright handle. It requires four oxen and two 
men to work it. It is used chiefly in high tillage to break clods and 
level the surface. It is also used after the wheat and gram are in 
the ground to press the soil, as pressed soil keeps its moisture longer 
than loose soil. It costs about 8s. (Rs. 4) and lasts many years. 

The scoop or dredge, petdri, is used only in rice lands. The 
bottom lip is formed by a plank three feet long to which the 
oxen are harnessed. A stout handle fixed into the middle of the 
plank sloping back forms a support to a series of bamboo slips laced 
together with string which rise one above the other about two 
feet six inches, presenting a curved sloping surface against which as 
the scoop passes through the ground the loose earth gathers. It is 
drawn by two oxen and costs about 3s. (Rs. 1 ^) . 

Up till 1836 the carts or gddds, of which there were very few, 
were cumbrous vehicles consisting of a large strong frame of wood 
supported on two solid wooden wheels over which the sides projected 
on props that rested on the axle outside of the wheels. The i;aves 
of the wheels were fitted inside with iron tubes in which the axles 
worked. These and the wheel tires were the only iron-work as the 
whole construction was held together by tightly strained ropes. The 
cart was used to carry crops, and with the addition of a large shallow 
basket to carry manure. It cost about £10 (Rs. 100) and was usually 
the joint property of three or four landholders. The axles being 
wooden often broke and new wheels and tires were tteeded-at -long 
intervals. With these repairs, the cart lasted, frgm generation to 
B 1327—2 



Chapter IV 
Agriculture 

Field Tools. 

Hoe. 



Beam-Harrow. 



Scoop. 



Carl. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



10 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture. 

Field Tools, 
Cart. 



Hand Tools, 



Plouohing. 



generation. Colonel Sykes mentions a cart called jang or jungia 
used for carrying manure. It was a common cart with, a basket 
of nirgundi, Vitex trifoliaj and tur, Cajanus indicus, stems tied to 
the top of it. In 1836 Lieutenant Gaisford, of the Revenue Survey, 
planned a new cart with high light wheels and a light body. The 
new carts were first made at Tembhurni in Sholapur and the 
craftsmen of the villages round were trained to repair them,^ At 
first very few landholders would buy the new carts. Afterwards the 
opening of roads which did away with the necessity of very heavy 
and massive carts, and the abolition of transit duties which made it 
possible to carry local produce to distant markets, increased the 
number of carts in Indapur from 291 in 1835-36 to 1165 or 300 per 
cent in 1865-66, in Bhimthadi from 273 in 1840-41 to 1011 or 270 
per cent in 1870-71, in Pd,bal from 754 in 1840-41 to 1304 or 73 
penoentin 1870-71, in Haveli from 1146 in 1840-41 to 2284 or 
99-30 per cent in 1871-72, and in Purandhar from 191 in 1843 to 578 
or 202 per cent in 1873, In spite of the opening of the railway, 
which greatly reduced the number of carts employed in long 
journeys, the latest returns show a total of 18,321 carts throughout 
the district. The present carts cost £6 to £8 (Rs. 60- 80) and hold 
ten to twenty hundredweights (16-30 mans). They are drawn by 
one pair of bullocks, and are chiefly made of bdbhul and teak wood 
by local carpenters. 

Besides the tools worked with the help of bullocks there are five 
hand tools : the pick, kudal, costing Is, (8 as.) ; the hoe, hhore, costing 
Is. to l^s. (8-12 as.); the sickle, khurpe, used for weeding and 
grass-cutting, costing 3d. to 6d. (2-4 as.) ; the billhook, koi/ata, used 
only in the west and carried behind the back in a wooden socket, 
costing Is. to 2s. (Re. |-1); and the rake, ddntdle, made of wood 
with, four or five broad teeth, used to gather chaff in the 
thrashing floor and in the west to gather grass and tree loppings to 
burn on the rice fields. These tools can all be easily bought in any 
village, and every Kunbi owns a fairly complete set worth about £2 
(Rs. 20) . A yearly charge of 6s. to 8s. (Rs. 3-4) keeps them in good 
order. If fresh tools are wanted the -Kunbi, if necessary, buys a 
tree, fells it, strips it, and hales it to the village. The carpenter 
fashions the tools, and the iron-work is bougbt from wandering 
blacksmiths. The ropes are made either by the Kunbi himself or 
by the village Mang from fibre grown in the Kunbi's field. ^ 

A field is not ploughed every year. In dry-crop lands thorough 
ploughing is rare. The usual practice both in the west and in the 
east is to plough the shallower black and light soils every other 
year, on the alternate years going over the land only with the 
hoe or kulav. Many deep heavy soils are ploughed not oftener 
than once in four or five years. In the in terval thehoe or perhaps 
the harrow is used. Early or kharif land is ploughed in December, 
January, and February, and the hoe is used to break the surface 
immediately before sowing. As the soil is lighter, the heavy eastern 
plough with six or eight pairs of bullocks is not required in the west. 



'Bombiy Government Selections, CLI, 33-34, 



Oeccan.] 



POONA. 



11 



A lighter plough with one or two pairs of bullocks is enough in the 
western plains, and on the steep hill-sides where a plough cannot 
work the shallow soil is loosened by the hand with a bent piece of 
wood tipped with iron. 

The Kunbi is very careful in his choice of seed. If his own 
crop is good he picks the largest and best-filled heads and keeps 
their grains separate as seed for the next year. The produce of 
special heads is often sold as seed and fetches half as much again 
as ordinary grain of the same kind. Vanis also keep good seed 
grain in stock which they advance to Kunbis, exacting fifty or a 
hundred per cent more in kind at harvest time. The sowing of the 
early or kharif crops begins in May or in June after the soil is well 
moistened by rain. In the plain country the seed is sown by the 
drill and covered by the long-bladed hoe or phardt which follows 
close behind the drill. When a mixed crop is to be sown one of 
the drill tubes is stopped and a man follows the drill, holding a 
horn-tipped tube fastened by a rope from which he sows seed in 
the furrow left by the stopped tube. This process is called moghane. 
In the west for the early or kharif crops a small plot is chosen, and, 
in March or April is covered a foot or so deep with cowdung, grass, 
leaves, and branches, which are burnt. In this plot, after a good 
fall of rain in May or June, the surface is loosened by an iron-tipped 
wooden hoe and the seed is sown broadcast and thick. In the 
course of a month when the thick-sown seedlings are about a foot 
high they are planted in irregular rows in patches of prepared land. 

The people understand the value of manure, but litter and cowdung 
p,re scarce and mineral and other rich manures are too dear to be 
Tised in the growth of the ordinary crops. In the plain part of the 
district east of P^bal, where the rainfall is scanty or uncertain, dry- 
prop land is seldom manured. This is partly because manure is scarce- 
and partly it is said because if the rainfall is scanty, manure does more 
harm than good to the crop. In the hilly west and in the western 
fringe of plain land where the rain is regular and plentiful, manure i-s 
carefully hoarded and used whenever possible. The quantity used 
seems to be regulated entirely by the supply. Even here m.anure is 
scarce and weak, merely wood-ashes and sweepings. In the case of 
watered crops, hemp or tag Orotalaria juncea, methi Trigonella foenum- 
grsecum, or khurdsni Verbesina sativa are sown and when about 
five inches high are ploughed and the land is flooded and left for 
twenty days. Md.lis or gardeners and all others who raise crops all' 
the year round are very careful to save every available particle of 
manure. In the land about Poona, which is watered all the year 
round, poudrette, the dung of cattle sheep and goats, stable litter, 
and refuse are used. The use of poudrette as a rule is restricted to 
a range of ten miles to the east of Poona along the line of the Mutha 
canals. Formerly there was a strong feeling against the import into 
a village of outside manure. This feeling has passed away, and 
manure is eagerly sought and frequently brought frpm long distances. 
The sewage of the cantonment and city of Poona, aftei? beipg buried 
for three or four months, is bought by the husbaiidmen of the .sur- 
rounding villages, and it has become a. recognized and allowed 



Chapter IV 
Agriculture 

Sowing. 



MANUKBi, 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



12 



DISTEICTS. 



Chapter IV. 
Agriculture. 

Manubb. 



Iebigation. 



Motasthal. 



practice for Kunbis to cart and handle this manure, which not many, 
years ago they held in horror. The manure is sold in the trench at 
about three carts or one ton for 2s. (Re. 1). In 1874-76, the year 
when the right bank Mutha canal was opened, the quantity of pou- 
drette turned out by the Poena municipality was 2220 cubic yards 
and the value realised was £76 12s. (Rs. 766) ; in 1881-82 the quantity 
turned out was 11,760 cubic yards and its value £3077 12s. 
(Rs. 30,776). Cowdung is used only by those who have stall- 
fed cattle or who are rich enough to buy it. As cowdung cakes 
are the fuel of Pooua most of the cowdung within twenty 
miles of the city is carefully stored, made into cakes, and sent in 
large cartloads to Poona where it is also used for burning the 
dead.^ In dry land and in watered lands in outlying towns and 
villages, cowdung, goat and sheep dung, stable-litter, and village 
refuse are the chief manures. The dung and urine of sheep are a 
valuable manure and owners of flocks are hired to graze their 
sheep in fields for two or three nights at a time. Dhangars 
usually wander from village to village in a regular yearly circuit, 
in the plains during the rains and cold weather, and in the west 
during the hot months. They are paid by the husbandmen to fold 
their sheep in their fields. In some places they get only their food, 
in other places where gardens abound as much as Is. or 2s. (Re. ^-1) 
is paid for one night of a hundred sheep. No chemical or imported 
manures are used, but the district officials are making experiments 
with bone-dust. 

Watered land is of two classes, motasthal or bag-watered) and 
pdtasthal or channel-watered. Well or bag inngation is of great 
importance in Indapur and other drought-stricken parts of the east. 

Wells used for irrigation are circular, eight to ten feet across and 
twenty to fifty feet deep. They are sometimes pitched with brick or 
stone and mortar, more usually they are lined with dry cut -stone, 
and frequently they are built only on the side on which the bag is 
worked. An unpitched well costs £10 to £20 (Rs. 100 - 200), a 
well lined with dry stone £25 to £50 (Rs. 250 - 500), and with 
brick or stone and mortar £40 to £200 (Rs. 400 - 2000). The 
water is raised in a leather-bag or mot, one half of which is two 
feet broad and is stretched open at the mouth by an iron ring, the 
other end is much narrower and is not stretched. A thick rope is 
fixed to the centre of two stout bars, which, at right angles to each 
other, cross the broad mouth of the bucket, and is passed over a 
small wheel some four feet above the lip of the water-trough or 
tkdrole where it is supported by a rough wooden frame. A second 
thinner rope is fastened to the small mouth of the bucket and 
passed over a roller which works on the lip of the trough. Both 
these ropes are fastened to a yoke drawn by oxen. The length of the 
ropes is so adjusted that the narrow half of the bucket doubles along 
the broad half and in passing up or down the well the two mouths are 



' Not even oowdung cakes, escape adulteration . There are two kinds of cowdung 
cakes the hunslien or pure cake and the vdlsheii or' mixed cake half earth and half 
cowdung, Mr. J, G, Moore, C.S. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



13 



brought on a level witli each other. When the full bucket reaches 
the top of the well the narrow mouth follows its own rope over the 
roller into the trough and allows the water to escape while the 
broad mouth is drawn up by its rope to the wheel four feet higher. 
The water-bag or mot is of two sizes, one measuring about ten 
feet from mouth to mouth and worked in deep wells and by four 
oxen, the other five to six feet and worked in small wells and by 
two oxen. The bag and its appliances cost about £1 10«. (Rs. 15).^ 
The bucket lasts ten or twelve months and the wooden work and 
the ring four or five years. The thicker rope lasts a year and the 
thinner rope six months. A six feet long bag on an average raises 
57 gallons and 3 quarts of water each time it is emptied. In this 
way a man and a pair of bullocks raise 2931 gallons of water in an 
hour or 20,517 gallons in a working day of seven hours. The same 
man with two buckets and two pairs of bullocks raises 41,034 gallons 
of water which at eight pounds to the gallon is equal to 328,272 
pounds Troy. 

In 1882-83, of 18,651 wells about 3203 were step-wells and 
15,448 dip-wells.^ A well generally waters one to thirteen acres 
and the depth varies from twenty feet in Haveli and Sirur to fifty 
feet in Junnar and Bhimthadi. The cost of building varies from 
£30 to £500 (Rs. 300 - 5000) in the case of a step-well, and from 
£10 to £200 (Rs. 100 - 2000) in the case of a dip-well. There were 
also 888 ponds or reservoirs : 

POONA WSLLS A.ND PONSS, 1882-83. 



SUB-DlVIBION. 


Wells. 


POSDB 


With Steps. 


Without Steps. 


Number. 


Depth 


Coat. 


Number. 


Depth. 


Coat. 


Junnar ... 

Khed 

MSval 

Haveli 

Binir 

Purandhar 

Bhimthadi 

IndSpur 

Total ... 


193 
466 

220 
600 
197 
36S 
855 
314 


Feet. 
50 
30 
30 
20 
35 
31 
40 
30 


£ 

30-100 
100-600 
60-90 
56-200 
50-110 
50-120 
70-90 
40-120 


3863 
2838 
275 
1329 
1819 
1689 
2618 
1227 


Feet. 
60 
20 
40 
25 
40 
33 
50 
35 


£. 

20-80 

2C-200 

30-80 

10-150 

40-90 

40-100 

60-70 

30-100 


483 
246 
77 
26 
11 
20 
26 


3203 


20-60 


30-600 


16,448 


20-60 


10-200 


888 



A class of people called Pdnddis, that is water-showers, who are 
generally Mardthas, Mhars or Grosavis by caste, are employed to 
point out where water will be found. They examine the soil and 
the adjoining wells and sometimes lie down with one of their ears 
to the ground to ascertain the flow of water below. The people still 
consult them though they are said to be less trusted than they used 
to be. The water-shower is paid a small fee in advance and a larger 
fee if water is found. 



Chapter IV 

Agriculture 

Iebioation. 
Motoithal. 



^ The details are : The leather part 16s. to £1 (Rs. 8 - 10), the iron ring Is. to 3s. 
(Rs. 1 - IJ), the upper or thick rope 1«. M. to 2s. (Re. f - 1), the lower rope about 
M. (4 as.), the wheel including its iron axle Is. 6<i. (12 as.), the roller from9rf. to Is. 
(6 - 8 as.), and the rough wood frame 2s. (Re. 1). 

''Of these 3105 were used in 1831-82 for drinking and washing, and 15,423 for 
watering the land. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



14 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture. 

Ireigation. 
Pdtaithal. 



govbenmbnt 
Water Works. 



Pdtasthal or diannel-watering from the great saving of labour is 
far more profitable tban well-watering. At the same time it is 
much less common as the number of sites with a sufficient head of 
water and command of land is limited. The chief channel water- works 
are across the Mina at Kusur, Vaduj, and Nd,r£yangaon, which 
water respectively twenfcy-five, seven ty-eightj and 367 acres of garden 
land. The Narayangaon work is of some magnitude, the irrigating 
channels being two miles in length. None of these last through the 
year; the supply in almost all cases fails in February or March. 
Where sugarcane and other twelve-month crops are grown the channel 
supply is eked out from wells. Except the Government canals, 
channel water- works on a large scale are hardly known. The majority 
of the dams or bandhdrds are built of mud, and are renewed every 
year after the rains. A masonry dam which commands 500 to 600 
acres and has cost £300 to £400 (Rs. 3000-4000) is considered a large 
work. The channels are not bridged, hedged, or otherwise sheltered, 
and the village cattle and carts cause much injury and waste. 
When the water in the river begins to fall below the level of the 
dam or channel head it is usual, if the distance is not great, to lift 
the water into the channel by a large wooden shovel or scoop hung 
by a rope at the proper level from a rough tripod of sticks. The scoop 
is swung to and fro by one or two men in such a way as at each swing 
to scoop up and throw a small quantity of water into the channel. 
This method does not raise water more than a foot or eighteen 
inches, but is useful when perhaps only one watering is required to 
complete the irrigation of a crop. The wells are the property of 
individuals, but the channel water is shared by all who originally 
built or who yearly rebuild the dam. The shares are portioned out 
in time, hours or days. This system of division by time works 
smoothly. The arrangement is superintended and regulated by 
one or more men called pdtkaris or channel-keepers who prevent 
disputes and keep the canals in working order. They are paid 
sometimes by grants of land and more often by small shares of 
garden produce. 

1 The chief water-works made or repaired by the British Govern- 
ment are the Mutha and Nira canals, and the Kdsurdi, Matoba, 
Shirsuphal, and Bhadalvddi reservoirs. Of these the Mutha and 
Nira canals draw their supply from the Mutha and Nira rivers 
which rise in the Sahyadris and have a never failing flow of water. 
The Md,toba reservoir is fed from the right bank Mutha canal; the 
remaining reservoirs entirely depend on local rain. No landholders 
are forced to make use of water. Landholders who wish to have water 
apply to the subordinate resident on the works, and, either at the 
time of asking or at some later time, sign a form showing for how 
long and for what crop water is required. At the end of the season 
the areas watered are measured by the canal stafE and the area 
and the charges sanctioned by Government are shown in a form which 
is sent to the Collector to recover the amount. The water rates, 



1 The Poona Water Works Account owea much to corrections and additions by 
Mr. W. Gierke, M.Inst.C.E., Executive Engineer for Irrigation, Foona, 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



15 



which are in addition to and distinct from the land rates, are fixed 
under the orders of Government on a scale which varies according to 
the crop for which water is required. 

Since the beginning of British rule the scanty and uncertain 
rainfall in the country to the east of Poona had caused frequent 
failure of crops and much loss and suffering. In 1863-64, a more 
than usually severe drought caused such distress that Government 
determined to find how far this tract could be protected from 
famine by water-works. The inquiry was entrusted to Captain, now 
Lieutenant-General, Fife, R. E., who, as small reservoirs were then in 
favour, spent the season of 1863-64 in surveying the district to find 
sites for storage lakes. In a report dated the 25th of February 1864, 
Colonel Fife submitted the result of his investigation. This ' 
comprised detailed plans and estimates for six small reservoirs at 
Kdsurdi where there was an old work, at Mdtoba, Khateka Durva, 
Kh^mbgaon, Bhddgaon, and Chutorlkur, all in Bhimthadi. Many 
other sites were examined and found unfavourable. His experience 
in this part of Poona satisfied Colonel Fife that small reservoirs 
were enormously costly and were open to the fatal objection that in 
any season of severe drought they would be useless as the streams 
that feed them entirely fail. He recommended that water should be 
led from the Mutha river by a high level canal starting from above 
Poona and extending to near Indapur, a distance of about a hundred 
miles. The Bombay Government agreed with Colonel Fife that 
small lakes were useless and that the only certain means of protection 
from famine was the water of rivers whose source is in the Sahyadris. 
The Mutha canal works were sanctioned, and the experience since 
gained, which embraces both river and lake works, leaves no question 
that Colonel Fife was right in holding that small storage lakes would 
fail to guard east Poona from famine.^ 

Of the water- works which have been made since 1 864 the chief 
are Lake Fife and the Mutha Canals. The final plans and estimates 
for the Mutha Canals scheme were submitted in 1868 and the work 
was begun in December of that year. The scheme included a large 
storage reservoir or lake at Khadakvasla on the Mutha river ten miles 
west of Poona, which has since been named Lake Fife.^ Prom 
Lake Fife two canals start, one on each bank of the river. The right 
bank canal was designed to be 99J miles long, but the actual 
completed length is 69^ miles ending in the village of Pdtas. 
The discharge at the head is 412 cubic feet a second and this can 
be increased to 535 cubic feet. The canal passes through the 
station of Poona. It was designed to command 230 square miles 
or 147,200 acres of land. As the complete design has not been 
carried out the actual area under command is 147 square miles or 



Chapter IV. 
Agriculture- 
Go VBENMBNT 
Watek Wokks, 



Mutha Canals. 



' Colonel, now Major-General, Strachey, then Inspector-General of Irrigation, 
expressed similar opinions with regard to Gujardt, Khindesh, and the Deccan. Mutha 
Canals Report, 14th February 1879. 

2 By placing the headworks on the Mutha river an unfailing supply of water was 
secured as the source of the Mutha is among the SahyAdri hills where there is a 
certain rainfall of about 200 inches. The suggestion to use the Mutha river water for 
irrigation was recorded by the Honourable Mr. Reeves in 1855. Mutha Canals 
Report, 14th February 1879. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



16 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 
Agricnlture- 

govbbnment 
^Vatbh Wobks. 

Mutha Canals. 



94^080 acres, the whole of which suffers from scanty and uncertain 
rainfall. 1 The left bank canal is eighteen miles long, passing 
a short distance beyond Kirkee. It commands an area of 3500 
acres and the full supply discharge at the head is 38*5 cubic feet 
the second. The area which the complete scheme commanded was 
thus 160,700 acres which by shortening, the right-bank canal has 
been reduced to 97,580 acres. Besides providing water for this 
parched tract of country, the work furnishes an abundant supply of 
pure drinking water to the city and cantonment of Poena, the 
Powder Works at Kirkee, and the numerous villages along the course 
of the canals.^ 



1 The details of the rainfall at six places on the canal during the three years ending 
1881 are : 

Mutha Canais Rainfall, 1879 ■ 1881. 





Month. 


Head-Works, Lake Fm. 


PooNA, IOth Mile. 


Ubcli, 35th Mile. 




1879. 


1880. 


1881. 


1879. 


1880. 


1881. 


1879. 


1880. 


1881. 




January 

February 

March 

AprU 

May 

June 

July 

August 

September 

October 

November 

December 

Total .. 


In. 
0-03 

3-48 
10-10 
5-74 
11-43 
1-13 
2-28 
0-61 


In. 

0-69 
0-24 
0-87 
8-61 
6-47 
63 
3-63 
4-34 
0-30 


In. 

0-45 
0-16 
1-12 
8 -56 
5-62 
2-32 
2-38 
0-29 


In. 
0-06 

7-71 
9-29 
2-87 
8-66 
2-45 
0-80 
1-71 

38-62 


In. 

0-20 
0-74 
0-64 
3-99 
4-03 
0-48 
7-24 
4-02 
0-89 


In. 

2-60 
0-04 
0-76 
9-95 
4-66 
2-34 
4-04 
31 


In. 

3-69 
4-16 
2-45 
3-69 
1-09 
2-37 
0-24 


■ In. 

0-64 
0-10 
0-10 
1-74 
1-01 
0-90 
4-09 
4-47 
0-57 


In. 

0-35 

320 

0-63 

2-06 

1-0 

3-38 

1-22 

0-28 




84-80 


24-68 


20-90 


22-23 


24-60 


17-69 


13-62 


12-01 



Month. 


KA'snani, 45th Mile. 1 


Kbdbaon, 60th 


Mile. 


Pa'tas, 76th Mile. 1 


1879. 


1880. 


1881. 


1879. 


1880. 


1881. 


1879. 


1880. 


1881. 




In. 


In. 


In. 


In. 


In. 


In. 


In. 


In. 


In. 


January 




















February 


0-03 










... 


0-04 






March 








0-04 


0-42 






0-19 




April 






... 










007 


0-16 


May 


2-64 


0-23 


0-69 


2-67 


0-72 


2-23 


4-29 


0-76 


1-32 


June 


4-60 


1-79 


0-44 


5-68 


2-28 


0-43 


9-41 


1-69 


3-63 


July 


5-28 


0-50 


1-68 


2-90 


0-80 


1-62 


4-57 


0-46 


211 


August 


3-37 


0-22 


1-24 


2-84 


0-09 


1-33 


6-06 




1-18 


September ... 


0-25 


2-15 


2-75 


0-08 


6-98 


4-99 


0-86- 


8-19 


4-89 


October 


1.36 


1-65 


2-37 


2-18 


2-40 


2-66 


2-38 


2-60 


1-84 


November ... 


0-12 


1-0 


0-61 


0-02 


3-77 


1-66 


0-85 


2-63 


2-00 


December 

Total .. 






... 






.., 








17-65 


7-44 


9-78 


16-41 


16-96 


16-06 


27-46 


16-63 


17-63 



2 The Poona Municipality pays £1000 (Es. 10,000) a year for the supply of about 
750,000 gallons daily delivered at the canal-bank. This supply is practically 
unlimited. Any excess is charged A^d. (3 as.) the 1000 gallons. The followingare 



Deoean.3 



POONA. 



17 



Lake Fife is formed by a masonry dam founded on solid 
rock. The dam is of partly coursed and partly uncoursed rubble 
masonry and is one of the largest works of its kind in the 
world. Exclusive of the waste weir which is 1393 feet long, the 
dam is 3687 feet long and rises ninety-nine feet above the river 
bed; the greatest height above the foundation level is 107 feet> 
The crest of the waste weir is eleven feet below the top of the dam. 
The contents of the reservoir are 4911 millions of cubic feet and the 
area of the water surface is 8536 acres or 5^ square miles. To gain 
sufficient elevation to command the station of Poena and the country 
beyond, the bed of the canals is fixed at fifty ■'nine feet above the 
river bed or bottom of the reservoir. The volume of water stored 
above the canal level is 3161 millions of cubic feet. At the site 
of the dam the river has a catchment area of 196 square miles. 
During an average season it is calculated that the reservoir will 
fill sixteen times. The canals are completely bridged and regulated 
throughout. The right-bank canal is navigable in the ten miles 
to Poona. In the tenth mile the water-supply for the city is 
drawn ofE. To avoid interfering with the buildings and the 
parade-ground, the canal is carried through the station of Poona 
in two tunnels. On leaving the first tunnel in the centre of the 
cantonment, there is a drop in the canal bed. By means of an 
undershot wheel this fall is used to drive pumps for raising the water 
for the supply of the cantonment into the settling tanks, filter beds, 

the results of analyses of the water made by the Chemical Analyser during the 
years 1878, 1879, and 1880 : 

Mutha -Canals Water, 1878 -1880. 



No. 1. Taken f r.oni the canal near 

head-works at 4 p.m. 11th 

Jane 1878. 
No. 2. Taken from the canal near 

St. Mary's Church, Poona, 10 

A.M. 12th June 1878. 
No. 3. Taken from dispense 

reservoirs at 10 A.M. 12th June 

1878. 

No. 1- Taken from the canal 
near head-works at 6 p.m. 20th 
March 1S79. 
: No. 2. Taken from the canal 
near St. Mary's Church at 6 
A.M. 21st March 1879. 
; No. 3. Taken from dispense 
^ reservoirs at 6 p.m. on 2l3t 
if March 1879. 

No. I. Taken from the canal 

near head-works at 6 p.m. on 

23rd January 1880. 
No. 2. Taken from the canal 

near St. Mary's Church at 6 A.M. 

24th January 1880. 
No. 3. Taken from the cana] 

from distribution pipe in Poona 

at 6 P.M. on the 24th January 

1880. 


so-s. c,-°; 


Ammo- 
nia. 


Albu- 

HXNOID 

Ammo- 

KIA. 


Rkmakks. 


Grains per 
(jrallon. 


Parts per 
Million. 


7-70 
6-8S 
6-60 


0-42 
0-42 
0-42 


0-16 
0-04 
0-06 


0'07 
0-06 
0-06 


Sediments. In Noe. 1 tad 8, small 
in quantity ; contain vegetable 
debris, paraniaoia, and rotifers. 
In No. H, very scanty, oniy 
vegetable debris ; no infusoria. 

Sediments. In No. 1 vegetable 
debris, paramacia. In No. 2 
the same but scanty. In No. 3 
vegetahle debris only. 

, Sediments. In Nos.l, 2, and 3 ; all 
scanty, chiefly vegetable debris 
with confusoria, diatoms, and 
paramacia; a few rotifers in 
No. 2. 


5-60 
5-25 
6-60 


0'42 
0-42 
0-42 


0-04 
0-04, 
0-02 


0-12 
0-12 
0-08 


4-20 
3-50 
4'90 


0-70 
0'70 
0-70 


0-05 
0-OS 


0-10 
0-11 
0-03 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture. 

goveenmbnt 
Watee Works. 

Mutha Canals. 



B 1327—3 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



18 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture. 

Government 
Water Woeks. 

Mittha Canals. 



and covered dispense-reservoirs of the high and middle service 
systems. From the canal itself low service mains and branches are 
led off. For irrigation beyond Poena there is provision for complete 
distribution. The total estimated cost of the. works, including the 
Poona water-supply and indirect charges, that is capitalization of 
abatement of land revenue leave and pension allowances and 
interest on direct outlay, is £937,436 (Rs. 93,74,360). The works 
were partly opened in November 1873. Enough of the dam and 
waste weir was completed to store the water of the lake twelve feet 
above the level of the canal sluices and the canal was nearly finished 
to Poona. At first water was supplied only for house purposes in 
Poona. In February 1874 it was made available for crops, the area 
under command up to Poona being 3040 acres. Before June 1874, 
the depth of " storage was increased to fourteen feet and the 
distribution arrangements in the station of Poona were begun, and 
with the exception of the high service distribution were completed 
during the two following years. By 1877-78 the depth of storage 
was increased to tWenty-five feet. The right-bank canal earthworks 
-were completed as far as the sixty-fourth mile, but water was 
admitted only as far as the forty-foUrth mile. By the fifteenth of 
January 1878 the eighteen miles of the left-bank canal were opened 
commanding 3500 acres, and the high Service distribution for water- 
supply to the station of Poona was completed. In 1879-80 the parapet 
of the^ dam at Lake Fife and the earthwork on the rear side of the 
dam were completed. The unfinished parts of the waste weir were 
raised by temporary earthen banks so as to impound water up to the 
full supply level, twenty-nine feet above the sill of the sluices. 
The masonry works on the right -bank canal were completed and 
water admitted as far as the sixty-fifth mile^ By 1882 the waste 
weir was completed with the exception of 500 feet at the west end, 
which was one foot below full supply level ; the masonry works of 
the seventh portion to Patas were completed and the whole of the 
69^ miles of the right-bank canal were made available for use, thus 
practically completing the work. The following statement compares 
the areas irrigated and assessed, and the actual revenue, working 
expenses, and net revenue during the nine years ending 1881-82 : 
MuTHA Canals Eeoeipts, 1873-188^. 



Year. 


Area 
Watered. 


Assessment. 1 


Water 
Rat^s. 


Town 
Water. 


other. 


Total. 


1878-74 

1874-75 

1875-76 

1876-77 ' ... 

1877-73 

1878-79 

1879-80 

1880-81 

1881-82 

Total ... 


Acres. 

44 

85 

732 

2034 

5361 

4913 

7319 

12,201 

8973 


£ 

16 
36 
803 
1187 
2276 
2899 
4996 
6534 
6079 


£ 

2300 
4034 
5277 
6538 
6860 
6124 
6680 
6990 


& 

21 

207' 

94 

56 

54 

39 

71 

119 

130 


& 
37 

2642 

4431 

6490 

8866 

8789 

11,190 

12,334 

13,199 


41,662 


23,274 


43,813 


790 


67,878 



I}eQC9>n.] 



POONA. 



19 



MwTBA Canals Receipts, t873 - 188^ 


— continued. 




Year. 


E.EOBIPTS. 


Chaebeb. 


Water 
Bates. 


Town 
Water. 


Other. 


Total.. 


Savings, 


Total. 




& 


£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


£ 


1873-74 






21 


21 




21 


4 


1874-75 


16 


637 


206 


7:69 


2618 


8877 


1474 


1876-76 


81 


2337 


95 


2S14 


1931 


4445 


1840 


1876-77 


269 


3266 


43 


3569 


1664 


6183 


2378 


1877-78 


1066 


10,931 


60 


12,0-56 


1S26 


18,38li 


3646 


187S-79 


2619 


6167 


89 


8716 


2046 


10,762 


4388 


1879-80 


3989 


6872 


69 


99S0 


2047 


11,977 


4468 


1880-81 


4323 


8799 


120 


11,241 


1768 


13,009 


S661 


1881^82 

Total ... 


7232 


6798 


131 


14,160 


1969 


16,129 


6583 

ao.ssi 


;9,494 


42,687 


7S4 


62,966 


16,269 


78,236 



The following statement gives a copiparisoii of tlie area watered 
and tlie rainfall during the same period : 

MuTBA Gaitals Irrioation and Rainfall, 1873-188^. 



Tbak. 


Irrigation. 


Eainfali. 


Early. 


Late. 


Total. 


At Poona. 


At Pa'tas. 


Early. 


Late. 


Total. 


Early. 


Late. 


Total. 


1873-74 . 

1874-75 

1876-76 

1876-77 

1877-78 

1878-79 

1879-80 

1880-81 

1881-82 


Acres. 

"i 

401 
288 
2496 
2226 
3332 
6966 
4466 


Acres. 

44 

84 

331 

1746 

28G6 

2688 

8987 

6235 

4617 


Acres. 
44 
86 

, 732 
20.34 
6361 
4918 
7319 

12,201 
8973 


In. 

26-00 

28-61 

33-19 

14-28 

14-31 

25-4 

23-27 

16-74 

17-61 


In. 
1-80 
6-27 
1-69 
062 
4-13 
6-61 
2 -.58 
4-91 
4-38 


In. 

26-80 
34-88 
34-78 
14-80 
18-44 
31-91 
26-86 
20-65 
21-99 


In. 

12-71 
22-61 
7-92 
6-97 
9-72 
22-00 
19-90 
10-34 
11-21 


In. 

1-47 
1-45 
4-49 
6 •36 
6-33 
3-68 
3-28 
6-23 
' 3-84 


In. 

14-18 
24-06 
12-41 
12-32 
16-06 
26-68 
23-13 
15-67 
16-05 



In 1880-81 the area watered was sixty-six per cent greater 
than in 1879-80. This was partly due to stort rainfall but 
mostly to the extension of distributing , channels. In 1880-81 the 
crops irrigated under the canals were cereals 8339 acres, pulses 967 
acres sugarcane 1966 acres, and other garden produce 929 acres. 
The irrigation rates at present in force belong to five classes with an 
acre charge on the first class of £1 to £2 10s. (Rs.10-25), on the 
second of 8.. to 10s. (Rs.4-5), on the third of 3s to 4s^ S'vi ' 
on the fourth of U. to Is. (4-8 as), and on the fifth of M. (6 »s.). 
After the opening of the Mutha canals the amount oi vegetables 
and green fruits booked at the Poona station rose from 4574 tons 
(128 094 mans) in 1871 to 7008 tons (196,236 mans) in 1876. The 
first effect of the opening of the canal was that the people gave up 
their wells and took to canal water. Of ninety-nme wells on the 
lands commanded by the canal by the end of 1876 sixty-five had 
ieased to be used. Since its opening the sowing of babhul seed and 
llie planting of trees along the banks of the canal have been steadily 
carried on In some places the trees have grown freely and the 
line of the canal is marked by a belt of green. Other places are too 
rooky for trees. Still year by year as the sowing of hakhul seed is 
aersevered with the breaks in the line are gradually becoming fewer 
Ind shorter. The Mutha canals project is in every respect the noost 
promising of the water-works yet undertaken in the Deccan. Ihe 



Chapter IV. 
Agriculture. 

GOVBRWMBNT 
WaTBK WpBKS 

Mutha, Canals. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



20 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 

Agricultare. 

govkknmbjtt 
Water Wqkks. 

Muiha Canah. 



2fira Canal. 



rapid spread of irrigation has been satisfactory, and there can be little 
doubt that it will ere long pay the interest on its borrowed capital. 
So much of the canal passes through crumbly trap or mururn that 
loss from leakage is serious and somewhat interferes with the original 
estimate of the area which the canal can water. Besides the direct 
receipts the canal confers many indirect gains on the cottntry through 
which it passes. Villages in which during the greater part of the 
year there was formerly a great scarcity of water have now an 
abundant supply for drinking and for cattle. 

A white marble tablet with the following inscription cut in black 
letters, and a companion Marathi tablet, have been let into the 
bridge by.which the right bank canal crosses the Sholapur road 
about thirty-eight miles east of Poona : 

V. B. ET I. 

THE MUTHA CAHAL 

Supplied by Iisike Fife situated 10 miles west of Eoona. , 

Extends to Patas, in tlie Bhimthadi Taluka. 

Its total leugtli is 69i miles. 



ffiie earth-works of this section, extending from 29 to 694 mileSr 

afforded employment for the people during the Famine of 

1876-77. 

On an average, 10,000 people of all ages were employed dail7 

for a period of fourteen months, 

the highest number on any one day being 21,000. 

The expenditure was Bs. 3,90,000 

on wages and csharitable relief, 

and the value of the work, executed was Ks. 2,17,000". 



The masonry works were subsequently completed, 
and water was admitted up to the 65th mile 
in September 1879. 
■William Gierke, M.lHst.C-E., Executive Engineer for Irrigation, Foona- 

B. B. Joyner, C. E., Assistant Engineer,, in immediate charge of the "Worka 

^ The Nira Canal is designed to irrigate the left bank of the Nira- 
valley and a part of the Bhima valley near the meeting of the two 
rivers, to supply towns and villages along the valley with water for 
household purposes wherever the wells are insufficient or brackish, 
and to utilize the water power that will be generated at the head- 
works and near the tail of the canal at Ind4pur. In 1S64, as part 
of his inquiry into the best means of protecting Bast Pooiaa from 
famine Colonel Fife, R. B., organised surveys of the Nira river. 
These surveys showed that by starting near Shirval about thirty-two 
miles south of Poona, a canal would reach the parts of Bhimthadi and 
Indi.pur which chiefly required water. Nothing further appears- to 
have been done tillJanuary 1868, when, in consequence of athreatened 
failure of crops, a committee consisting of Colonel Francis, Survey 
and Settlement Commissioner Northern Division, Mr. .J. E. Oliphant 

C. S., Collector of Poona, and the late Lieutenant Buckle, R. E., 
Executive Engineer for Irrigation, were appointed to consider what 
survey operations should be undertaken for irrigational works. 



1 Contributed by Mr. J. E. Whiting, M.A., M.Inst.C.E., Executive Engineer for 
Iriigation Nira Canal, 



Beooan.1 



POONA. 



21 



This committee reported tliat the tract most deserving of attention 
was the part of Inddpur whicli lies between the Bhima and the Nira. 
In this tract the annual rainfall was so uncertain and capricious 
that the crops frequently failed several years in succession ; it might 
with reason be termed a drought-stricken region. In these opinions 
Mr. A. F. Bellasis, C. S. the Eevenue Commissioner concurred 
and Mr. J. W. Hadow, C. S. Revenue Commissioner Southern 
Division, in forwarding Colonel Francis' report, speaks of Inddpur 
as having, a worse rainfall than almost any part of the Deccan or of 
the Bombay Karnatak. In consequence of these recommendations 
in 1868 the surveys of the Nira project were resumed by Lieutenant 
.. Buckle. At the close of 1868 the Mutha works required Lieutenant 
jBuckle's whole attention, and early in 1869 Mr. J. E. Whiting, M. A. 
M.Inst.O.B.j was appointed to the survey under Colonel Fife's 
Sorders. Detailed surveys for the canal alignment, the choice of the 
': site for the reservoir and the site for the canal head works, together 
: with the making of plans and estimates and writing the final report, 
occupied Mr. Whiting and his staff for two and a half years. During 
this period, in consequence of a severe drought, fifty per cent 
remissions were granted in forty-three dry- crop villages and twenty- 
five per cent in thirteen other villages of Indapur. The plans had 
been reviewed by the Chief Engineer, but further progress was 
stopped by order of the Government of India. Mr. Whiting was 
appointed Executive Engineer for Irrigation in Poena, and nothing 
more was done until the failure of rain in 1876. Towards the close 
of 1876 Mr. Whiting, with foar of the staff that had formerly helped 
in making the Nira surveys, was sent to recover the old line and to 
modify the plans so as to make the work suitable for famine relief. 
Early in .1877 earthworks were opened for gangs sent by the 
Collectors of , ShoMpur, SAtara, and Poena. The numbers rapidly 
rose from 6000 to 24,132 persons, who, with their sick and children, 
were employed or received relief on the Nira canal. Towards the 
end of 1877 as the famine was over relief-works were closed j but 
the high price of grain caused so much distress that for six months 
in 1878 relief-works had to be re-opened on the Nira canal and 
again on account of damage done to the crops by rats in 1879. The 
"relief-works were finally closed in March 1880. During twenty-six 
months they had given employment to an average of 8096 persons 
_ !' of all ages. Mr. Moore, C. S. Collector of Poena, Mr. Eichey, C. S. 
acting Collector, and Mr. Robertson, C. S. Revenue Commissioner 
:> Oftntral Division, urged the necessity of completing the works. 
Q Petitions from forty-six villages representing over 60,000 acres of 
'* land in Ind^ur were received praying for the early construction 
of the canal and promising to pay the water rates. The matter 
lii- was strongly -pressed by the Government of Bombay and their views 
were submitted by the Government of India to the Secretary of 
p:; State in August 1880. Sanction to comjplete the head-works and 
* the first thirty -five miles of the canal from ordinary funds was 
granted by the Secretary of State in November 1880. In 1881 the 
" , Government of India accorded sanction to the first two stages of 
i- : the Nira canal project as a protective work at an estimated cost of 
£415,000 (Es. 41i lakhs). Of this £80,000 (Es. 8 lakhs) liad been 



Chapter IV. 
Agriculture. 

Government 
Water Wobks. 

Mira Canal ' 



[Bombay Gazetteer; 



22 



DISTEIOTS. 



Chapter IV. 
Agricultute. 

Government 

Water Works, 

Nira Canal. 



spent. To complete the project funds were provided from' the 
grant for Prdtectiye Public Works and the execution of the project 
was entrusted to Mr. Whiting, Executive Engineer 1st Grade, Mr. 
J. H. E. Hart being Chief Engineer for Irrigation. 

The Nira canal lies along the left bank of the Nira river. 
It has a length of 103 miles exclusive of distributing' channels, 
and commands 280,000 acres of arable land in ninety villages 
in the Purandhar, Bhimthadi, and Inddpur sub-divisions. The 
works will furnish an uiif ailing supply of water to 106,500- 
acres. The Nira and its three Targe feeders rise in the Sahyddris 
and up to the canal head have a catchment area of over 700 
square miles. During the south-west monsoon, that is from mid^ June 
to mid-October, the' Nira continuously discharges far more water' 
than can be used in the canal. It has also in ordinary seasons a 
considerable flow to the end of December. To ensure the supply 
during the rest of the dry season very extensive storage works were 
required. A reservoir nineteen miles long and with an area of 7J 
. square miles, or nearly two square miles more than the area of Lake 
Fife, is to be formed on the Velvandi, a feeder of the Nira, atBhatghar 
near the town of Bhor by a masonry dam over 3000 feet long and 
over 100 feet high. This lake will have a capacity of 4641 millioDi 
cubic feet, which by the use of falling shutters designed . for the 
weir can be increased to .5500 millions. This gives a storage cost 
of £18 2s. (Rs. 181) per million cubic feet, a low rate compared 
with, the cost in other reservoirs. Twenty large under-sluiceg are 
provided to carry off the early silt-laden floods. The headworks of 
the canal are at Virvddi in Purandhar, nineteen miles further down 
the river, where a weir of concrete faced with rubble masonry 
forty-two feet high and 2300 feet long and backed by subsidiary weirs 
about half its height has been built across the Nira and the Vir near 
their meeting. This will raise the water to the full supply level in 
the canal, to which it will be admitted by large iron sluice gates. 
The supply basin above the weir will extend about eleven mfles %&^ 
Shirval, which is half-way between Vir and Bhatghar. After leaving 
Vir the canal crosses the old Sd^tdra road about two miles north of the 
Nira bridge and passes above all the larger villages in the valley. 
These are, Vadgaon at the 26th mile, B^orbale at tie 29th mile, 
Pandar at the 35th, Md,legaon at the 40th, Baramati at the 48th, 
Sansar at the 64th, Hdturne at the 76th, Shelgaon at the 81st, 
Gotundi at the 87th, and Nimgaon at the 92nd. Near Nimga.d#i 
the canal crosses the Water-shed above the town of Inddpur int©' 
the Bhima valley and ends at Bijavdi, at the 77th mile of the 
Poena and Sholdpur road. The Mutha right bank canal ends 
near the 40th mile of that road and the Shirsuphal and Bhadalvadi 
reservoirs with their distributaries have been constructed between 
the ends of the 'two cTiief irrigation canals. In addition to the Nira 
canal two large reservoirs have been designed, one just above the 
town of' Indapur and the other at Vadapuri near Nimgaon. These 
have little or no natural catchments, but will be filled from the 
canal during the south-west monsoon and will thus increase the- 
supply available during the dry weatber at the end of the valley ;_ 
most distant from the main reservoir at Bhatghar. A branch canal 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



28 



has also been proposed, whicli will leave the main canal near 
Pandar at the ^hirty-fourth milej and cross the river Nira at 
Kamleshvar in order to water the drought- stricken sub-division of 
MUlsiras in ShoMpur on the right bank of the valley. These extra 
works and the necessary widening of the canal will probably be 
undertaken only if famine breaks out afresh and if employment is 
again required for the relief of neighbouring sub-divisions or if the 
demand for water under the canal exceeds the supply available from 
the first two stages, namely the BhAtghar reservoir and the present 
canal. 

In many places the hilly nature of the ground has made the course 

■ of the canal winding. In several cases, as at Korh^le, MAlegaon, 
and Nimgaon, rocky spurs have been cut through to avoid long 
detours. At those places the cuttings are thirty -five feet deep at 
the centre and half a mile long. Many lai'ge watercourses had also 
to be crossed so that twenty aqueducts, ninety-four culverts, and 
nine over-passages had to be constructed. Of the watercourses 
the largest is the Karha, which drains 440 square miles and has a 
steep and generally rocky bed. The canal crosses it at the forty- 
fifth mile near BArdmati by an aqueduct of thirteen spans of thirty 
feet and twenty-three feet headway. This is probably the most 
favourable crossing in India of a large and dangerous torrent by an 
aqueduct. The over-passages are of somewhat novel design and 
appear like huge inverts over which the streams are passed while 
the canal runs underneath, through double galleries arched across. 
In two of the over-paSsages, one near Vadgaon and one at 
Pandar, the inverts have a span of ninety feet. There are thirty- 
seven road and accommodation bridges and several foot and cattle 
bridges. Most of the aqueducts and culverts have been made so as to 
allow carts or cattle to pass under them, so that on an average there 
is some crossing provided at about every half mile of the canal. 
First class bungalows have been built at Bhatghar, at Virvddi, and 
at Baramati, and smaller bungalows at the Nira bridge, Vadgaon, 
Pandar, Sansar, HAturne, Gotundi, and Tarangvadi. The popula- 
tion of the valley has greatly decreased of late years, but the soil 
is generally good and capable of maintaining a much larger popula- 
tion than it now supports. It is expected that the first fifty-two 
miles of the canal will be opened so as to utilize the Nira water in 
the monsoon of 1884. There can be little doubt that when the 
valley is protected from drought capital will flow into it and enable 
, the people to utilize the water to the utmost. It is hoped that this 
canal, whose primary object is to protect the area under command 
from the effects of drought, will ultimately develope a net revenue 
more than enough to cover the interest on the outlay. 

A white marble tablet with the following inscription cut in black 
letters and a companion Marathi tablet have been set at the canal 

f'headworks twenty miles east of Bhatghar : 

V. B. BT I. 

THE NIEA CABTAL. 

Designed ifor tfte irrigation of the lands of 90 villages. 

On the left bank of the Nira Eiver. 

Comprising a oulturable area of 437 sauare miles. 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture. 

Government 

Water Works 

Nira Canal. 



tBombay Oa^etteey, 



S4 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculttire. 

Government 
Water Works. 

NWa Canal. 



Is 103 miles in length, excluding branches, 

Its supply is rendered perefinial by a storage lake at Shatghaif 

on the Velwandi river, 20 miles west of this^lace. 



Reservoirs. 
Kdaurdi. 



lidtoha. 



The canal was commenced for the employment of the people 

during the Famine in 1876-77. 

For twenty-six months an average of 8096 persons of all ages were employed, 

the highest number in any one day being 24,132. 

The expenditure was Rs. 7,56,873 on wages and charitable reliefi 

The value of the work executed was Es. 6,00,365. 

On the cessation of the distress caused by the Famine and subsequent 

period of high prices, the works were suspended in March 1880. 

They Were resumed'in January 1881, 
and the canal was first opened for irrigation in 1884. 
3. E. "Whiting, M.A., M.Inst.C.E., Executive Bngitleer, JSTira Oahal.i 

At Kd.surdi in Bhimthadij twenty^four miles east of Poona, at a cost 
ot£1182 8s. (Rs. 11,824) a reservoir was made in 1838 under the 
advice of tlie Revenue Oommifesibner Mr. Williamson. In 1843, the 
whole of the earthen embankment was washed away, but the masonry 
was unhurt. Its restoration was begun by the irrigation department 
as a famine relief work in 1864, and it was completed as an ordinary 
work when the necessity for relief ceased. It is a small reservoir, 
dependent for its supply on the local rainfall over an area of six square 
miles. It was finished to test the value of reservoirs which depended 
for their supply on local rainfall. The restored reservoir holds 14| 
millions of cubic feet of water and is furnished with two distributing 
channels commanding 585 acres. The work was finished in 1869 
and the pond was filled for the first time in August of that year. 
The total cost was £4749 12s. (Rs. 47,496), ttat is at the rate of £8 
(Rs.80) on every acre under command. From 1869 to 1883 the supply 
has been most uncertain. In some years the reservoir has filled j 
in others it has remained almost dry. The irrigation rates at present 
in force are the same as those sanctioned for the Mutha canal beyond 
the eight mile radius from Poona, Bdbhul s6ed has been sown below 
the embankment and has thriven fairly. A few trees of other kinds 
have also been planted. As this work depends for its supply on a 
restricted area in a tract of very uncertain rainfall, the results can 
never be satisfactory. 

In the village of Pimpalgaon in Bhimthadi, twenty-eight miles east 
of Poona, near the railway station of Yevat, a reservoir called Matoba 
after a neighbouring temple of Matoba or Matakmal, was made in 
1876-77. The reservoir is designed to store the surplus waters of 
the right bank Mutha canal and water the land between it and the 
Mutha-Mula river. At full supply level it has an area of 470 acres 
and a capacity of 229 millions of cubic feet. The site was chosen 
and surveyed by Colonel Fife, R. E., in 1863, when examining the 
best means for irrigating the country east of Poona. As the Mntha 
canal project was undertaken the scheme for the Matoba reservoir 



1 Mr. Whiting mentions the names of Messrs. E. Behrman, assistant engineer, D. 
Henry and BAvji Trimbak sub-engineers, Rokmiji NArAyan, supervisor, ana Ganesh 
Jan^rdan and Niriyan Vishnu overseers. The chief contractor was a N4gar Brahman 
of Surat named NavtamrAm UttamrAmJ 



SeceauJ 



POONA. 



25 



was laid aside. In 1876-77, when famine relie? works were started, 
the Executive Engineer for Poona, Mr. Gierke, revised the plans and 
estimates and recommended the project because as the Mutha right- 
bank canal passes close above the site of the lake it would form an 
auxiliary to the canal, whose surplus waters might during the south- 
west monsoon be stored for use in the dry season. The work was 
begun in December 1876 and completed almost entirely by famine 
labour in August 1877. The reservoir is formed by an earthen dam 
6095 feet long and forty-eight feet in greatest height. The full 
supply level is nine feet below the top of the dam. The waste weir 
on the left flank of the dam is 600 feet long. The outlet whose 
level is ten feet above the bottom consists of a masonry culvert 
under the dam where it abuts on the right flank and three twelve- 
inch iron sluice valves of the ordinary pattern in use for water- 
supply mains. These valves are attached to lengths of pipes set in 
concrete at the inner end of the culvert and are worked by iron 
rods laid along the dam slope. The main distributing channel is 
11^ miles long and is capable of discharging twenty-six cubic feet 
a second. It has a main branch to' the village of Pimpalgaon which 
again divides into two branches of a total length of six miles. Of 
8550 acres under command, 3600 acres are in Pimpalgaon, 2900 
in Delavdi, fifty in Khatbai, and 2000 in Pargaon.' The catchment 
area is only ten square miles and the average rainfall under twenty 
inches, but with the aid of the surplus water from the right bank 
Mutha canal the monsoon demand for water can be supplied and the 
reservoir can always be left full in October when the south-west 
monsoon closes. A regulating bridge is built across the Mutha canal 
at the 49|th mile from Poona by which the water in the canal can at 
any time be turned into the reservoir. From the fifth of August 
1878 water from the Mutha canal began to be available. The 
irrigation rates at present in force are the same as those sanctioned 
for the Mutha canals beyond the eight mile radius from Poona. For 
a length of four miles the boundary of the land taken for the reservoir 
is fenced with aloe. The margin above the water level has been 
sown with bdbhul seed, which at the upper end has grown remarkably 
well. 

A white marble tablet with the following inscription carved in 
black letters and a companion Mardthi tablet have been set at the 
west end of the dam : 

V. B. ET I. 

THE MATOBA TAWK 

Designed for storing surplus water from tlie Mutha Canal 

and irrigating the tract of land lying between 

the Tank and the Mutha-Mula Kiver 

Has an area of 470 acres and a capacity of 

229 millions of cubic feet. 



B 1327- 



The earthworks of the dam were oommenoed for the 
employment of the people 
during the Famine of 
1876-77. 
For eighteen months they afforded employment for, 
on an average, 3100 people of all ages, 
the highest number on any one day being 8800. 
-4 



Chapter 17. 

Agriculture. 

Government 

Watbb Woek* 

Eeservoira. 

Mdioba. 



[Bombay Gasetteer, 



26 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture. 

Government 
Water Works. 

Eeservoirs. 
Shirsuphal. 



The expenditure was Ks. 1,98,000 

on wages and charitable relief, 

and the value of the work executed was Bs. 1,40,000. 



The Tank was completed 

and opened for irrigation in October 1878. 

■WilUam Gierke. M.Inst.C.B., Bx'ecutive Engineer for Irrigation, Poona. 

One and a half miles above the Bhimthadi village of Eavangaon, 
fifty miles east of Poona, on the Rotimal, a small feeder, is the 
Shirsuphal reservoir called after the village of that name three 
miles further up the stream. The reservoir was designed to water 
the lands on the left bank of the Rotimal. At full supply it has 
an area of 834 acres and a capacity of 367 millions of cubic feet. 
In January 1877, when it became necessary to provide work for 
the destitute people of East Poona, plans and estimates were 
prepared by Mr. Gierke the Executive Engineer for Irrigation. 
Work was begun in February 1877 and finished in October 
1878. The dam is of earth, 2200 feet long and fifty-three feet 
in greatest height. The full supply level is eleven feet below 
the top of the dam, and the outlet level is eleven feet above the 
bottom of the reservoir. The waste weir channel, which is on the 
right flank of the dam, is 300 feet wide. The outlet, a masonry 
culvert under the dam where it abuts on the right flank and three 
twelve-inch iron sluice valves, is of the same pattern as that described 
for the Md,toba reservoir. The canal leading from the reservoir 
is 12J miles long, with a fall of three feet a mile and a dischargmg 
capacity at the head of thirty cubic feet a second. Of 4500 acres 
under command 800 are in Rd,vangaon, 1500 in Kharki, and 2200 
in Ohincholi. The catchment basin has an area of twenty-three 
square miles, with an average rainfall of eighteen to twenty inches. 
The reservoir fills only during years in which the rainfall is 
considerably above the average, but the additional storage capacity 
admits of the supply of favourable years being stored for use in 
years of short rainfall and thus ensures a large average supply. 
In 1880-81 the irrigated crops were cereals 661 acres, pulses 5$ 
acres, sugarcane 4 acres, garden produce 4 acres, and condiments 
14 acres. The water rates at present in force are based on the 
classified lists sanctioned for the Mutha canals. There are five 
classes with an acre charge on the first class of £1 (Rs. 10), on the 
second of 8s. (Rs. 4), on the third of 4s. (Rs. 2), on the fourth of 2s. 
(Ee.l), and on the fifth of 8s. (Rs.4). The margin of the reservoir 
above the Une of full supply has been fenced with aloe and^sown with 
Idbhul seed, but owing to the stony soil the hdbhul has not done 
well. Bdbhul seed sown below the dam has thriven remarkably 
well and now forms a belt of good-sized trees. As the rainfall on 
the catchment is very uncertain the supply of water is precarious 
and in some years the irrigation has to be much restricted; this is to 
be regretted as the holders of the land commanded by the reservoir 
have shown themselves anxious to obtain a supply of water. 

A white marble tablet with the following inscription cut in black 
letters and a companion Marathi tablet have been set at the west 
end of the dam : 



Dsccan] 



POONA. 



27 



V. K. ET I. 

THE SHIBSUPHAL TANK. 

Designed for th.e Irrigation of tlie lands lying 

on the Left Bank of the Botimal BTala, 

Has an area of 834 acres and a capacity of 

367 millions of cubic feet. 



^The earthworks of the dam were commenced for the 

employment of the people 

during the I'amine of 

1876-77- 

For sixteen months they afforded employment for, 

on an average, 2400 people of all ages, 

the highest number on any one day being 9000- 

The expenditure was Bs. 1,58,000 

on wages and charitable relief, 

and the value of the work executed was Es. 1,45,000. 



The Tank was completed 

and opened for Irrigation in October 1878. 

"William Gierke, C.E., Executive Engineer for Irrigation, Poena Division. 

In the Indapur village of Blid,clalvd,dij on a feeder of the Bhima, 
about sixty-four miles east of Poona, the Bhildalvadi reservoir was 
begun asia relief work in the famine of 1876-77, and finished and 
opened for irrigation in May 18S1. It was designed to water the 
lands of the villages of Daluj and Palasdev. At full supply it has an 
area of 335 acres and a capacity of 222 millions of cubic feet. It is 
formed by an earthen dam 2725 feet long and fifty-five feet at its 
greatest height. The drainage area above the dam is twenty-three 
square miles. During the five years ending 1882-83 the average 
rainfall has been 21'53 inches. The waste weir on the left flank is 
400 feet long with a crest eleven feet below the top of the dam. 

A white marble tablet with the following inscription cut in black 
letters and a companion Marathi tablet have been set at the north 
end of the dam : 

V. B. ET r. 

THE BHADALVADI TAIiTK 

Designed for the irrigation of lands in the villages 

of DaluJ and Palasdev. 

Has an area of 335 acres and a capacity of 

222 millions of cubic feet. 



The earthworks of the dam were commenced for the 

employment of the people 

during the Famine of 

1876-77- 

For twelve months they afforded employment for, 

on an average, 1600 people of all ages, 

the highest number on any one day being 5400. 

The expenditure was Es. 54,000 

on wages and charitable relief, 

and the value of the work executed was Es. 48,000. 



The Tank was completed 

and opened for Irrigation in May 1881. 

William Gierke, M.Inst.G.E.,> Executive Engineer for Irrigation, Poona. 

The outlet, which is on the right flank of the dam, is of similar 
construction to those described in the Mdtoba and Shirsuphal reser- 
voirs. Its sill is thirty-five feet below fall supply level. From it a 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture. 

govbenmbnt 
Water Works 

Reservoirs. 



Bhddalvddi, 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



28 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture. 

Government 
Water Works. 

Beservoirs. 



ICdtraj. 



Pdtaa. 



Supa. 



Pdshdn. 



canal or distributing channel, with, at the head a discharging capacity 
of fifteen cubic feet the second, is led 6^ miles along the right bank of 
the stream. The area under command is 1900 acres. A distributing 
channel heading from the same outlet in the left bank of the stream 
is also projected. Its length will be 3J miles and it will command 
1100 acres. The work was opened in 1881. The irrigation rates 
are the same as those mentioned under the Shirsuphal reservoir. 

Besides these works designed for irrigation, there are two large 
reservoirs at Katraj and Pdshan and two more at Pdtas and Supa. 
The Patas and Supa reservoirs were made as relief works during the 
1876-77 famine. 

In the high land about two miles to the north of the Katraj pass 
and about six miles south of Poena is the' Katraj lake, which was 
built in 1750 by Peshwa BAlaji Bajirdo. It covers an area of 5^ 
acres and has a dam of rubble masonry 1000 feet long and forty feet 
high. It holds water all the year round and has a greatest depth of 
forty feet. The water is used only for drinking. Masonry conduits 
lead to Poena where there are cisterns or hands in different parts of 
the town. 

In the Bhimthadi village of Patas, about thirty-seven miles east 
of Poena, a reservoir was begun as a famine relief work in January 
1877 and finished in 1879. It is a small reservoir with a full supply 
area of forty-six acres, a capacity of fifteen millions of cubic feet, 
and a catchment area of three square miles. The earthen dam is 
2900 feet long and twenty-nine feet in greatest height. The waste 
weir is 170 feet long and is seven feet below the top of the dam. The 
total cost was £3400 (Rs. 34,000). The site is very unfavourable 
and the cost is out of proportion to the capacity of the reservoir. Its 
only use is to provide water for house purposes and cattle in" the 
village of Patas. It was carried out only to afford relief which was 
urgently needed. 

About one mile north-west of the Bhimthadi village of Supa and 
thirty-five miles east of Poena, ttie Supa reservoir was beigun as a 
famine relief work in November 1876 and finished in 1877. An 
earthen dam is laid across a gap in an old embankment thrown up 
from the excavation of a small pond many years old. The total cost 
was £220 (Rs. 2200). This is a trifling work useful only for cattle. 
It was carried out solely to relieve distress in the immediate 
neighbourhood. 

On a feeder of the Mula in the village of Pashan six miles 
west of Poena a reservoir was made in 1867-68 at a cost of 
£16,700 (Rs. 1,67,000) to furnish water for the station of Kirkee 
and Government House, Ganeshkhind. It is formed by an earthen 
dam 2750 feet in length with a greatest height of fifty-two feet. 
The waste weir is 400 feet long and its crest is ten feet below 
the top of the dam. The full supply area of the lake is 163 acres. Its 
available capacity is seventy-three millions of cubic feet, and the 
catchment area is sixteen square miles. The water is led from the 
reservoir in a ten-inch cast-iron main which goes through the 
Government House grounds, by the cantonment of Kirkee, on to the 
Powder Works. The water is fully distributed in Government 



IDeccan.] 



POONA. 



29 



House and in Kii-kee barracks and cantonment. It was of great 
use before the left bank Mutha canal was made. 

There are two modes of weeding, by a sickle or hhurpe which is 
generally practised in hill-lands, and by a small hoo or Itulpe. 
When the crop is six inches higb, to clear it of weeds^ the small boe 
or kulpe is usually used twice at intervals of ten to twelve days. 
The hoe is drawn by two muzzled oxen and is driven so that the 
row of springing crop passes through the space between the blades. 
It is often used double, that is one pair of oxen draw two hoes. 
The uprooted weeds are gathered and are either thrown away or 
left to rot on the spot. Besides lessening the drain on the soil, 
weeding loosens the soil and enables it to take in and hold more 
moisture. The crop roots have free scope and the plants grow 
vigorously. If weeding is neglected the surface grows hard and 
crusted and the water failing to soak in washes away the particles 
of soil. Cold-weather crops seldom want weeding, as the ground is 
both too carefully cleaned and too dry to yield any large supply of 
weeds. Malis are the cleanest weeders j Kunbis, especially in the 
east, are careless. 

From the time the grain forms, to drive off birds the crop is watched 
from a wooden shed called mala generally set on a platform or in a 
tree about ten feet from the ground. The watcher, who is generally 
a boy, shouts and throws stones from a sling called gophan. 

When ripe the crop is either reaped by the sickle or vila or pull- 
ed up by the roots, and bound in sheaves. It is carried in carts 
to the thrashing-floor or khale and stored there till it is dry. The 
largest and best filled heads are separated and their grain kept for 
seed. In the sowing season this seed grain realizes half as much 
again as ordinary grain. 

The crops are taken in carts to the thrashing-floor or khale. The 
thrashing-floor is made in the hardest part of the field or sometimes 
near the village site, by wetting and beating the ground till it is hard 
and smooth, and then smearing it with cowdung. An upright post 
or tivda is set in the centre and a sheaf of the crop is tied to the 
top of the post. In the case of Indian millet or jvdri and spiked 
millet or bdjri the heads of grain are broken off by women and 
thrown round the central post five or six inches deep ; of wheat and 
- rice the whole plant is thrashed ; and of math, mug, and other pulses 
sometimes the whole plant and sometimes only the stalks are thrashed. 
Six, eight, or more muzzled oxen are tied to the pole, half on one 
side half on the other, facing opposite ways, and driven round and 
round treading out the grain. Tur pods and barley heads are beaten 
against a log of wood so that the grain falls on the floor. 

The grain is winnowed from the chaff with the help of the wmd. 
The chaff is filled into baskets which are handed by one man to a 
second man who stands on a high three-legged stool called. vdvd%, and 
empties the basket slowly with a shaking motion. The heavy gram 
falls the light grain and chaff are blown aside. A man at the toot 
of the stool sweeps the chaff from the edge of the grain with a 
small broom called hatni. To cleanse it still further the gram is 
afterwards passed through a sieve or chdlan. 



Chapter IV. 
Agriculture. 

Weeding. 



Watohino. 



Rbapinq, 



Thbashino. 



WlNNOWINO. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



30 



DISTRICTS. ■ 



Chapter IV. 
Agricnltare. 

Stoking. 



Mixed Sowings. 



Wood-ash 
Tillage. 



Rotation. 



In the east grain is often stored in underground chambers or 
pevs. Grain is also often in the east and always in the west stored 
in large cylindrical baskets called kanings or kangis made of 
nirgundi or tiir twigs and smeared inside and out with cowdung. 
The surface of the grain is also thick plastered with cowdung and the 
basket is covered with a conical thatch roof. In the west^ the baskets 
stand at some little distance in front of the house for safety from 
fire, with a few loose stones under them to keep out white ants. In 
the east they usually stand in the veranda of the house. 

In the lighter eastern soils as many as six grains may be seen 
growing together year after year. A field with one crop is seldom 
In the May or June sowings bdjri, tur, ainbddi, gingelly seed, 



seen. 



rdla, mug, and shdlu jvdri may all or almost all be seen together. 
In the late crops, safflower is almost always mixed with the staple 
crop gram or shdlu jvdri. Linseed is sown in rows with gram and 
wheat. The practice of mixed sowings arises chiefly from the poverty 
which dares not risk the total failure of a single crop. It was fostered 
by a custom which prevailed under former Governments of attaching 
the staple crop until the assessment was paid. In such a case the 
Kunbi could still make something out of a mixed crop. 

Wood-ash tillage, called dalhi or kumri, is confined to the hilly 
west. The word dalhi is taken from the small hill-side plots or 
dalhds where none but hand tools can be used. The spots 
cultivated are often extremely steep. Operations are begun in the 
cold weather by felling the brushwood and small trees and lopping 
the branches of the larger trees. At the end of the hot weather 
the dry branches are burnt and the ground is at once cleared and 
manured. After rain has fallen the soil is loosened with the hand 
■hoe or kudal and the crop is planted or sown as the case may be. 
Khurdsni, ndgli, sdva, vari, and kodra or harik are the crops. 
Tillage is generally continued for five years beginning with khurdsni 
and endiug with kodru. The subsequent fallow lasts ten to fifteen 
years. This form of tillage was never practised except by Kolis, 
Thakurs, and other half -wild tribes. It is now confined within very 
narrow limits. 

Rotation of crops is not unknown though the practice of mixed 
sowings robs it of half its value. In the lighter soils jvdri and bdjri 
mixed as above alternate, the plough being used after jvdri on the 
borders of the west, and after bdjri in the east. Bdjri is often 
grown three or four years ranning ; jvdri is seldom repeated so 
often as it takes more out of the ground. In the heavy deep soils 
cold-weather millet or shdlu jvdri is grown for several years 
running, relieved sometimes by a crop of gram or wheat. Where 
wheat is the staple late crop it alternates with gram, but is not 
grown year by year. In the west the rotation in early or khariflariAs 
is more elaborate. Fallow land is ploughed and sown mthkhurdsni 
the first year, -wifhtidgli the second year, and with vari, sdva, rdla, 
bhddli, or kodru the third and fourth years. In the fifth year 
khurdsni is again sown and the land is left fallow for four or five years. 
The land is ploughed before each crop, but, except in the ndgli and 
vari seed beds no manure is used. This course of crops is sometimes 



Deccau.] 



POONA. 



31 



cut short by sowiBg Ichurdsni in the third year succeeded by the fallow. 
It is also occasionally prolonged a year or two with similar crops, 
khurdsni being always the last. Under the most favourable 
circumstances the rotation in gardens lasts three years. The course 
begins in July with tag or hemp. Hibiscus sativus, a crop which 
requires water about once in fifteen days. In October, after the 
larger plants have been picked and set aside for rope-making, the 
rest is ploughed into the ground as manure. The laud is then 
flooded and left for twenty days, when it is ploughed twice and 
prepared for sugarcane. When the cane begins to sprout veil pulse 
is sown. The sugarcane is cut in the following March, the leaves are 
lopped on the spot and burnt as soon as they are dry, and the land 
is flooded. The land is ploughed with shallow furrows and vdl is 
sown as fodder. The vdl is taken up before July when the land 
has to be prepared for kamod rice. The rice is sown in July and 
cut in December. After two or three ploughings wheat is sown 
and cut in the end of April. The land is now ploughed and lies 
uncropped till July when perhaps earthnuts are planted and dug 
up in October. This order is liable to many changes according to 
the varying qualities of soil, water-supply, and the circumstances and 
opinions of the husbandman. Som'etimes methi, that is Greek grass, 
or khurdsni are ploughed into the soil instead of tdg or hemp, and a 
four-year or even a five-year rotation is followed. In well-watered 
lands a three-year rotation is not common, for, in addition to the 
expense of well irrigation, the water-supply lacks the power supplied 
by the combination and co-operation which are distinctive of canal 
watered lands. 

In the plain parts of the district land is sometimes left fallow, but 
it is a question how far husbandmen leave plain land fallow simply 
for to rest it. The fallow in wood-ash or dalhi land is certainly 
with the object of resting the land and lasts ten to fifteen 
years. 

1 The moderate climate and fertile soil of the Poena district offer 
every inducement to gardening. Yet the area under gardens is not 
large. Of late near Poena the best garden soil to a great extent 
has been given to the less troublesome and very profitable cultivation 
of sugarcane. This land will probably remain under sugarcane 
until-it is exhausted of soluble silicates when it will doubtless be 
given to garden crops until it is again fit to bear sugarcane. 
The best garden soil is a dark brown friable loam lying on loose 
open trap rock. In such positions, if walls have been built to keep 
the soil over three feet deep, and water is available, it bears excellent 
crops of cabbage, cauliflower, beet, cucumber, radish, spinach of 
several kinds, and other nutritious vegetables, and custard apples, 
pomegranates, oranges, guavas, mangoes, plantains, and other 
fruit. Another very similar soil is found on river banks. This is 
also a dark-yellow or brown loam but its particles are finer and 
in consequence it is sometimes apt to hold too much water and to 
stick in hard lumps. Its situation makes it liable to floods, and it 



Chapter IV 
Agriculture. 

EOTATION. 



Fallows. 



CrARDENING. 



1 Mr. G. M. Woodrow, Superintendent Botanical Garden, Poona. 



[Bombay Gazetteer) 



32 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 
Agriculture. 

Gardening. 



contains a very small proportion of lime. Still on tlie wliole it is an 
admirable soil, specially suited for popai and plantain trees and 
flowering shrubs, and if it is some height above flood level is 
excellent for orange and mango trees. The black soil overlying open 
calcareous marl is also a valuable garden soil. With liberal manuring 
and watering it bears first-rate vegetables and flowers, but is less 
suited to fruit trees as they are apt to run to wood. 

In preparing the soil even in market gardens the native . plough is 
the favourite tool. When drawn by four pairs of willing oxen, 
and when the furrows cross and recross and pass as deep as fifteen 
inches below the surface, the native plough is remarkably efiBcient. 
Though it is costly to work it can be used during many days on which 
European and American ploughs must remain idle. A stout hoe, or 
pdvde and a small weeding-hook or Jchurjpe almost complete the 
list of market garden tools; while in ornamental grounds the pick, 
rake, Dutch hoe, pruning shears, budding knife, watering pot, 
syringe, lawn-mowing machine, and other tools may be seen in 
use. The spade is seldom employed. The soil is so sticky when 
wet and so hard when dry, that the spade cannot often be used 
with advantage. In watering a garden plot the ground is laid out 
in ridges about fifteen inches apart and ten inches high, and the 
hollow between is flooded. The ground is also arranged in flat beds 
about ten feet by ten feet divided by one ridge or by a pair of 
ridges. The pair of ridges forms a water channel ; and the single 
ridge separates one line of beds from the next lino. The quantity 
of water given weekly averages in dry weather eighty tons the acre 
to plantains ; sixty tons to cabbage, cauliflower, and other quick- 
growing garden crops ; and forty tons to rose trees and similar crops. 
According to the age of the plant and the nature of the soil five to 
fifteen days pass between the waterings. 

The chief garden manure is the ashes of cowdung cakes mixed 
with goat's dung and vegetable refuse. When kept in a pit so 
that it may be moist and yet not have its soluble constituents washed 
away by rain, this is an excellent manure and is applied to all garden 
crops. Poudrette prepared by mixing fresh nightsoil with dry 
cowdung and wood-ashes has of late come into general use. It 
is specially suited for quick-growing leaf or root crops such as cab- 
bage, cauliflower, potatoes, plantains, and sugarcane, and for maize 
and flowering plants which require regular watering. Cowdung 
mixed with vegetable refuse which has been kept moist until it is 
well decayed is -perhaps the safest and most generally useful garden 
manure. If the cattle are fed with oil-cake or grain it is particularly 
rich ; in any case it is safe and gentle and can be used without fear 
of ill effects. Dried fish and castor-oil cake are also used for garden 
crops of rapid growth and are especially profitable when applied to 
cabbage, cauliflower, beet, and sugarcane. 

The best seed-sowing season is about the end of June ; the heavy 
rains with which the south-west monsoon bursts are over, and the 
air is cooled to a temperate warmth. At this season green fly and 
other insect pests abound, and so much care is required to protect 
young cabbage and cauliflower plants that their sowing is generally 



Gardhnino. 



Deccan.] 

POONA. 33 

putoff till August or September. Beans, teet, brinjals, carrots, celery, Chapter IV 
cress, knol-kohl, lettuces, mustard, onions, parsley, peas, radishes, Aericulture 
spinach, and tomatoes among vegetables; and asters, balsams, 
convolvulus, nasturtium, pinks, phlox, and many other flower seeds, 
and the seeds of all local trees or trees belonging to districts 
with a similar climate may be sown about the end of June and 
repeated at intervals for succession up to September. In th^ 
hot air of October good seed often fails. November and December 
are the proper seasons for sowing lucerne and asparagus, for 
planting potatoes, and most of the vegetables and flowers in the 
previous list ; also for larkspur and mignonette. In February and 
March several kinds of melons are sown in river-beds where water 
is near the surface. In April, early crops of beet, celery, cucumbers, 
knol-kohl, lettuce, spinach, and tomato are sown. In sowing at 
this season great care must be taken to provide proper shade and 
moisture. If complete shelter from the impending burst of the south- 
west rains is available the April sowings may be repeated in May 
and annual flower seeds be sown in pots in moist shady places. 
Sweet-smelling flowers are grown to a large extent in market 
gardens. Amongthe commonest kinds are roses, jessamines called jdi 
and mogra, the tuberose called gulchhabhu, chrysanthemums or sAevfa's, 
and oleanders or haners. In rearing these flowers the chief rule is 
to keep the plant growing. With this object, as soon as one crop 
of flowers is gathered, the plants are pruned to within a few buds 
of the old wood, manure is dug in between the plants, and if 
the weather is dry the ground is watered. By this treatment three 
crops of flowers are raised in the year, but the plants soon grow 
weakly and have to be replaced, and the flowers are smallJ Michelia 
champaca son chdpha, Plumieria acuminata chdpha, Tagetes Marigold 
jhendio, Canna indica Jcardali, and Pandanus odoratissimus 
kevda are also grown as market flowers. The list of vegetables 
includes nearly all the chief kinds known in Europe. Several 
fine spinaches are raised from pokla Amaranthus, pdlak Chenopodium, 
methi Fcenumgrsecum, and ambddi Hibiscus cannabinus. A large 
white radish or mula is grown for its roots, and the pods of the 
bhendi Hibiscus esculentus are a favourite crop. The chief fruit 
trees are the custard apple, pomegranate, fig, grape, mango, jdmbhul, 
hor, and orange. The betel-leaf ipdn Piper betel is also grown in 
large quantities. 

Among the commonest ornamental plants are allatnanda, alocasia, 
beaumontia, begonia, bignonia, bougainnillea, caladium, convolvulus, 
cnpresses, ferns, geranium, gesnera, hibiscus, nelumbium, nymphea, 
palms, poivrea, quisqualis, rose, and tabernoemontana. 

The art of grafting by buds called handi, and grafting by 
enarching or kalam are practised to a limited extent. The better 
kinds of rose, orange, pomelo, and bor may be budded at any time 
during the rainy or pold season if the sap is flowing freely. 
Enarching or grafting by approach is employed to propagate 
the finer kinds of mango, guava, and bor. The true graft, that 
is uniting a branch entirely removed from its parent tree on to a 

B 1327—5 



[Bombay Gaxetteer, 



34 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. separate tree, is occasionally practised during November^ to improve 

Agri^ture. mango trees. 

Gardening. '^^^ ^^^ °^ *^® pruning knife is well understood. In pruning the 

rule followed in most cases is to cut back the shoot that has borne 
flowers or fruit to within a few buds from the base, and to i-emove 
weakly and decaying branches. Flowering shrubs of all kinds, 
the vine, and the fig tree are regularly pruned by cutting back the 
branches which have fruited. Other fruit trees are kept free from 
unsound wood. 

The moving of small plants which can be guarded from strong 
wind and from the sun is carried on during the rainy season with 
success. To move large shrubs or trees the best time of the year ia 
between November and January. In spite of the dryness of the 
cold season large trees can be moved more easily in Poona than in 
Europe. 

Crops. The following are the chief details of the leading local field and 

garden crops.-' Of cereals there are thirteen : 



1 The following interesting statement was prepared by Captain Robertson, the 
first Collector of Poona in 1821. It shows the chief products of the district, the 
proportion each bore to the whole outturn, and the times of sowing and reaping : 



Pio- 
Tpor- 



Poona Crops, 18S1. 



I^AME. 



Udid 

Mug 

MatM 

Mdla 

Sdva 

Jvdri 

T%tr 

Bdjri 

Rice 

Ndchni or Ndgli 

BhdOK '.'.', '.'.'. ".'. 

Vari 

Shuimug 

Wheat 

Gram 

VdtdTia 

Maswr 

Math 

Hulga or Eulith 
Sugarcane ... „'| 
Sweet Potatoes ... 
Onions and Garlic 

Chillies !! 

Betel Leaves 

Eaduvdl 

Carrots - [^ 

Kautti 

Barley 

Tobacco [ 

ChavUiAmMdijEardai, 
Pdvte, Alshi, Cotton. 



Sown, 



May -June 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 
June -July 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 
Septemher- October 

Do. 
October - November 

Do. 
June -July 

Do. 
June and January 
All the year 
January and August 
June -July 
July -August ... 
April -May 
October - November 
May -June 
October - November 
June 



Reaped. 



August - September, 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 
October. 
Do. 
Do. 
October - November. 

Do. 
September - October. 

Do. 

Do. 
December. 
February - March. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
November. 

Do. 
After twelve months. 
After five months. 
April and December. 
January - February. 
July - August. 
July - August. 
January - February. 
September - October. 
February - March. 
November - December. 



East India Papers, IV, 575. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



PooNA Cereals. 



35 



No. 


MARi'THI. 


Enolish. 


Botanical. 


1 
2 
3 
i 
5 
6 

r 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 
13 


BdjH 

Bdrti 

Bhddli 

Bhdt 

Qdhu 

Harik or Kodru, 

Jvdri 

Mdklca 

Ndgli ox Ndchni 

Sdia 

Sdtu 01 Jav 

Sdva 

Vari 


Spiked millet 

Rice '.'.'. '.'.'. ... 
Wheat 

Indian millet 

Indian corn or maize ... 

Barley ,'.'.' 


Penioillaria spicata. 
Paspalum scrobiculatum, 
Panicum pilosum. 
Oryza sativa. 
Triticum aBstivum. 
Paspalum frumentaceum. 
Sorghum vulgate. 
Zea mays. 
Eleusine coroeana. 
Panicum italicum. 
Hordeum hexastichon. 
Panicum miliaceum. 
Panicum miliare. 



1. Bdjri, Spiked Millet, Penioillaria spicata, in 1881-82 covered 
557,807 acres, 116,306 acres of them in Sirur, 108,599 in Junnar, 
107,856 in Klied, 82,159 in Bhimtliadi, 81,283 in Haveli, 32,840 
in Purandliar, 24,136 in Inddpur, and 4648 in M^val. Bdjri with 
jvdri is the staple crop of the district. It is grown all over the 
district but in small quantities in the hilly west of Junnar, Khed, 
Md,val, and Haveli. It is a finer grain than jvdri and requires 
more careful tillage. There are three varieties of bdjri which can 
hardly be distinguished except by the initiated, gari or early, an 
inferior variety maturing in three and a half months ; hali or late, 
a finer variety taking longer to mature; and sajguri, a quickly 
maturing variety with a smaller grain and grown chiefly under water. 
Bdjri is sown in June or July usually in shallow black or light 
gravelly soils mixed with rdla a coarse grain, math a pulse, ambddi 
hemp, til sesamum, and tur a pulse. These grains are mixed in the 
following proportions : bdjri 32, rdla 1, math 4, ambddi 2, til 1, and 
tur 4. In rich soils tur is commonly sown in alternate rows with 
hdjri and in poor soils a small legume called hulga or kulith 
Dolichos biflorus is always sown. A brown mould partly of red 
and partly of black soil is considered best for the growth of bdjri. 
Two to two and a half pounds of the mixed seed is sown to the acre, 
the better the soil the less the seed. Bdjri is seldom watered or 
manured. It depends less on the soil and more on the rain than 
jvdri. It never yields so large a crop as jvdri and where both 
can grow jvdri is always chosen. Bdjri wants more ploughing, 
manuring, and weeding than jvdri. When the crop is four or 
five inches high the weeds and grass are cleared. A timely fall in 
August favours the growth of bdjri, but, especially in shallow soils, 
too much rain settles at the roots and rots the stalks. Bdjri is 
harvested in October and November, and from mid-October to mid- 
February the crops grown with it ripen, first the panic rdla, then the 
pulse math, then the hemp ambddi, then the sesamum til, and last 
the pulse tur. The average yield of bdjri on different unwatered 
soils in good and bad years is 300 to 400 pounds. The green ears 
are parched and eaten under the name of limbur ot nimbur. The ripe 
grain is sometimes parched and made into Idhis. Bdjri is chiefly 
used as a bread grain, being kneaded with salt into round cakes 
about five inches across and half an inch thick. It is not liked by 
the working classes, but is the favourite food of the upper classes 
especially of the people of Poona. The stalks called sarmad 



Chapter IV 

Agriculture 

Crops. 
Cereals, 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



36 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture. 

Crops. 
Cereals. 



are given to cattle^ but unless trodden into ciafE are held inferior to 
almost all other fodder. 

2. Bdrti commonly barti,^ Paspalum scrobiculatum or flavidum, 
is grown almost entirely in the east of the district, usually in separate 
furrows in fields of bdjri. It is sown in June and July, and, without 
water or manure, ripens in October. The grain, which is white and 
round, is about the size of bdjri, and grows on crooked finger-like side 
shoots which stand out at distinct intervals from the main stem of 
the ear. The grain has to be pounded to separate the husk, and is 
usually boiled and eaten like rice. It is much esteemed by the poor 
and is said to be most wholesome. 

3. Bhddli, Panicum pilosum, is grown almost entirely in the east 
of the district and usually in the same fields as btyri. It is sown in 
June, and, without water or manure is reaped in October or November. 
Bhddli is ranch like red rdla and is sometimes confounded with it. 
It is larger, grows well in poorer soil, and the ripe ear is reddish 
brown and^ bristly, while the ripe rdla is smooth and of a pale yellow. 
The grain is unhusked by pounding. It is eaten by the poor, chiefly ' 
in the east. It is sometimes boiled and eaten whole, and more 
rarely ground to flour. The straw is used as fodder. 

4. Bhdt,^ Rice, Oryza sativa, in 1881-82 covered 47,885 acres, 
21,104 of them in Haveli, 14,990 in M^val, 5998 in Khed, 4169 in 
Junnar, 1489 in Purandhar, 102 in Inddpur, and 33 in Bhimthadi. 
It is the chief product of the west lands or Mdvals, and is sometimes 
found in moist places in the eastern plain. About eleven kinds of 
rice are grown in the Poona district. One kind, kamod, the best rice 
in the district was brought by Dr. Gibson from Kaira in 1842. It 
is grown as a channel- watered crop. Four kinds, dmbemohar, kdle, 
rdybdg, and rdjdval, are sown in late May in manured seed-beds, 
planted into wet fields in July- August, and reaped in late October. 
Five poor sorts, chimansdl, dodke,holambe, kothimbare, and varangal, 
are generally sown broadcast or by drill in poor rice-fields or on 
high-lying ground in June and reaped in September.^ Much the 
greater part of the Poona rice is grown under the planting system. 
In March or April a plot is chosen for the seed-bed either in the 
rice field itself or on higher ground close to the field and ploughed 
once and levelled. Cowdung, grass, and leaves are spread on the 
ground, a second layer is added of branches and brushwood covered 
with grass, and fine earth is sprinkled over "all. These layers of 
cowdung, brushwood, and grass are called rdb.^ In early May the 
brushwood is fired on the leeward side to ensure slow and thorough 
burning and the ashes remain guarded from the wind by the upper 



1 Bdrti is said by Coloael Sykes to be the same as kodru or harik Paspalum fru- 
mentaceum. Inquiry in different parts of the Deeoan satisfied Mr. Fletcher that the 
two are different. 

2 The Mardthi names of rice in its various stages are the seed bhdt, the seedlings 
rop, the plants dvan, the planted rice bTidt, the husked seed tdndul, the straw pendAa 
or bhdte, and the husk to which the grain clings konda. 

' Bom. Gov. Eev. Rec. 1453 of 1843, 79. 

■•The chief difference between rdb and dalhi, the two forms of wood-ash tillage, is 
that in dalhi the bushes are burnt where they grow and in rdb they are brought from 
somewhere else. 



Deccau ] 



POONA. 



37 



layer of earth. After the first rain in June the seed is sown 
broadcast and covered by the hand-hoe or hudal. In July, when 
five or six inches high, the seedlings are pulled up, tied in small 
bundles, and taken and planted by hand in the rice-field in bundles of 
four to six plants. This planting is expensive. To plant about 110 
acres (150 bighds) is a day's work for 150 men. The planting of rice 
takes longer than the planting of ndchni and vari as in the case of 
these coarser and hardier grains it is enough to throw the plants on 
the ground. Rice-fields, which are called hhdchars in Mardthi, are 
formed by throwing earthen banks across the beds of water-courses or 
lines of drainage, by holding back the muddy deposit, and controlling 
the supply of water which during the rainy months comes from 
the higher lands. The best rice soil is a bright yellow deepening 
to black as the quality declines. At the same time the yield of rice 
depends as much on the plentiful and constant supply of water as 
on the character of the soil. Once in two or three years, to prevent 
their silting, rice-fields are three or four times ploughed in opposite 
directions. The clods are broken with the kulav and the peiari 
is then used to clear the loose soil out of the bottom of the field, 
and heap it on the bank. In June and early July while the 
seedlings are getting ready for planting, the flooded rice-field is 
ploughed and trodden by oxen into a mass of soft slushy mud. 
Fifteen days after planting, when the seedlings have begun to 
shoot, their dead leaves are plucked off by the hand. As the planting 
is usually done during pouring rain and in deep mud the head and 
back of the planter are always shaded by a water-tight shell made 
of wicker-work and teak leaves called virle or pdnghongadi, and a 
stool or tivas, whose seat and bottom are two parallel planks separated 
by a single leg of wood, is used to sit on. After the planting is over 
the water is kept standing in the field at a certain depth till the crop 
ripens when it is allowed to dry. Between September and November 
planted rice is reaped with the sickle or vila.&nd carried as cut and 
laid on the bank lest the ripe grain should be injured by lying on 
the wet ground. In eight or nine days a man and his wife can cut 
about four acres (5 bighds) of rice. As the whole crop should be 
carried and stacked before the grain dries labourers have to be hired 
to carry the sheaves to the thrashing-floor. To separate the husk 
from the grain rice has to be pounded or ground. Except where it 
is grown rice is eaten by the poor on feast days only ; it enters into 
the daily food of all the middle and upper classes, whether Hindus 
or Musalmans. It is most commonly simply boiled ; it is also eaten 
parched as Idhis and pohds and murmurds.^ These are most useful 
as ready-cooked food for a journey and are generally given along 
with ddle or parched gram pulse as rations to Hindu soldiers on a 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture 

Chops. 
Cereals. 



1 To make pohds the husked rice is soaked in cold -water for three days, scalded, 
and left to drain dry in an open basket. It is then slightly parched and pounded in 
a stone mortar. The crushed pulp forms into flat lozenge-shaped pieces and the husk 
is separated by a winnowing fan. Pohds are sometimes ground to flour and used 
in sweetmeats. For murmurds the husked rice is partially dried in the sun after a 
three days' soaking and scalding. It is slightly parched and the husk separated by 
braying in a mortar. .Salt water is next thrown over it and the grain is again parched 
in hot sand which makes it pafif and swell. 



[Bombay Gazetteer,. 



38 



DISTEIOTS. 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture, 

Crops. 
Cereals. 



sea voyage. The flour is also used in various preparations; the 
straw or pendha is used as cattle fodder., 

5. Gahu, Wheat, Triticum sestivum, in 1881-82 covered 60,524 
acres 21,677 of them in Junnar, 9537 in Maval, 8688 in Bhimthadi, 
8205 in Khed, 4919 in Sirur, 3503 in Haveli, 2983 in Indapur, and 
1012 in Parandhar. Wheat is a late or cold-weather (October-March) 
crop. It is grown over the whole district but in small quantities in 
the west lands of Junnar, Khed, and Haveli. It requires a moister 
climate than jvari and in the eastern fringe of the west lands is 
generally grown as a dry-crop. Elsewhere it is grown as a dry- 
crop only in favoured places, but over the whole eastern plain it is 
largely grown as watered crop. Wheat wants black or rich soil. 
The best soil is the alluvial loam known as gavhdli or the wheat land. 
Wheat also thrives in the lowlying black or better brown clay soils 
in low lands where drainage gathers. Pour kinds of wheat are grown, 
bakshi, kdte, khaple also called jod, and pote that is big-bellied.^ 
Bakshi requires good black soil. It is sown in October or 
November, is usually watered and manured, and is reaped in Febru- 
ary or March. This wheat is of the finest quality, but as it is delicate 
it is not largely grown. The stem is sometimes as much as five 
feet high, the grain is larger than the grain of other kinds of wheat, 
and the beard, when ripe, is tipped with black. Kdte wheat is sown in 
good black soil in October, is usually watered but not manured, and 
is reaped in February. It is shorter-stalked and smaller-grained 
than either the hakshi or khaple, is hardier than the halishi, and is 
the wheat commonly grown in dry lands. Khaple or jod, husk 
wheat, is sown in black soil in November, is always both watered 
and manured, and is reaped in March. Khaple is the wheat usually- 
grown in gardens. It is very hardy. It owes its name to the fact 
that the grain cannot be separated from the husk without pounding. It 
is sown as a second or dusota crop in January and February in irrigated 
lands after bdjri, maize, tobacco, chillies, or wheat with good results. 
Pote or big-bellied wheat is less esteemed than other varieties. It 
is sown in poor black soils in November, is neither watered nor 
manured, and is reaped in February. Other varieties known in the 
district are ddudkhdni and kdle-kusal. Two and a half to three and 
a half pounds of wheat are sown to the acre, the better the soil the 
less the seed. The average acre yield from all kinds of wheat in 
unwatered land is 500 to 600 pounds and in watered land 1000 
to 1100 pounds. In garden land wheat follows rice and in dry-crop 
land it comes best after hdjri, maize, tcibacco, or chillies. After two 
or three ploughings the wheat is sown and the land is levelled with 
the harrow. When the seed has begun to sprout, to regulate the 
watering, ridges and small water-courses are made with a large 
rake in the shape of squares or vdphds. Wheat after it has come 
into ear is affected by mildew called tdmhera and garva or khaira. 
These diseases are said to be commoner in fields where mustard is 
grown than elsewhere. Tdmbera appears after unseasonable and 



' In 184:2 Dr. Gibson is said to have introduced about thirty -eight choice varieties 
of wheat. Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec, 1453 of 1843, 79. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



39 



heavy rain and covers tlie crop witli small swellings containing a 
reddish powder. It very seriously injures if it does not totally 
destroy the crop. Oarva or khaira appears after cloudy and misty 
weather in circles at distances from each other. It covers the crop 
with small swellings containing a dark brown powder. The grain 
becomes small and shrivelled. Oarva is neither so common nor so 
destructive as tdmbera. Green wheat ears called ombya are parched 
and eaten. The ripe grain is used only as bread. It is seldom 
eaten by the poor except on feast days as it is never eaten without 
the addition of clarified butter or tup. The flour is used largely in 
pastry and sweetmeats. Wheat straw is eaten as fodder with or 
without a mixture of chaff. 

6. Earik or Kodru, Paspalum frumentaceum, in 1881-82 covered 
397 acres in Junnar. It is grown almost entirely in the western 
hill-sides and light soils. It is sown in June and reaped in October 
or November. The grain, which is round and flattish and of the 
size of a mustard seed^ forms in double rows on one side of a flat 
stem, and until ripe the ear remains enveloped in a sheath. New 
harik is said to be powerfully narcotic and is eaten only by the poor 
who prepare it in various ways, and from use are able to eat it with 
impunity .■"■ The straw is hurtful to cattle. 

7. Jvdri, Indian Millet, Sorghum vulgare, the most largely grown 
cereal in Poona, in 1881-82 covered 588,502 acres, 226,152 of which 
were in Haveli, 129,069 in Indd,pur, 73,026 in Purandhar, 53,289 in 
Sirur, 54,877 in Bhimthadi, 28,782 in Khed, 16,438 in Junnar, and 
2918 in Maval. It is grown over the whole district but in the hilly 
west of Junnar, Khed, Mdval, and Haveli only in small quantities. 
It is the staple grain of the eastern plain. There are many varieties 
of Indian millet some of which belong to the early and others to 
the late harvest. The early varieties are found only in the belt which 
fringes the east of the western districts, and are sown thickly for 
fodder rather than grain. The late varieties are grown in the eastern 
plain, yield grain plentifully, and their fodder though less abundant 
is of better quality than that of the early varieties. There are three 
chief early varieties argadi, kdlbhondi, and nilva. Argadi, also called 
utdvU, is sown in June or July in shallow black or light soil, and, 
without the help of water or as a rule of manure, is grown and cut in 
November. The stalk is sometimes ten feet high ; the head is small. 
This variety is also sown as a watered crop in April and matures in 
June or July. When grown as a watered crop it is called khondi or 
hundi.^ This crop is sometimes sown broadcast and thick and cut 
for fodder before the head appears. Kdlbhondi, that is black husk, is 
sown in June or July without either water or manure, and is harvested 
in November. The stem is six or eight feet high and the head 
large. Nilva, that is blue-husk, a variety much grown in Khdndesh, 
is sown in June in black soils without either water or manure and is 
cut in November. The stem is very tall and coarse and the head 



Chapter IV 

Agriculture 

Crops. 
Cereals, 



'Mr. Siuolair, C.S., found that in Thtoa the grain was intoxicating when grown 
for the second or third time in the same land. Fletcher's Deccan Agriculture. 
2 Khondi or hundi is described as a separate variety by Colonel Sykes. 



[Bombay Qazetteer, 



40 



DISTRICTS. 



(Jhapter IV. 
Agriculture. 

Crops. 

Cereah. 



large. The fodder is prized for milch cattle. There are three late 
varieties of Indian millet shdlu, dudh-mogra, and tdmbdi. The 
best of the late kinds is shdlu. It is sown in black soils from 
mid-August to mid-October and harvested from mid-January to 
mid-February. The stalk is three to five feet long and sweet-juiced, 
and the grain white. Budh-mogra is sown with shdlu either 
mixed in the same furrow or in separate furrows. The straight 
hard stalk is poor fodder and the scattered feather head has the 
merit of being too light to give birds a foothold. The full 
milky grain parches into excellent Idhis. A dark-husked variety of 
diidh-mogra has a stem which is sometimes used as a weaver's hand- 
rod. Tdmbdi, that is red, Marshall's Sorghum devia, is sown 
generally in light soils in late July and early August, and, without 
either water or manure^ ripens in early January to early February. 
The stem is three to four feet high and poor as fodder, and the grain 
is white and hard. Four to five pounds of late jvdri are sown to the 
acre, the better the soil the less the seed. The early Indian millets 
take eight to ten pounds of seed an acre. Unwatered jvdri in all 
kinds of soil gives an average yield of 400 to 500 pounds the acre, 
and watered jvdri yields 1000 to 1200 pounds. Shdlu is the most 
productive variety sometimes yielding as m.uch as 2500 pounds the 
acre. Before the head forms the plant is called Icadval and when 
perfect hdtuk} Jvdri is the only cereal whose straw or hadba is 
used as fodder in its natural state. The straw of all other cereals 
and of all soft stemmed pulses is trodden to pieces, mixed with chaff, 
and stowed in large baskets, and is called hhushat. Jvdri stalks are 
stacked and thatched in the rainy west; in the drier east they^are 
stowed in long grave-like ridges and covered with clods of black soil. 
The grain is chiefly used as a bread grain, but is also eaten parched as 
Idhi. When in season the parched unripe jvdri heads form a chief 
item of food with the labouring classes and are called hurda. 

8. Mahka, Indian Corn, Zea mays, in 1881-82 covered 3844 acres, 
2435 of which were in Purandhar, 720 in Bhimthadi, 630 in Inddpur, 
fifty in Haveli, and nine in Sirur. In 1842 the American maize was 
naturalised at the experimental garden at Hivra in Junnar.^ It is 
sown in the eastern sub- divisions in blaclj soil. When unwatered it 
is sown in June and ripens in August ; when watered it may be 
grown at any season. The heads or hutds are usually eaten parched 
or boiled while green and the ripe grain is also parched and made 
into Idhis, and after grinding is used as fiour. The stalk is a very 
coarse fodder. 

9. Ndgli ov Ndchni, Bleusine corocana, in 1881-82 covered 52,365 
acres, 16,310 of which were in Khed, 14,036 in Maval, 12,572 in 
Haveli, 6983 in Junnar, and 2464 in Purandhar. It is grown only 
in the hilly west sometimes in wet lands by planting like rice or by 
sowing with the drill, and often in high lands. In planting ndohrii 
the seedlings are simply thrown on the ground in little trenches at 
about equal distances apart and left to root as they can. Ndchni 



1 Bdtvh is also applied to the plants of tur sown in a crop of i 

2 Bombay Gov. Eev. Keo. 1453 of 1843, 77. 



Deccan,] 



POONA. 



does not want a deep or a rich soil, but in any but a moist soil it 
perishes. It is sown in June and ripens in October or November. 
As the stalk is hard, reaping is difficult and costly. It takes four 
persons eight days to cut about three acres (2 bighds) of ndchni. The 
carrying and stacking are also expensive. Ndchni should be 
carried as soon as possible after the crop is cut, and the sheaves 
should be carried only in the morning when the heads are wet with 
dew. Later in the day the heat of the sun shrivels the husk 
and loosens the seed. Under the name of hurda the green heads are 
parched and eaten. The ripe grain is eaten in cakes by the w est 
country poor and the flour is made into a cooling drink called 
dmhil. The straw, powdered and mixed with chaff, is used as fodder. 

10. Rdla, Panicum italicum, in 1881-82 covered 1084 acres, 681 
of which were in Purandhar, 136 in Bhimthadi, 113 in Haveli, eighty- 
one in Inddpur, sixty-eight in Sirur, and one in Junnar. It is 
grown chiefly in the east of the district in shallow black or light 
soils usually in the same fields as hdjri. It is of two varieties, a red 
and a white, which differ only in colour. It is sown in June and 
ripens in October. The grain is separated from the husk by 
pounding and is usually boiled and eaten whole. The stalk is used 
for fodder and thatch. 

11. Sdtii or Jav, Barley, Hordeum hexastichon, in 1881-82 covered 
141 acres fifty-one of which are in Bhimthadi, fifty in Haveli, 
twenty in Purandhar, fourteen in Inddpur, and six in Junnar. It 
grows only in black soil, is sown in November, and, with the help 
of water and manure, is reaped in February. Barley is chiefly used 
in making the ready-cooked food called sdtnche-pith or barley flour. 
The grain is parched, ground, and mixed with a small proportion of 
gram and wheat-flour and flavoured with seeds. When eaten it is 
usually made into little dough balls with water. The grain is also 
used in the shrdddha or mind-rites for the dead and the flour in the 
shrdvani or Shravan purification. 

12 and 13. Sdwa, Panicum miliaceum, and Vari, Panicum miliare, 
in 1881-82 covered 32,842 acres, 1 1,163 of which were in Khed, 8282 
in Haveli, 7885 in Maval, 4317 in Junnar, and 689 in Purandhar. 
They are grown only in the west of the district usually in light red 
soils and on hill-sides. They are not watered or manured, but the 
seedlings are planted like rice-seedlings except that instead of fixing 
them in the ground they are simply thrown on the surface and left to 
root. When the plants are about a foot high sdva requires weeding. 
This is done for each other by the villagers at no expense except 
some liquor for- the weeders. In 1821, in these weeding parties a 
drummer was at hand who beat incessantly and at intervals stirred on 
the weeders calling out BhalereDdda, Bhale Bhdu Ddda, Well done 
brothers, well done. The weeders got as much spirit as they could 
drink.^ From the hardness of the stalks and the need of prompt and 
early-morning carrying, labour has to be hired in harvesting sdva 
and vari as well as in harvesting ndchni. Both sdva and vari have 



Chapter IV 

Agriculture] 

Crops, 
Cereals. 



'■ Captain H, Robertson in East India Papers, IV. 579. 



B 1327—6 



[Bombay G'azetteel:, 



42 



DISTRrcTS. 



Chapter IV. 
Agriculture. 

Cbops. 

Pulses, 



to be unhusked by pounding. They are mostly featen by the west 
country poor. They are boiled like rice and are sometimes ground 
to flour and made into bread. The straw is not used as fodder. 

Thirteen pulses are grown in Poena. The details are : 

POOJSrA PULSSS. 



No. 


Mara'thi. 


Enslish. 


BOTANIOAl. 


14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
26 
26 


Dang ChavU 

Harbhara 

Kulthi or Bulga 

Lakh ... 

Masur 

Math or 3£atH 

•«■■«? 

Pavta 

Mn 01 Shet ChavH ... 

Twr 

Udid 

Vdl 

Vdtdna 


Gram 

i,entUs ■.'■. '.'.'. '.'.'. 

Kidney Bean 

Green Gram 

Pigeon Pea 

Black Gram 

Peas .'.'.' '.'.'. 


Dolichoa sinensis. 
Cicer arietimim. 
Doliclios biflorus. 
Lathyrus sativus. 
Ervum lens. 
Phaseolus aconitifolius. 
Phasecdus mungo. 
Doliohos lablab. 
0oIidhO3 oatjan^. 
Cajanus indious. 
Phaseolus radiatus. 
Dolichos spioatus. 
Pisum sativum. 



14. Dang ChavU, Dolichos sinensis, like but larger than ran or shet 
chavli Dolichos catjang (No. 22), is usually grown in gardens round 
the edge of other crops. It is a strong climber, with a pod some five 
or six inches long, and a rather dark seed. 

15. Harbhara, Gram, Cicer arietinum, the most largely grown 
pulse in Poena, in 1881-82 covered 28,879 acres, 6398 of which 
were in Bhimthadi, 5020 in Indapur, 4770 in Junnar, 4329 in 
Khed, 2678 in Maval, 2360 in Sirur, 1620 inPurandhar, and 1404 
in Haveli. It is grown in the east of the district and very rarely 
in the west. It requires good black soil. It is sown in November 
and without either water or manure is harvested in February. The 
leaves are used as a vegetable. The grain is eaten green, is boiled 
■as a vegetable, and is parched when it is called hola. When ripe it is 
split into ddl and eaten boiled in a variety of ways and in making a 
sweet cake called puran-poli. It is slightly soaked, parched in hot 
sand, and called phutdnds, which are sometimes flavoured with 
turmeric salt and chillies. It is also given to horses. The living 
plants yield a quantity of vinegar or oxalic acid called dmh which 
gathers on the plants at night and soaks cloths which are laid over 
them. The dry stalks are good fodder. A light-coloured variety 
called kali is seldom grown in Poona. 

16. Kulthi, Horse-gram, Dolichos biflorus, in 1881-82 covered 
1 3,065 acres, 4056 of which were in Khed, 2934 in Bhimthadi, 2220 in 
Junnar, 2158 in Purandhar, 942 in Sirur, 645 in Indapur, and 110 in 
Haveli. It is grown throughout the district and is sown generally 
with hdjri in separate rows in shallow light soil. It- is sown in June 
and ripens in November without either water or manure. The 
pulse is boiled whole and is given to horses. It is also eaten in soup 
and porridge. The leaves and stalks are good fodder. 

17. Lakh, Lathyrus sativus, is grown in small quantities in the 
west. It is sown in November or December in black soil or as a 
second crop after rice. It grows without water or manure. The 
seed is like a mottled gray pea. It is not eaten while green. The 
ripe pulse is boiled whole and eaten, and when split is cooked in 
various ways. The stalks .and leaves are eaten by cattle. 



Deccau.] 



POONA. 



4a 



18. Masur, Lentils, Brvum lens, in 1881-82 covered 82i6 acres, 
440 of wHcli were in Mdval, 302 in Khed, and ninety-four in Junnar. 
It is grown throughout the district. It is sown in November or 
December in black soil or as a second crop on rice lands, grows with- 
out water or manure, and is harvested in February and March. The 
green pods are sometimes eaten as a vegetable, and when ripe it 
yields the most delicate split pulse in the Deccan. The boiled 
pulse is also eaten whole. 

19. Math or Maiki, Phaseolus aconitifolius, grown chiefly in the 
eastern plain, is sown mixed with hdjri in shallow black or light 
stony soils in June or July and is harvested in November. The 
pulse is split and eaten as ddl in different ways. It is ground to 
flour and used with the flour of other grains in making cakes. It is 
also eaten parched or boiled whole with condiments. The grain is 
given to horses and cattle and tho stalks are good fodder. 

20. Mug, G-reen Gram, Phaseolus mungo, in 1881-82 covered 
3900 acres, 2349 acres of which were in Khed, 687 in Junnar, 351 in 
Bhimthadi, 250 in Purandhar, 226 in Haveli, thirty-one in Indapur, 
five in Sirur, and twenty-one in Maval. It is grown chiefly in the 
east of the district. It is sown in June by itself in shallow, black, 
or light stony soils, and often as a first crop on rich lands in which 
a second called dusota or bivad crop is raised. It is neither water- 
ed nor manured, and is harvested in September. The green pods 
are eaten as a vegetable. The ripe green-coloured pulse is eaten 
boiled whole, or is split and used as ddl. It is parched, ground to 
flour, mixed with butter and made into spice balls. It is also made 
into porridge. The leaves and stalks are good fodder. Mugi, a 
smaller blackish variety, is sown with bdjri or argadi in June and 
reaped in November. It is inclined to creep and remains longer on 
the ground than mug. 

21. Pdvta, also called Sweet Vdl, Dolichos lablab, is sown some- 
times in June mixed with hdjri and sometimes in November on the 
banks of rivers or in the west as a second crop after rice. Two 
varieties differ only in the colour of the grain, one is pale yellow the 
other black with a fine seam. It grows without water or manure, 
ripens in February- March, and goes on bearing for about two 
months. The boiled green seeds are eaten as a vegetable and the 
ripe pulse is split and eaten in many ways. The leaves and stalks 
are a fodder which is especially valued for milch cattle. 

22. Ban or Shet Chavli, Dolichos catjang, is grown chiefly in the 
west lands. It is sown in June in shallow light soils and as the first 
of a double crop in rich soils. It grows without water or manure, 
and is harvested in September. The green pods which are about 
two inches long and the leaves are eaten as vegetables, and the^ 
pulse, which is pale yellow oval and dented on one side, is cooked in 
many ways, both split and whole. 

23. Tur, Cajanus indicus, in 1881-82 covered 12,851 acresy, 
7830 acres of which were in Sirur, 1576 in Bhimthadi, 1399 in Khed, 
769 in Junnar, 589 in Haveli, 356 in Inddpur, 237 in Indapur, and 
ninety-five in M^val. It is grown chiefly in the eastern sub- 
divisions mostly in shallow and sometimes in deep black soils, 
in the same field with bdjri, in the same or in separate 



Ghapter IV 
Agriculture 

Chops. 

Pulses. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



44 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture. 

Ckops. 
Pulses. 



furrows. It is sown in June- July, and, without water or manure, 
is harvested in January and February. During the eight 
months tur is on the ground, it is said to flower and seed eight 
times, all the pods remaining on the plant till harvest. It is a 
perennial plant, but is always pulled out after the first year. The 
green pods are eaten as a vegetable, and the ripe pulse is split and 
eaten boiled in a variety of ways. The yellow split-pulse or ddl is in 
common use Ijeing made into porridge and mixed with vegetables, and 
is little less valuable than gram. The leaves and pod shells are 
excellent fodder, and the stem is in use for wattling house walls and 
roofs, and for making baskets and brooms. Tur or doll-bush that 
is ddl-hush charcoal has long been famous for making gunpowder. 

24 Udid, Black Gram, Phaseolus radiatus, in 1881-82 covered 
1519 acres, 1031 of which were in Khed, 330 in Junnar, ninety in 
Pui-andhar, forty-seven in Haveli, and twenty-one in Maval. It is 
grown almost entirely in the east of the district. It is sown 
in June frequently with hdjri or argadi or in rich soils when a 
second crop is to follow. It is neither watered nor manured, and 
ripens in September. The green pods are rarely used as a vegetable. 
The black ripe pulse is split into ddl, and is a most fattening food. 
It is parched and ground to make different sorts of spice balls and 
is the chief element in the thin wafer-biscuits called pdpads. The 
stalks and leaves are a good fodder. Udadi is a smaller and inferior 
variety which does not ripen till November. 

25. Vdl, Dolichos spicatus, is chiefly grown in the east and cen- 
tre of the district, often round or mixed with garden crops, especially 
in the sugarcane fields where it is sown both as fodder and for 
shade. When grown with or in rows round hdjri or early jvdri it 
is sown in July and without water or manure ripens in four months, 
and continues bearing for some time longer. The seeds are slightly 
bitter, smaller, and not so flat as pdvta seeds, which is sometimes 
known as sweet vdl. The green seeds are eaten boiled, the ripe 
pulse is used in many ways as ddl or in soup, and the stalks and 
leaves are prized as fodder for milch cattle. 

26. Vdtdna, the Pea,, Pisum sativum, in 1881-82 covered 836 
acres, 329 of which were in Junnar, 329 in Khed, 100 in Haveli, 
seventy-six in Maval, and two in Inddpur. Peas are grown in moigt 
places throughout the district. They are sown in October or Novem- 
ber or later as a second crop after rice, and, without water or manure, 
are harvested in four and a half months after sowing.' The seed is 
eaten green as a vegetable and when ripe is boiled whole or split and 
eaten in various ways. The leaves and stalks are good fodder. 

Seven oilseeds are grown in Poena. The details are : 

PooNA Oilseeds. 



No. 
27 


Mara'thi. 


English. 


Botanical. 


Ambddi 


Brown Hemp... 


Hibiscus oannabinus. 


ii« 


Bhuvmug 


Earthnut 


Arachis hypogcea. 


29 


Erandi 


Castor-seed ... 


Bicinus communis. 


30 


JavatovAUhi 


Linseed 


Limim usitatissimum, 


31 


EdHe or Khurdmii ... 


Nigerseed 


Verbesina sativa. 


Si! 


Kuaumba or Kardai . 


Safflower 


CarthamuB tinctorius. 


3S 


Til 


Sesamum 


Sesamum indicum. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



45 



27. Amhadi, Brown Hemp, Hibiscus cannabinns, in 1881-82 cover- 
ed 1375 acres, 659 of wMch were in Bhimthadi, 526 in Sirur, ninety- 
four in Indapur, eigbty-nine in Purandbar, and seven in Md,val. 
It is grown in small quantities in sballow black soils chiefly in 
Bbimtbadi, Sirur, and Indd,pur. It is sown in June usually 
mixed witb hajri, grows without water or manure, and is harvested 
in December or January. The young sour leaves are eaten as a 
vegetable. The seed is sometimes given to cattle and in times of 
scarcity is mixed in bread. It is chiefly used as oil-seed and, before 
the oil is extracted, is always mixed with Icdrle or linseed. The bark 
yields a valuable fibre which is separated from the stalk by soaking. 
It is made into ropes for various field purposes either by the 
husbandmen or village MAngs. 

28. Bhuimug, Barthnut, Arachis hypogoea, is grown both in 
the eastern plains and in the eastern fringe of the west lands. 
It is planted in June, and in the east with the help of water and 
manure and in the western plain with the help of manure, ripens in 
December, but is often dug in November and eaten raw or parched. 
The ripe fresh nut is sometimes boiled with condiments, and eaten 
as a vegetable, but is more frequently used as an oilseed. An 
edible oil is pressed from the nuts which are usually first mixed with 
hardai or rdla seeds as the pure earthnut oil is said not to keep. 
It is a favourite food with wild pig, and along the Mutha canals has 
suffered so severely from their ravages, that the people have given 
up growing it. 

29. Erandi, Castor-seed, Ricinus communis,isgrowninsmallquan.- 
tities chiefly in the black soils of the eastern plain, sometimes round 
other crops and more often in patches by itself. It is sown either 
in June or November, and without water or manure is harvested 
in November or February. Its stem and flowers are red. The oil, 
which is used more for burning than as a medicine, is drawn by 
boiling the bruised bean and skimming the oil that rises to the 
surface. The proportion of oil to seed is as one to four. The leaf 
is applied as a guineaworm poultice and the dried root as a febrifuge. 
A large variety of the castor-plant, probably R. viridis, is grown in 
gardens round other crops. Its stem and flower are green. Both 
varieties are perennial and would grow to a considerable size if they 
were not taken out of the ground at the end of the first year. 

30. Jav.asov Alshi, Linseed, Linum usitatissimum, in. 1881 
covered only 152 acres, seventy-seven of them in Ind^pur, seventy 
in Bhimthadi, nine in Puramdhar, and three in Sirur. It is grown in 
small quantities solely in rich black soils in the east either in gram 
or wheat fields in separate furrows or less seldom as a separate crop. 
It is sown in November and without water or m.aiLure is harvested 
in February. It does not grow more than two feet high. The seed is 
used in making relishes or ohatnis and the oil which is produced 
from the seed in the proportion of four to one is used in cookery. 
No use is made of the fibre. 

31. KdrU or Ehii/rasni, Nigerseed, Verbesina sativa, errone- 
ously called Mle til, is grown in considerable quantities in shallow 
black and light soils chiefljr in the west fringe of the plains and in the 



Chapter IV 
Agriculturei 

Crops. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



46 



DISTEICTS. 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture. 

Crops, 
OiUeedi, 



Fibres. 



western hills. It is sown in June and witliout water or manure is 
harTBsted in November. The seed is eaten in relishes or chatnis, 
but it is chiefly known for its oil which is produced from it in the 
proportion of five to six, and is universally used by the lower classes 
in cooking. The oil-cake is much prized for milch cattle- 

32. EardaioT Kusumba, Safflower, Carthamus tinctoriuSj is 
grown chiefly in the east lands with late jvdri or wheat either 
mixed or in separate furrows. It is sown in October or November, 
and, without water or manure, is harvested in February or March. 
The young leaves are eaten boiled as a vegetable and the oil which 
is produced from the seed is much esteemed in cooking. Kardai and 
kusumba kardai are grown indiscriminately. Kardai C. tinctorius 
has much deep red in the flower and elsewhere is used as a dye. 
Kusumba Jcardai, probably 0. persicus, has a yellow flower and is 
more prickly than 0. tinctorius. 

33. Til, Sesamum indicum, of two kinds, gora or ^aura white til 
and Mk black til, covered in 1881-82 29,449 acres, 12,381 of which 
were in Khed, 5806 in Junnar, 5403 in Maval, and 4392 in 
Haveli. It is grown throughout the district, but in considerable 
quantities only in Khed, Jannar, Mdval, and Haveli. It is sown in 
June usually with bdjri either mixed in the same line or in separate 
lines, and is cut in November. It springs unsown in fallow lands. 
The seed is used in shrdddha or mind-rites for the dead, forms 
part of many sweetmeats, and yields abundant oil which is used 
both in cooking and as a medicine. The oil-cake or pendh is given 
to cattle, and in times of scarcity is eaten by the poor with salt. 

Three fibre plants are grown in Poena. The details are : 
PooNA Fibre Plants. 



No. 

34 
36 
86 


Maka'thi. 


Ehomsh. 


BOTAHIOAL. 


Ambddi 

Kdpus 

San 01 Tdg ... 


Brown Hemp ... 

Cotton 

Bombay Hemp ... 


Hibiscus oannabimis. 
Gossypium herbaceum. 
Orotalaria junoea. 



34. Ambddi. See No. 27. 

35. Kdpus, Cotton, Gossypium herbaceum, in 1881-82 covered 
4565 acres in Indd.pur. It is grown in black soil chiefly in the 
east, to a small extent in the western plain, and not at all in the 
hilly west. Several varieties are grown, most of which have been 
lately introduced. It is sown in July, is grown without water or 
manure, and bears in October or November. The crop, which is the 
woolly coveriug of the seed, is gathered from the growing plants in 
three or four pickings as the pods burst before November, when the 
plant ceases to bear. The seed is called sarhi and is much prized as 
food for milch cattle. The stems are used in cheap basket-work and 
when the picking is over cattle are grazed on the leaves and shoots. 

In 1821, the average price of cotton was about £8 10s. (Es. 85) 
a khandi of 500 pounds or about 4<d. (2| as.) the pound. The 
Collector, Captain Robertson, was told that thirty or forty years 
before, in the time of Peshwa MMhavrdv (1761-1772) a large 
(Quantity of seed had been brought from the Ber^rs, but proved a 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



47 



failure.i In 1830-31, Dr. Lush was successful in growing cotton 
in the botanical garden at Ddpuri, about six miles west of Poona.^ 
In 1841, the only parts of the district where cotton was grown in 
any quantity were in Bhimthadi and Ind^pur, where the soil was 
better suited to its growth than in any other part of the district. 
In that year one landholder in the Bhimthadi village of Bolv^di grew 
cotton, which in the Bombay market fetched a price equal to the 
best Broach.^ Dr. Gibson, the superintendent of the botanical 
garden at Hivra, considered the cultivation of cotton unsuited to 
Poena.* In 1842-43 the area under cotton was increased by not less 
than 2132 acres, chiefly in Junnar and Indapur where the people were 
anxious to grow cotton. The plants throve for a time, but most of them 
failed from want of rain.^ In 1844, Indapur was the only part of 
Poena where cotton was grown ; there cotton was found in small 
quantities in every village mixed with hdjri and other crops. The 
area under cotton was 4816 acres against 4636 in the previous year. 
The outturn was twenty tons (60 khnndis) of which about sixteen tons 
(48 khandis) were sold in Poona and Sdtara for £507 2s. or at the rate 
of £5 (Es. 50) for a Surat hhandi of 746 pounds, that is about l|cZ. 
(1 a.) a pound.* In the next two years the area under cotton declined. 
In 1847, Indapur was again the only cotton-growing part of 
the district. The quantity produced was about thirty tons (90 
khandis) and the area under cultivation was 3359 acres against Ij 
khandi and 190 acres in the prev'ious year.'^ Prom 1841 to 1861 
Government frequently tried to increase the growth of cotton, but 
without success. Both as regards soil and climate Poona was consi- 
dered unsuited for foreign cotton and there seemed to be little 
prospect of any great increase of the cultivation of the local variety. 
The small quantity grown was almost entirely devoted to home use. 
The following statement shows the total area under cultivation, the 
area under cotton, and the area capable of producing cotton during 
the twenty years ending 1860-61 :* 

Poona Cotton, I84I-I86I. 



Year. 


Tillage 
Area. 


Cotton 
Area. 


Area 
lit for 
Cotton. 


Year. 


Tillage 
Area. 


Cotton 
Area. 


Area 
fit for 
Cotton. 


1841-42 
1842-43 
1843-44 
1844-43 
1845-46 
1846-47 
1847-48 
1848-49 
1849-50 
1850-51 




Acres. 

982,600 
1,009,728 
l,0,i6,2B2 
1,063,127 
1,102,088 
1,148,755 
1,228,304 
1,227,898 
1,196,719 
1,215,015 


Acres. 
2684 
1846 
4636 
3808 
190 
3369 
3797 
1693 
4646 
4682 


0" 


1851-62 ... 
18.52-63 ... 
1863-54 ... 
1864-55 ... 
1865-56 ... 
1856-67 ... 
1867-68 ... 
1858-69 ... 
1859-60 ... 
1860-61 ... 


Acres. 
1,273,394 
1,316,767 
1,368.430 
1,396,080 
1,447,006 
1,634,473 
1,566,231 
1,698,885 
1,054,899 
1,664,801 


Acres. 
7016 
6987 
6712 
4122 
602 
2534 
2004 
8867 
6934 
8730 


1 



Is S 

-■gs 

ll 



Chapter IV 

Agriculture. 

Crops. 
fibres. 



' East India Papers, IV. 590. 

2 Chapman's Commerce, 51. See also Transactions of the Agri-Horticultural Society 
of Bombay, July 1843. ^ Bom. Eev. Rec. 1344 of 1842, 71-72. 

* Bom. Rev. Rec. 1453 of 1843, 176-7. ^ Bom. Rev. Eec. 1568 of 1844, 88. 

6 Bom. Rev, Rec. 17 of 1844, 75. ' Bom. Rev. Rec. 23 of 1849. 

8 Cassel's Cotton in the Bombay Presidency, 87 ; Dr. F. Boyle's Culture of Cotton 
in India, 387. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



Chapter IV. 

Agricultare. 

Crops. 
fibres. 



Dyet, 



48 



DISTRICTS. 



In 1862 tbe area under cotton rose to 30,049 acre9 in Indd,pur 
and large profits were made by the cultivators. In 1870-71 it stood 
at 17,072 acres. Since then, except in 1872-73, 1874-76, and 
1882-83, when it stood at 10,170, 21,127, and 22,375 acres respec- 
tively, it has fluctuated between 100 acres in 1871-72 and 4565 
acres in 1881-82. 

36. Tag or San, Orotalaria juncea, grows in small quanti- 
ties chiefly in the black eastern plain. It is sown in July, is growfl 
without water or manure, and ripens in October. It is left standing 
for about a month after it is ripe that the leaves which are excellent 
manure may fall on the land. In gardens and occasionally in dry-crop 
lands it is grown solely for manure, the plants being ploughed into 
the soil when ready to flower. After it is soaked the bark yields a 
fibre which is considered the best material for ropes, coarse canvas, 
twine, and fishing nets. Almost the whole supply is used locally. 

Four dyes are grown in Poena. The details are : 
PooNA Dyss and Pmmbnts. 



No. 


Mara'tht. 


Ehslish. 


Botanical. 


37 
38 
39 
40 


Halad 

Kummba oxKardai 

Shendri 

Swmnji ot A'l 


Turmeric 

Safflower 

Indian Madder ... 


Curcuma longa. 
Carthamus tinotoriua 
Bixa orellana. 
Morinda citrif olia. 



37. Halad, Turmeric, Curcuma Ion ga is grown in good black soil 
chiefly in the central and western plain. It is planted generally iu 
June or July from layers and with manure and a watering every 
eight or ten days matures in December or January. It is grown 
only by the class of men who are known as turmeric-gardeners or 
Haldya Md,lis. The root or halhund is boiled before it is sent 
to market. When steeped in a preparation of lime-juice, tincal 
and carbonate of soda or pdpadkhdr it is called rava. This yields 
a brilliant crimson dye which is used in painting the Hindu brow- 
mark. Men paint, putting the dye on wet, rubbing the root with 
water on a stone and applying the crimson with the finger ; women 
powder, rubbing a small circle of wax on the brow and pressing 
redpowder on the wax. The redpowder is called kunku or pinjar. 
The root is in universal use as a condiment, being the staple of 
curry powder. Ambe halad, probably Curcuma ledoaria, a variety 
of C. longa and grown in the same way, is used only as a drug. 

38. Kusumba. See No. 32. 

39. Shendri, Bixa orellana, is a shrub grown rarely and in small 
quantities in garden lands. The powder surrounding the ripe seeds 
yields a deep red orange dye which is the ornotto of commerce. 

40. Surungi or Al, Indian Madder, Morinda citrifolia, is seldom 
seen in the west, but is largely grown in deep soils in the east. It 
is sown in June, often in fields overgrown with grass and weeds, 
and. without water or manure grows for two years. In the third 
year the roots are dug from a depth of three feet. The roots yield 
a red dye. 

Three narcotics are found in Poena. The details are : 



Deccau.l 



POONA. 

PooNA Narcotics. 



49 



No. 


MarAthi. 


EN0LI3U. 


Botanical. 


42 
43 


Odnja 

Ndgvel or Pdn. 
Tamidkhu ... 


Hemp 

Betel-leaf 
Tobacco 


Canabis sativa. 
Piper or Chavioa betel 
Nicotiana tabacum. 



41. Gdnja Hemp Canabis sativa is grown to a small extent in 
the best black soil in the eastern sub-divisions. It is sown in June or 
July, is grown with water and occasionally with manure, and is ready 
for cutting in December. When about two feet high the stem ia 
twisted half round, a few inches above the root. This checks the 
upward growth and causes the plant to throw osit side shoots. The 
fruit-yielding part is bruised just before the seed begins to ripen. 
When cut in December the plants are at once stacked and loaded 
with weights. The leaves fall when dry and the pods are used and 
known as gdnja. The infusion made from the pods is called hhdng. 
The pods or gdnja are also smoked with or without tobacco, and 
several intoxicating drinks and a sweetmeat called mdjum are 
made. The fibre of this hemp is never used. 

42. Ndgvel ovPdn Betel-leaf Piper betel is an important garden 
crop, especially in the Haveli villages of Kondvi Budruk, Kondvi 
Khurd, Undri, Muhammadvddi, and Phursangi. It is grown in 
light red soil and requires much manure and constant watering. It 
generally lasts fifteen or if well cared for twenty years. It is 
grown in a betel-vine garden or jpdn mala which generally 
covers about an acre of ground. The vines are trained up slender 
hadga, pdngdra, shevri, and hakdn trees planted in rows one to 
four feet apart and having leaves only at the top. The vines 
are grown by layers. They want water every fifth or sixth day. 
The whole garden has to be sheltered from wind and sun by high 
hedges or screens of grass or mats. Vines begin to bear in the 
third year, are at their best from the fourth to the thirteenth year, 
and, under favourable circumstances, go on yielding till the twentieth 
year. Every year in March, April, and May, the upper half of the 
vine is cut and the lower half is coiled away and buried above the 
root under fresh red earth and manure. Portions of the garden are 
thus treated in rotation, so that those first cut are ready to bear 
before the last are cut. A betel-leaf garden wants a considerable 
capital to start, and in weeding, watering, insect-killing, and leaf- 
picking, wants constant labour and attention throughout the year. 
Still it is a favourite crop. The returns from the sale of the leaves 
come in monthly, and the profits are greater than from any other 
garden crop. The betel- vine is almost always grown from well water. 
The people say channel-water does not suit the vine. Mr. Fletcher 
thinks the probable reason is that from the division of ownership it ia 
difficult to secure a constant supply of channel water. M^lis and some 
well-to-do castes including Brdhmans rear the betel-vine, some with 
their own hands and some with hired labour. Tirgul Brdhmana, who 
cultivate the betel-leaf aa a apecialty, are considered inferior to other 
Brd,hmana aa they kill the fliea that live on the vine. The betel-leaf 
is chewed by all classes with betelnut, qnickhme, catechu, and some- 

B 1327—7 



Chapter IV, 

Agriculture 

Crops. 

Narcotics.'^ 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



50 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture, 

Ceops. 
Narcodcs. 



times with tobacco and several spices. Several varieties are distin- 
guished. 

43. Tambahhu Tobacco Nicotiana tabacum in 1881-82 covered 
81 7 acres, 276 of which are in Junnar, 239 in Khed, 181 in Bhimthadi, 
eighty-four in Sirur, and thirty-eight in Indapur. It is grown to a 
considerable extent in rich soils in the Western fringe of the plain 
country and to a small extent further east. The village of Ghode 
in Khed has more than 200 acres under tobacco. Low and alluvial 
land is generally prefen-ed. It is sown in seed-beds in August and 
planted in September. It is seldom watered but is generally 
manured. The plant is not allowed to flower. All buds and branch 
shoots are nipped off as they appear, and only eight or ten leaves 
are allowed to remain. Because the buds of the plant have to be 
destroyed, Kunbis seldom grow tobacco themselves, but allow it to 
be grown in their lands by Mhars, Mangs, and other low castes, 
who give the landholder half the produce. The plants are cut in 
January or February about four inches from the ground, spread in 
the sun till they are thoroughly dry, sprinkled with water mixed 
with surad grass or with cow's urine, and while damp closely 
packed in a pit or stacked under weights and covered for eight days 
during which fermentation sets in. When taken from the pit or 
stack the leaves are made into bundles and are ready for sale. 
Though the stumps left in the ground shoot again the leaves are 
almost valueless and are used only by the poor. The quality 
is poor. The average acre-yield of tobacco is about 300 pounds 
(2'375 mans). The wholesale price of cured tobacco is about 
2d. a pound (Rs. 7 the man) and the retail price about 3c?. a pound 
(Rs. 10 a man). Tobacco is smoked and chewed by all classes and 
is made into snuff. In 1821, according to the Collector Captain 
Robertson, tobacco did not thrive. It does not appear in his list of 
crops.^ Its cultivation was introduced before 1841. In 1841 Gov- 
ernment forwarded to the Collector a box of Syrian tobacco seed 
to ascertain how it suited the soil and climate of Poona. The seed 
was distributed and sown in different parts of the district. Some 
sowings succeeded and others failed. At the Hafiz B^g, about two 
miles east of Junnar, Mr. Dickinson sowed it in good soil, and 

Planted it in the usual way. When the plants were young, Mr. 
)ickinson thought they did not promise so well as the local plant. 
He thought they might thrive better in the richest alluvial soil.* 

Bight spices are grown in Poona. The details are : 
Poona Spices and Condiments. 



No. 


MarAti^i, 


BNOIilSH. 


Botanical. 


44 
45 
46 
47 
48 
4M 

60 
61 


A'le 

Badishep 

Halad 

KothimMr 

Mirchi 

Ova 

Shepu 

TTs 


Oinger 

Sweet Fennel 

Turmeric 

Coriander 

ChilUea 

Fennel 

Sugarcane 


Zinjiber officinale. 

Anethum tenioatum. 

Curcuma longa. 

Coriandrum sativum. 

Capsicum annuum, 

Ptycotia ajowan or Lingusticum 

agivson. 
Anethum Bowa or graveolus. 
Saccharum officinarum. 



-■ East India Papers, IV, 50, ^ Bo„,_ jjev. Eeo. 1453 of 1843, 75-76. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



51 



44. Ale Ginger Zinjiber officinale is grown in good black soil. 
It is raised from layers at any time of the year, and, with, manure 
and water every ten or twelve days, is ready for use green in five 
and mature in six months. The dry root called sunth is eaten as a 
condiment and is a favourite cure for colds. 

45. Badishep Sweet Fennel Anethum fcenicatum is sown in 
gardens at any time and on the edges of dry crops in July and 
August. It matures in two months. The seed is eaten in curry 
and used as a condiment and an infusion of it is taken as a cooling 
drink. 

46. Salad Turmeric Curcuma longa is in universal use as a 
condiment and forms the staple of curry powder. Details have been 
given under No. 37. 

"47. Kothimbir Coriander Corian-drum sativum is grown in small 
quantities in good black soil with or without water and manure in 
the east and centre of the district. Among garden crops it is sown 
in any month and with bdjri or other dry crops in July and August. 
The leaves are ready for use in three weeks and the seed or dhane 
in two months. The leaves and young shoots are much used as a 
garnish in curry and relishes and sometimes as a vegetable. The 
ripe seed is one of the most popular condiments. 

48. Mirchi Chillies Capsicum annuum in 1881-82 covered 8089 
acreSj 3708 acres of them in Khed, 1867 in Junnar, 1131 in Sirur, 
724 in Bhimthadi, 264 in Indapur, 221 in Haveli, 140 in Purandhar, 
and thirty-four in Maval. It is grown in the western fringe of the 
plain country. It is sown in May in a manured seed plot and is 
planted after fifteen days or a month. It begins to bear at the end 
of two months more, and, if occasionally watered, goes on bearing 
five or six months. The plant lasts two years but is almost always 
pulled up after about ten months. The first yield is much the finest 
and is usually sent to market, the rest being kept for home use. 
Chillies are eaten both green and ripe by all classes and are as much 
a necessary of life to the people as salt. According to Colonel 
Sykes the leaves are eaten as a pot-herb. The two commonest 
varieties are putomi a long chilly and motvi about two inches long 
Capsicum frutescens. Other occasional varieties are lavangi, C. mini- 
mum, C. grossum, C. ceraciforme, and C. purpureum. 

49. Ova Ptycotis ajowan or Lingusticum agivsen is sown in 
gardens at any time of the year and with dry crops in July and 
August. It matures in three months. The seed is used as a 
stomachic. 

50. Shepu Fennel Anethum sowa or graveolus is sown ii* 
gardens in any month and with hdjri and other dry crops in July and 
August. It is fit for use as a vegetable in six weeks and the, seed 
ripens in two and a half months. The plant is eaten as a pot-herb 
and the seed is used as a stomachic. See No. 45, 

51. Ifs Sugarcane Saccharum officinarum in 1881-82 covered 
5502 acres, 2260 of which were in Haveli,, 1022 in Purandhar, 968 
inJunnar, 428 in Khed, 378 in Sirur, 311 in Bhimthadi, 113 in 
Indapur, and twenty-two in Maval. With the help of water and 



Chapter IV 

Agriculture 

Chops. 
■ Spices. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



52 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 
Agriculture. 

Ceops. 

Condiments, 



manure sugarcane is grown in deep black soils all over the district 
except in the extreme west; in the east it is one of the chief 
garden products. It is also much grown in Junnar, Khed, and 
Havelij where, since the opening of the Mutha canals the area 
under sugarcane has considerably increased. In preparing land 
for sugarcane the plough is driven across it seven or eight times ; 
village manure is thrown on at the rate of about six tons (20 large 
carts) to the acre ; and the land is once more ploughed and flood'ed. 
When the surface is beginning to dry it is levelled with the beam- 
harrow and in December or March the sugarcane is planted. The 
layers, which are pieces of mature cane about six inches long, 
are set in deep furrows drawn by the plough. Sugarcane thus 
planted is called ndngria us or plough-cane to distinguish it from 
pdvlya us or trodden cane which is pressed on by the foot after the 
land has been ploughed, broken fine, and flooded. The treading 
system is usually followed with the poorer canes or in poor soil. 
Trodden cane or pdvlya us is manured ten or twelve days after the 
layers are put down by folding sheep on the spot. Trodden cane 
sprouts a month after planting ; plough-cane being deeper set takes 
a month and a half to show but suffers less from any chance 
stoppage of water and reaches greater perfection. Sugarcane is 
either eaten raw or is made into raw sugar or gul. 

The raw sugar or gul is extracted on the spot generally by the 
husbandmen themselves. A wooden press or gurhdl worked by 
two or more pairs of bullocks is set up. The appliances used in 
making gul are : chulvan a large fire-place ; pdvde, a wooden 
instrument like a hoe for skimming or for drawing the juice 
from the boiler into its receptacle ; shibi, a stick with a bamboo 
bowl or basket for straining the liquid; Icdhil or hadhcd, a 
boiling pan for thickening the juice ; and gurhdl or charak the 
sugarcane-press. The press is made entirely of wood and is worked 
by two pairs of oxen. Two upright solid cylinders, eighteen or 
twenty inches across called naura-navri or husband and wife, whose 
upper parts work into each other with oblique cogs, are made to 
revolve by means of a horizontal beam fixed to the navra in the 
centre and yoked to the oxen at its ends. The cane, stripped of its 
leaves and cut into lengths of two or three feet, is thrice passed by 
hand between the cylinders, and the juice is caught in a vessel 
below, which from time to time is emptied into the kdhil a shallow 
circular iron boiling pan. When the pan is full the fire beneath it 
is lighted and fed chiefly with the pressed canes. After eight to 
twelve hours' boiling and skimming, the juice is partially cooled in 
earthen pots and finally poured into round holes dug in the earth 
and lined with cloth, where, when it forms' into lumps called dheps or 
dhekuls it is fit for market. The pressing is done in the open air or 
in a light temporary shed and goes on night and day till the whole 
crop is pressed. A sugarcane press costs about f.2 10s. (Rs. 25) and 
lasts three or four years. The boiling pan either belongs to the owner 
if he is well-to-do, or is hired either at a daily or a monthly rate 
according to the time for which it is wanted. The daily hire of a 
pan varies from 2s. to 4s. (Rs, 1-2) and the monthly hire from 10s. 
-to £1 (Rs. 5 - 10). Each cane-mill employs about twelve workers. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



53 



Seven remove the canes from the field and strip their leaves ; one 
cuts the canes into pieces two feet long ; two are at the mill, one 
feeding the mill the other drawing out the pressed canes ; one minds 
the fire and another the boiling pan. The last is the gulvia or sugar- 
man. He is supposed to know exactly when the juice is suflBciently 
boiled and thickened to form lumps. As most sugarcane-growers 
are without this knowledge a sugar-man is hired at 6d. (4 as.) a day 
or £1 (Rs. 10) a month. The two feet long pieces of cane are passed 
between the upright cylinders two or three at a time. To stop any 
leaks the pan is smeared with lodan a glazed preparation of udid or 
ndchni flour. It is then put on the fire-place and the hollow between 
the pan and the fire-place is closed with mud. About 600 pints 
(300 shers) of juice are poured into the pan and the fire is lighted. 
The boiling lasts six or seven hours during which the juice is 
constantly skimmed and lime-water and ndchni flour are thrown into 
the juice to keep it from being too much boiled. When the sugar- 
man thinks the proper time has come the pan is taken off the fire and 
the juice, with constant stirring, is allowed to cool for aboatanhour. 
When cool it is poured into cloth-lined holes in the ground two feet 
deep and a foot and a half across. It is left in the holes for a couple 
of days until it has hardened into lumps or nodules weighing fifty to 
sixty pounds (25 - 30 shers). When the lumps are formed they are 
taken away. If the sugarcane is of eighteen months' growth it 
yields gul equal to one-fourth of the juice boiled; in other cases it 
yields about a sixth. If the juice is allowed to overboil, it cannot 
make the gul ; it remains the boiled juice of sugarcane which is 
called hdkavi. The people believe that sugarcane fed with well 
water yields one-fifth more gul than the same cane fed by channel 
water. The correctness of this belief is doubtful. 

As far back as 1839-40 the growth of Mauritius cane spread 
greatly in Junnar. The land was well suited to this cane, the 
supply of water was abundant, and the people were anxious to 
grow it. Mr. Dickinson, a planter of considerable experience in the 
West Indies, was employed in making sugar. But the produce did 
not find a ready market.^ He turned his refuse sugar and treacle 
to account by manufacturing rum.^ In 1841, besides fifty-seven 
acres planted by the people on their own account, about 100 acres 
were planted in Junnar under contract with Mr. Dickinson, the 
manager of the sugar factory at Hivra. The sugar was used 
only by the European inhabitants of Poena and Ahmadnagar.^ In 
1842-43 the area under Mauritius sugar rose from 157 to 388 acres. 
The cultivation spread from Junnar to Khed and Pdbal. Sugar-works 
were started at Hivra by a joint stock company, and were afterwards 
bought by Mr. Dickinson. In Bhimthadi a Musalmdn planted some 
cane in the Chakar Bdg with the view of making sugar and some 
husbandmen turned out sugar equal in grain to Mr. Dickinson's but 
not free from feculence. They also made gul which was sold at a 
higher price than that produced from the local cane. At first 



Chapter IV. 
Agriculture. 

Ceops. 

Condiments. 



1 Bom Rev. Reo. 1241 of 1841, 69, " Bom. Rev. Reo, 23 of 1849, 149. 

3 Bom. Rev. Reo. 1344 of 1842, 65-72. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



54 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 

Agricnltare. 

Crops. 
Condiments. 



Mr. Dickinson was in the habit of contracting with the husbandmen 
to plant cane for him. He was afterwards able to obtain a sufficient 
supply at all times, chiefly from the gardens of Brdhmans, headmen^ 
and well-to-do husbandmen. In 1842 Mr. Dickinson made 87,000 
pounds of sugar worth £1500 (Rs. 15,000) more than the outturn of 
the previous year. Messrs. Sundt and Webbe also planted about 
three acres of land with IVlauritius cane in their garden atMundhve, 
about five miles north-east of Poona, and made about 2J tons 
(2826 shers) of gul, which was sold at 16s. (Rs. 8) the palla of 
] 20 shers} In 1844, the area under Mauritius cane rose from 388 
to 547 acres. Mr. Dickinson's farming continued successful partly 
because he was able to dispose of his rum and sugar by Grovernment 
contracts. Many husbandmen were willing to make sugar but from 
want of capital and of local demand were obliged to content 
themselves by producing gulJ' 

In 1 847 Mr. Dickinson's sugar had a good year at Hivra. He 
made about five tons (33(3 mans) of Muscavado sugar and sold it to 
the families of the soldiers and other Europeans at Poona and 
Aimadnagar. Among the natives the demand was trifling and this 
discouraged its more extended manufacture. The natives even in 
the immediate neighbourhood, preferred the soft blanched sugars 
sold by the shopkeepers ; their objection to Mr. Dikinson's sugar 
was its colour, but to refine it would have caused a serious 
loss in quantity. In 1847 a committee which met in Poona to 
distribute prizes for the best specimens of superior field products, 
awarded a prize of £30 (Rs. 300) to two persons. One of the prize 
specimens was some grained Muscavado sugar, the other was sugar 
made by evaporation. Before crystallization had set in this sugar 
had been poured into pots with holes in the bottoms through which 
the treacle was allowed to pass. A prize of £20 (Rs. 200) was 
awarded to two other natives for the best brown sugar ; and a third 
prize of £10 (Rs. 100) to two others for the best specimens of rdsi or 
inferior sugar. All the prize specimens came from near Junnar, 
and were due to the exertions and influence of Dr. Gibson.,^ 

In 1881-82, in connection with sugarcane experiments, 
Mr. "Woodrow, the superintendent of the botanical garden at Ganesh 
Khind, noticed that the soil of Poona had very little of the silica in 
combination with potash of soda and lime in the form known as 
soluble silicates. It was not difficult to reproduce these soluble 
silicates without which sugarcane cannot grow ; but it would be 
expensive in India and could not be done in a short time. 

To grow sugarcane without wearing out the land it was necessary 
to manure with two tons an acre of quicklime and ten loads an acre 
of woodash, and to sow and plough in a green crop such as hemp 
or black mustard. 

After a crop of sugarcane the land should be manured for four 
years as usual and such crops grown as the soil and the markets 
suit, preference as far as possible being given to pulses and cereals 



1 Bom, Rev. Rec. 1568 of 1844, 83-84. s Bom. Rev. Reo. 17 of 1846 73 

3 Rev. Rec. 23 of 1849, 154 - 1 56. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



55 



being avoided. In no case should more than one corn crop be grown. 
At tbe end of tbe four years if the ground is treated in the usual 
manner for sugarcane an average crop may be expected. Poena 
sugarcane soil is usually rich in lime, in some cases lime is present 
in excess. It would often pay to make a kiln and burn the calcareous 
earth on or near the field where lime was wanted. 



Twelve bulb vegetables are grown in Poena. 

POONA BVLB VeGJSTASLBS. 



The details are ; 



No. 


MarAthi. 


Enolish. 


Botanical. 


52 


Alu 


Great-leaved Caladium .. 


Caladium grandifolium. 


63 


Batata 


Potato 


SolaDum tuberosum. 


64 


Gdjar 


Carrot 


Daucus carrota. 


66 


Kdnda 


Onions 


Allium cepa. 


66 


Kangar 




Diosoorea fasciculata. 


57 


KardTidti 


Bulb-bearing Yam 


„ bulbifera. 


68 


K(m or gor&Au . 


Common Yam 


„ alata. 


69 


Lasun 


Garlic 


Allium sativum. 


60 


Mtda 


Radish 


Baphanus sativum. 


61 


Sdjdlu 


Arrow-leaved Caladium. 


Caladium sagitifollium. 


H!J 


Ratalu 


Sweet Potatoe 


Convolvulus batatas. 


63 


Suran 




Amophophallus campanulatus. 



52. Alu Calladium grandifolium or Arum campanulatum with 
the help of manure and abundant water is grown in marshy hollows 
chiefly in the hilly west. It is generally planted in early June. The 
leaf is ready to cut in three months and the plant continues bearing 
for years. The leaf and stalk are eaten commonly as a vegetable, 
the root or bulb more seldom and on fast days. Dr. Birdwood gives 
three species C. grandifolium, C. ovatum, and C. sagitifolium.^ He 
says that the stem leaf and root of the first and third are edible, but 
only the leaf of the second. Bdjdlu, C. sagitifolium, has narrow 
pointed leaves and green instead of purplish stem and veins. 

53. Batdta the Potato Solanum tuberosum is grown in Khed and 
Junnar.2 Except close to the hilly west potatoes are generally 
watered and manured. The potato is cut into small pieces each with 
a bud or eye, is planted in June or July, and is ready between late 
September and November. The introduction of the potato into 
Poena is chiefly due to the exertions of the late Dr. Gibson who in 
1838 brought potatoes from the Nilgiris and distributed them for 
seed. About 1841 potatoes and sugarcane were the chief products 
in the experimental garden at Hivra. Potatoes were already grown 
in Junnar, Khed, and PAbal in sufficient quantities to be exported 
to Dhulia, Aurangabad, and Bombay.^ They were sold at the rate 
of twenty pounds (10 shers) of the first sort, and thirty to forty 
pounds (15-20 shers) of the inferior quality to the rupee. The 
potatoes were large and equal to any then grown in any part of 
India.* In 1844. the potatoes of north Poena supplied a very large 
portion of the Bombay market.^ In 1845 Dr. Gibson obtained a 
supply of good Irish potatoes. Since 1845 potato-growing has spread 



Chapter IV. 
Agricnltare. 

Crops. 



Btilb Vegetables 



1 Graham mentions C. ovatum and C. grandifolium ; and held that C. sagitifolium 
waa probably the same as C. ovatum. 

2 These are generally known as Talegaon potatoes because they take rail at 
Talegaan station. ' Bom. Rev. Eeo. 1453 of 1843, 176-7. 

* Bom. Rev. Reo. 1344 of 1842, 72, ^Bom. Rev. Rec. 17 of 1846, 72. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 
56 DISTEICTS. 

Chapter IV. rapidly and tliere is at present a considerable area of garden as well 

Affriculture ^ dry-crop land under potatoes. The potato is not grown to the 

" east of a line drawn from Shikarpur to Vadgaon Pir. Though it 

Crops. ^g^g ^^ gj,^^ viewed with suspicion the potato is now a favourite 

Bulb Vegetables. f^^^ ^i^j^ Brahmans, and the Kunbis also eat the smaller and less 

saleable roots. Of two varieties one with a smooth light brown peel 

is the best, being mealy when cooked and fetching a higher price. 

The other has a rough dark skin and both in size and quality is 

inferior to the smooth-skinned variety. Two potato crops are raised 

in the year. One is planted in dry-crop lands in July and dug in 

late September; the other is planted in December and dug in 

February. The second crop requires a weekly watering. 

54. Gdjar Carrot Daucus carrota with the help of water and 
manure is grown in large quantities in good black soil in the east 
of the district. The carrot is sown in garden lands at any time of 
the year and in dry-crop lands in July or August. It is ready for 
use in three months. The root is eaten as a vegetable both raw 
and boiled. It is also slit and dried in the sun when it will keep 
five or six months. When sun-dried it is called usris and has to be 
boiled before it is eaten. 

55. Kdnda Onion Allium cepa of two varieties, a red and a 
milder and more popular white, with the help of water and manure 
is grown in good black soil. Onions are sown in seed-beds at any 
time during the rains or cold weather, and planted when about a 
month old. It is fit for use in two months after planting and 
takes two months more to come to maturity. It requires good 
black soil and should have water every eight or twelve days. The 
onion is eaten by all except by a few of the very orthodox and on 
certain sacred days. It is almost a necessary of life to the lower 
classes. The leaves are eaten as a pot-herb. 

56. Kangar Dioscorea fasciculata is a yam closely resembling the 
honoT common yam and the kardndaox bulb-bearing yam. It is found 
in the hilly west. Its bulbs which form only below ground are like a 
small sweet potato in size and shape. The flesh is white and sweet.- 

57. Kardnda is the bulb-bearing yam probably Dioscorea bulbi- 
fera. It is much like the common yam ovkon in appearance and habits, 
and like it found in the hilly west. The kardnda difiers from the kon in 
having a rounder leaf and in bearing bulbs on the stems as well as on 
the root. Until it is boiled the flesh of the bulbs is slightly bitter. 

58. Kon or Gorddu the Common Yam Dioscorea alata is grown 
in small quantities without water or manure in the hilly west round 
the edges of fields or in house-yards. It is planted in June or July 
and by October the root is fit to eat. If left till December the root 
grows two feet long and eight inches across. The plant, which is a 
creeper with longish pointed leaves, bears two to five tubes or roots 
which when boiled make an excellent vegetable. 

59. Lasun Garlic Allium sativum according to Colonel Sykes is 
of two varieties a red and white. It is grown with the help of w.ater 
and manure in good black soil and requires water once every ten or 
twelve days. Segments of the bulb are planted in any month, and 
mature in four or five months. All classes use garlic in their 
cookery. ■ The leaves are eaten as a pot-herb. 



Deccan,] 



POONA. 



57 



60. Mula Radisli Baphanus sativum according to Dr. Birdwood 
is of two varieties, D. radicula and oblonga, and according to Colonel 
Sykes is of four varieties, three of them the long, the short, and the 
turnip radish which are white and one which is red. Radishes are 
grown with the help of manure at any time of the year in garden 
lands and sometimes in dry-crop land during the rains. The leaves 
are fit for use in six weeks, the root in two months, and the plant bears 
pods or dingris in a fortnight more, and continues bearing for a 
month and a half. The leaves are eaten boiled as a pot-herb and raw 
as a salad. _ The root is eaten as a vegetable both raw and boiled. 

61. Bdjdlu Arrowleaved Caladium Caladium sagitifolium, accord- 
ing to Dr. Birdwood of three varieties, is grown with the help of 
water and manure. The leaves are narrower and more pointed than 
alu leaves, and the stem leaves and bulb are eaten in the same way. 

.62. Batdlu Sweet Potatoes Convolvulus batatas of two varieties 
a white and red, of which the red is the smaller and sweeter, are 
grown in the eastern sub-divisions. It is raised from layers put 
down any time in the rains or cold weathp.r, and with the help of 
water and manure comes to maturity in six months. - The young 
leaves and shoots are eaten as a pot-herb. The root is eaten boiled 
and roasted. It is also dried, ground to flour, and made into fast- 
day cakes. The mature vine is excellent fodder. 

63. Swan Amophophallus campanulatus is grown especially 
in the hilly west. It takes three years to mature. The root 
^rows to a large size and though somewhat bitter is much esteemed 
as a vegetable. Prom a green tapering stem four or five inches in 
diameter at the base and about three feet long, five or six 
pennated leaves eighteen to twenty inches long shoot upwards and 
outwards. Every year the leaves and stem die and spring again. 

Twenty fruit vegetables are grown in Poona. The details are ; 
PooNA. Fruit Vegetables. < 



No. 


MarAthi. 


English. 


BOrAHIOAL. 


64 


Tiltfi'njliih'i 






65 


Dodke 


Sharp-cornered Cucum- 


Luffa aoutanguia or CuoumiB 






ber. 


aoutanguluB. 


66 


Ditdh-ihopla .., 


The Long White Gourd. 


Cucurbita longa. 


67 


OhosMe 




LuSa petandria. 


68 


Kalingad 


Watermelon 


Cucurbita citrallus. 


69 


Edrle 




Momordi-ca charantia. 


70 


Emrtoli 




Momordica divica 


71 


K&shi-hlwvla, 
KdsU-phal. 


Bottle Gourd," False 


Cucurbita lagenaria. 




Calabaah. 




72 


KharbV4 


Melon 


Cucumis melo. 


73 


Ehira, Khira 
Kdkdi. 


Common Cucumber ... 


Cucumis sativus. 


74 


Eohdla 




Cucurbita alba. 


75 


Padval 


Snake Gourd 


Trichosanthes anguina. 


76 


Parvar.i. 




Do. dioioa or cucu- 
merina. 


77 


TdmbdaBhopla. 


Efid Pumpkin 


Cucurbita melopepo. 
Do. pepo. 


78 
79 


Tarbuj 

T&rhdkdi 






Cucumis UBitatissimus or Uti- 

lissimus. 
Coecinia indioa, Momordica 


80 


Tondli 




81 
82 
83 


niuk 

VdmM 

ra Vdn^e ... 


-iiggf-plant ... ... 

Tomato or Love-apple . 


monodelphia. 


Solanum melongina. 
Lyoopersicon esculentum. 



[Chapter IV. 

Agriculture. 

Crops. 
Bulb Vegetables. 



FrvM Vegetables, 



B 1327—8 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



58 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 
Agriculture. 

Crops. 
Fruit Vegetables. 



64. Dhendshi is sometimes grown round the edge of gardens 
but generally in river-beds. It begins to bear about tbree months 
after it is sown. The fruit is about the size of the two fists and is 
white both within and without. It is eaten cooked as a vegetable. 

65. Dodke the Sharp-cornered Cucumber Luffa acutangula or 
Cucumis acutangulus is grown with the help of water and manure 
in rich land in the centre and east of the district round the edges 
of other crops. It is grown in gardens at any time. In dry-crop 
lands it is sown in June-July, grows exceedingly fast and to a great 
size, and begins to bear in two or two and a half months, and goes 
on bearing for one or one and a half months. The fruit, which is 
dark green and six inches to a foot long, is seamed with sharp 
ridges from end to end. The fruit is eaten boiled. No other part 
of the plant is used. 

66. Dudh-bhopla the Long White Gourd Cucurbita longa, a 
creeping plant, is usually grown in garden lands round the edge of 
the crops. It begins to bear in two or three months. The fruit, which 
is sometimes thirty or thirty-six inches long, has soft white flesh. It 
is a common and favourite vegetable. The skin and seeds are used 
in chatni. It is also made into a sweetmeat called halva. 

67. Ohosdle Luffa petandria is grown and used in the same 
way as the dodke (No. 65). The fruit, the only part eaten, is smooth, 
the same size as the dodke, and marked lengthwise with light lines. 
If watered the plant bears for two years. 

68. Kalingad Watermelon Cucurbita citrallus, a creeping plant, is 
sown in the cold and hot months in moist sandy spots in river beds, 
and manured when six weeks old. The fruit is smooth and round, 
dark green mottled and striped with a lighter green. The flesh is 
pink and the seeds black or white. It is eaten both raw as a fruit 
and cooked in different ways. 

69. Edrle Momordica charantia smaller both in plant and fruit, 
is grown and used like the dodke and the ghosdle Nos. 65 and 67. 
The surface of the fruit is roughened with knobs and each seed fills 
the whole cross section of the fruit. It is slightly bitter a;nd must 
be well boiled before it is eaten. 

70. Kartoli Momordica dioica is a wild but saleable gourd like 
kdrle. The fruit is eaten as a vegetable after two boilings. 

71. Kdshi-hhopla or Kdshi-phal that, is the Benares Pumpkin 
Cucurbita lagenaria is grown in gardens and sometimes on river- 
banks. Except that it is roundish and thick instead of long, the 
fru.it is like the dudh-bhopla. It is only eaten cooked.^ 

72. Kharhuj Melon Cucumis melo is sown in the cold and hot 
months in moist sandy spots in river-beds, sometimes with the 
watermelon. The plant is manured when six weeks old and the 
fruit ripens in the third or fourth month. The fruit is round, 
green, or yellowish, the skin covered with a network of raised 
brown lines. It is eaten uncooked in a variety of ways. 



' The names Kdshi-bhopla and Kdehi-phal &ve also given to a large white gourd of a 
flattened globular shape vf'.th depressed segmental lines. 



Decern.! 



POONA. 



59 



73. Khira or Khira Kdkdi Oommon Cucumber Cucumis 
sativus of two kinds, green and white fruited, is sown in dry-crop lands 
in July and August round the edge of early crops or in garden lands 
at any time. It begins to bear in about. two months. The fruit is 
ten to sixteen inches long and is much eaten both raw and cooked. 

74 Kohdla Oucnrbita alba is grown round the edge of gardens 
at any time of the year. It begins to bear in three or four months. 
The fruit is larger than the red pumpkin and the flesh is white. It 
is never eaten raw but is much esteemed as a vegetable and is made 
into a sweetmeat called halva. 

75. Padval Snakegourd Triohosanthes anguina except that it 
is never raised in dry-crop land, is grown in the same parts of the 
district and in the same way as the dodke (No, 65). The fruit, which 
is about three feet long and two or three inches thick, is marked 
lengthways with white lines. It is eaten boiled as a vegetable. 
The Marathas use the leaves, stalk, and root medicinally. 

76. Parvar Triohosanthes dioica or cucumerina is grown early in 
the centre and east along the edges of betel-leaf gardens. The fruit 
is small and green and is highly valued by the people as a medicine. 

77. Tdmhda Bhopla Red Pumpkin Cucurbita melopepo or pepo 
is usually grown round the edges of garden lands. It is sown at 
any time of the year and begins to bear in about three months. The 
fruit is roundish and sometimes very large, about eighteen inches 
in diameter with reddish flesh. It is cooked as a vegetable, and the 
shoots and young leaves are used as a pot-herb. The seeds are also 
eaten. This pumpkin is called ddngar in some parts of the Deccan 

78. Tarbuj^ is generally sown with kharhuj the melon in the cold 
and hot months in moist sandy spots in river-beds. It is manured 
when six weeks old. The fruit is like the kharbuj in the colour of 
its flesh and seeds, but is rather longer. It is eaten as a fruit and 
in salad. 

79. Tdrkdkdi Cucumis usitatissimus or utilissimus is usually 
grown in river-beds in the cold and hot weather. The seed is 
planted in the moist sand and the plant is manured when about three 
weeks old. It ripens in about two and a half months. The fruit, 
which is smooth and about two feet long, is much eaten both raw 
and cooked. 

80. Tondli Coccinia indica or Momordica monodelphia is grown 
in the same parts of the district and in the same way as the dodke. 
(No. 65). The fruit is a little smaller than a hen's egg and when ripe, 
is red. It is eaten as a vegetable, but is never given to children aa 
it is supposed to blunt the faculties. There is a bitter variety which, 
is useless. The vine sometimes lasts for years. 

81. Taluk is grown during the rains round fields of dry crop 
and at other times in garden lands. It bears in about three months. 
The fruit is eight or ten inches long and is yellowish marked length- 
wise by lines. It is sweet and is eaten raw and cooked. 

' Sir G. Birdwood gives ta/rhuj instead of halingad as the vernacular of Cucurbita 
citrallus the watermelon. Mr. Fletcher admits that tarhuj is sometimes used for 
halingad. He thinks this a mistake and that the tarhvj is more allied to the khm-buj.. 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture. 

Cbops. 
Fruit Vegetables 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



60 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 82. Vdngi or Baingan the Egg-plant Solanum melongena is 

Agricuitare. grown with the help of manure and water in considerable quantities 

in rich soil often on river-bank mud in the centre and east and in 

^°^^- gardens over the whole district except the west. In gardens it is 

Fruit Vegetables. gown at any time of the year. In dryland it is sown in June in 

seed-bedsj planted during July, begins to bear in September, and 

if occasionally watered goes on bearing for four months. Its oval 

egg-like and slightly bitter fruit is one of the commonest and best 

of Deccan vegetables. It is boiled and fried, made into pickle, and 

sometimes slit and dried in the sun and kept in store under the name 

of usris. The leaves are said to be good for cleaning pearls. Hindus 

hold it wrong to use the stem as fuel. Besides the oval-fruited 

baingan there is a sort called bangdli with fruit sometimes two feet 

long. There is also a wild variety called dorli vdngi with a small 

and nearly round fruit. 

83. Vel Vdngi Tomato or Love-apple Lycopersicon esculentum 
with the help of manure and good soil is grown in small quantities 
all over the district and chiefly near large markets in the centre and 
east. It is grown in gardens at any time. In dry-crop land it is 
sown in June or July and fruits in Ocbober. The frait is eaten both 
raw and cooked. The tomato was brought to India from Brazil by 
the Portuguese. 

Pod Vegetable}. Four pod vegetables are grown in Poona. The details are : 

PooNA Pod Veoetables. 



No. 


MarAthi. 


English. 


BOTAHICAL. 


84 

86 

66 
87 


A.lai or Khara&m- 

m. 

Bhendi 

Ghevada 

GovAri 


Eatable Hibiscus 


Abelmoachus pscnlentua of 
Hibiscus Rsculeniua. 

Dolichos lablab. 

Cyamopsis psnralioides or 
Dolichos iuhtBiormis. 



84. Ahai or Kharsdmbli, a creeping plant, is grown without water 
Or manure near houses or on the edges of garden lands in all parts 
of the district. It begins to bear in three months and in good soil 
goes on bearing three or four years. The pod when very young 
and tender is used as a vegetable. 

So. Bhendi Eatable Hibiscus Hibiscus esculentus is of two 
varieties gari or early and kali or late. Both are grown in gardens 
in all parts of the district and all the year round. They are also 
grown without water but often with manure. Asa dry crop the early 
or gari bhendi with large leaves and short thick pods is sown in 
June, grows about two feet high, and bears from early August to 
December. The late or hali bhendi, with small leaves and thin 
prickly pods, is sown in June or July along the edges of or among 
bdjri crops, grows seven feet high, begins to bear in late September, 
and goes on bearing till the end of November. Both kinds are 
grown in garden lands all the year round. The green pods are 
eaten boiled as a vegetable or fried. The ripe seeds are used in 
curry and chatni. The bark yields a fibre which is seldom used. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



61 



86. Ghevda Dolichos lablab is of many varieties, the chief being 
the black -seeded, the white-seeded, the hot or finger-like, pattdde or 
the hanumdn, and the white with curved white pods. It is grown 
with or without manure and water. It is sown in June or July on 
the edges of dry crops, begins to bear in October, and goes on 
bearing till January. As a watered crop it is grown round gardens 
or in the yards and porches of houses, where it goes on bearing 
two or three years. The pods are eaten boiled as a vegetable and 
the grain is used as a pulse. 

87. Govdri Cyamopsis psoralioides is grown in gardens at any 
time and during the rains on the edges or in the corners of the early 
grain crops. It begins to bear within three months and if watered 
occasionally goes on bearing for some months. The plant grows 
about three feet high with a single fibrous stem from which the 
pods grow in bunches. The pod is eaten green and is much prized 
as a vegetable. 

Twelve leaf vegetables are grown in Poena. The details are : 

PoowA Leaf Vboetablms. 



No. 


MarAthi. 


English, 


Botanical. 


88 


Alvi 


Common Cress 


Lepidium sativum. 


89 


Chdkvat 


Goose Foot 


Chenopodium viride or album. 


90 


Chandaribatva ... 




Chenopodiiim. 


91 


ChavU 


Hermaphrodite Ama- 
ranth. 
Bladder Dock, Blister 


Amavanthus polygamug. 


92 


Chuka 


Rumez vesicarius. 






Sorrel. 




93 


Mdth 




Amaranthns tristis. 


94 


Methi 


Common Greek grass ... 


Trigonella fceniimgrsBCum. 


95 


Moha/novRdi 


Mustard 


Sinapis rncemosa. 


96 


Pokla 




Amarantbus. 


97 


Pvdina 


Mint '". '.'.'. '.'.'. 


Mentha sativa. 


98 


Rdjgira 




Amarantbus candidus. 


99 


TdndMlja 


Eatable Amaranth ... 


Amarantbus oleruceus. 



88. Alvi Cress Lepidium sativum is grown in gardens as a 
pot-herb and for the seed which is esteemed good for women after 
child-birth and is used in poultices for bruises. 

89. Ghdkvat Goose Foot Chenopodium viride or album is usually 
grown in gardens, but sometimes in corners of early grain fields. It 
is ready to cut a month after sowing. The plant is much esteemed 
as a pot-herb. 

90. Ghandanbatva Chenopodium is grown in all garden lands at 
any time of the year. The plant stands twelve to eighteen inches 
high and has the new leaves of the upper shoot red. The leaves and 
stalk are eaten as a pot-herb. 

91. Ghavli Hermaphrodite amaranth Amaranthns polygamus is 
grown in gardens at any time of the year. It closely resembles 
tdndulja but seldom grows more than six inches high and the leaves 
and stem are uniformly green. The leaves are eaten as a pot-herb. 

92. GTiuka Bladder Dock Eumex vesicarius is grown in gardens 
at any time of the year and is ready for use about a month after 
sowing. The plant is eaten as a pot-herb and has a pleasant bitter 
flavour. 



Chapter IF. 

Agriculture. 

Crops. 
Pod Vegetables, 



Leaf Vegetables. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



62 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture. 

Crops. 
Leaf Fegetabks. 



The Vine. 



93. Math Amarantlius tristis of two varieties red and green, is 
grown in gardens at any time of the year and is fit for use five or six 
weeks after so wing .^ The red variety, stands three to five feet high, 
with a thick stem and has a small central plume as well as side flowers, 
and the leaves and especially the stem have a red tinge. The green 
variety is smaller. The leaves and young shoots are eaten boiled. 
A wild amaranth called Mte-mdth is much eaten by the lower classes. 

94. Methi Common Greek grass Trigonella fcenumgrsecum is 
grown in gardens in all parts of the district. It is sown at any tinie 
of the year, and with the help of water and manure is fit to cut in 
about three weeks, and is mature in two and a half months. When 
young the entire plant is eaten as a pot-herb by all classes. The 
seed is given to cattle as a strengthener and is much used as a 
condiment in curry. The mature stalks are an excellent fodder. 

95. Mohari or Bdi Mustard Sinapis racemosa of two kinds, red 
and black, is either grown at any time of the year in gardens or 
during the cold season round fields of wheat or gram, or among 
wheat and linseed^. The leaves and green pods are eaten as vegeta- 
ble. The seed is used in curries and relishes, a medicinal oil is 
extracted from it, and it is powdered and applied as a blister. 

96. PoMa Amaranthus of two kinds green and red, grows one 
or two feet high in gardens at any time of the year. The leaf which 
is eaten as a pot-herb is ready for use in six weeks. 

97. Pudina Mint Mentha sativa is grown in garden lands. It 
is a perennial and needs an occasional watering. The leaves are 
used as a garnish. 

98. Bdjgira of two varieties red and green Amaranthus 
candidus is grown in gardens at any time of the year and sometimes 
among watered wheat.^ In the green variety the seed plume is 
deep crimson and the stem and leaves are tinged with crimson, 
otherwise the varieties do not differ. The plant stands three to 
five feet high and has a heavy overhanging central seed plume. 
The seed is exceedingly small and is usually trodden out by human 
feet or rubbed out by hand. It is much eaten on fast days either 
as Idhi which is made into balls or in cakes made from the flour of 
the parched grain. The leaves are commonly eaten as a pot-herb. 

99. Tdndulja Eatable Amaranth Amaranthus oleraceus is grown 
in gardens at any time of the year and is fit for use five or six 
weeks after sowing. The plant grows a foot high and has the stem 
red near the root. It has no seed plume, but flowers at each of 
its side shoots. Only the leaves and top shoots are eaten as a 
pot-herb. 

Drdkshcb the Vine Vitis vinifera is occasionally grown in the 
best garden land on the east border of the western belt and near 



^ Sykes mentions three varieties and gives A. oleraceus as the botanical name. 

^ Sir G. Birdwood mentions four varieties S. ramosa, S. glauca, S. dichotoma, and 
S. jauncea. > 

' Sir G. Birdwood names them A. tricolor and A. viridis. Bom. Gov. Sel. CXXIII. 
204 gives A. polygamus or pendulus. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



63 



Poona. The vine is grown from cuttings which are ready for 
planting in six or eight months. It begins to bear in the third 
year and is in full fruit in the sixth or seventh. With care a vine 
goes on bearing for sixty or even it is said for a hundred years. The 
vine is trained in one of two ways. It is either supported on a stout 
upright often a growing stump which is pruned to a pollard- 
like shape about five feet high, or a strong open trellis roof is 
thrown over the vineyard aboat sis feet from the ground and the 
vines are trained horizontally on it. The vine supported on living 
pollards is said to pay best ; the trellis-trained vine is the better 
preferred by the rich for its appearance and shade, and is said to 
encourage growth to a greater age. The vine yields sweet grapes 
in January February and March, and sour grapes in August. 
The sour grapes are very abundant, but are not encouraged as 
they are of little value ; the sweet grape is tended in every possible 
way, but is apt to suffer from disease. After each crop the vine 
is pruned and salt, sheep's dung, and dry fish are applied to each 
vine after the sour crop is over. Vines are flooded once in five or 
six days, the earth being previously loosened round their roots. 
Blight attacks them when the buds first appear and is removed by 
shaking the branches by the hand over a cloth into which the blight 
falls and is then carried to a distance and destroyed. This opera- 
tion is performed three times a day, till the buds are an inch long. 
Six varieties are grown : kdU or black, a long fleshy grape of two 
kinds, ahhi a large round white watery grape and phdkdd a long 
somewhat fleshy white grape, sahdbi or kerni a long white sweet 
grape, beddna the seedless a small round sweet and white grape, 
sultdni or royal a large round bitter white grape, and sdkhri or 
sweet a small round white and very sweet grape. 

Coffee was grown in 1839 by Messrs. Sundt and Webbe in their 
garden at Mundhve, five miles north-east of Poona. The Bombay 
Chamber of Commerce considered it excellent both in quality and 
cleanness, and said it would fetch the same price as the best Mocha 
cofiee, or about 2d. the pound (Rs. 14 the Surat man of 40 pounds). 
To encourage the experiment, Government granted Messrs. Sundt 
and Webbe ten acres of land close to their garden. Red gravelly 
soil, according to Mr. Sundt, is the best suited for the coffee "plant. 
The plant when young requires a great deal of shade. When about 
a year old it is planted in open ground where for at least four years, it 
must be screened from the extreme heat of the sun. To shade the 
coffee bushes Mr. Sundt grew castor-oil plants round the young trees. 
It wants no manure and water only fifteen or twenty days during 
the dry season. Mr. Sundt thought that much of the Poona soil was 
admirably suited to the coffee plant. He particularly recommended 
some spots of red gravelly soil between Khandala and K^rla.^ In 
1842-43 Messrs. Sundt and Webbe grew plants from seed furnished 
them by Colonel Capon direct from Mocha. They had 7000 seed- 
lings in their nursery ready for planting, and several berry -bearing 
trees which were fair specimens of fine coffee plants. A sample of 



Chapter IV, 

Agriculturei 

Cbops. 
The Vine. 



COFFEB. 



'Bom. Rev. Rec. 1241 of 1841, 75-76. 



[Bombay Grazetteer. 



64 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 
Agriculture. 

Senna. 

Cochineal. 



Silk. 



coffee was submitted to tlie Chamber of Commerce wbo considered 
it equal to Mocha coffee.^ 

In 1842-43 the Senna plant was grown in the Junnar sub-division 
by Mr. Dickinson and Dr. Gibson who supplied trees to several 
landlords.^ 

About the year 1840 an attempt was made to introduce the 
cochineal insect into the Deccan. The attempt was unsuccessful, 
not because the climate was unsuited to the insect^ but because the 
only insect that could be procured was of the very smallest and 
worst kind known as the Cochineal Silvester.^ 

^ In October 1829, Signer Mutti, a native of Italy, offered his 
services to the Bombay Government as superintendent of any 
establishment that might be formed for the cultivation of silk. 
Government declined his offer but gave him to understand that 
liberal encouragement would be given to any one who might wish 
to grow silk on his own account. Encouraged by this assurance 
Signer Mutti resolved to attempt to grow silk. On his application 
in April 1 830 the Collector of Poona was directed to make over to 
him the Kothrud garden in the town of Poona free of rent for fifteen 
years, on condition that the ground should be applied only to the 
growth of the mulberry. To this in 1830, 1831, and 1832, several 
plots of land were added. Lord Clare, then Governor of Bombay, 
took a strong interest in the subject, urged the desirableness 
of supporting Signer Mutti, and made him an advance of £6.00 
(Rs. 6000). The Collector was at the same time authorised to remit 
the rent for six years on land cultivated with mulberry and to make 
advances for wells. In consequence of some disagreement between 
Signer Mutti and his partner Sor^bji Patel most of the lands assign- 
ed to Signer Mutti had to be resumed ; but he was left in possession 
of the Kothrud and Dhamdhere gardens.^ About the same time 
(1829) Mr. Giberne's experimeuts in growing silk in Khd.ndesh 
attracted the attention of the Bombay Government, and the Bengal 
Government were asked to send to Bombay five convicts with their 
families who were skilled in the management of silk-worms and in the 
winding of silk. These men brought with them a quantity of eggs 
and were attached to the jail at Poona. But from want of careful 
supervision they appear to have dene little either in the way of 
producing silk or of teaching. At the same time Mr. Owen, the 
surgeon at Sirur, began to manufacture silk upon a limited scale. 
The growth of his mulberries and the fineness of the fibre showed that 
the soil and climate of that place were most favourable. Excellent 



1 Bom.Rev. Eec. 1568of 1844. =Rev.Rec. 1568of 1844. 'Rev. Keo. 1241 of 1841, 71-72. 

4 Silk in India, by Mr. Geoghegan, Under Secretary to the Government of India 
(1872), 30-43. 

' Mr. Jaoquemont, the cynical French traveller and botanist, met Lord Clare at 
the Kothrud garden. Of several experts present each gave his opinion. Mr. Mutti 
for mulberry trees, and Dr. Lush, who had a botanical garden at UApuri, for 
mulberry hedges. Each kept to the opinion be had brought with him and in the 
evening they left Kothrud as they came, Dr. Lush to grow mulberry shrubs, 
Mr. Mutti to plant trees, the Pirsi to get rid of his investment, and the Grovenunent 
to think over it all. Voyages, III. 580. 



Deccan,] 



POONA. 



65 



silk was also produced at the Poona jail.* As the culture of silk 
Tvas abandoned at Dhulia in Khd,ndesh, Government determined to 
centre their efforts on Signor Mutti's experiments. In 1837 he was 
appointed temporarily on a monthly salary of ^25 (Rs. 250) with a 
native supervisor on £5 (Rs. 50), and was allowed to spend not more 
than £10 (Rs. 100) a month in starting mulberry plantations. On 
the 2lBt of July 1838, Signor Mutti submitted his first report as 
superintendent of silk culture in the Deccan. According to this 
report, besides 567,081 slips and 4252 standard trees planted by 
husbandmen in the Deccan, Konkan, and Bombay, there were 
49,850 slips in the Grovernment nursery at Sdsvad. Signor Mutti 
had also at Kothrud several persons whom he had instructed in all 
the branches of silk -making and had succeeded in making them 
smart, intelligent, and active.^ He had also received the most 
satisfactory reports of his silk from London, Glasgow, and 
Manchester, where it had been valued as high as 23s. 26s. and 29s. 
though reeled independently by natives. Upwards of twenty natives 
were reported to be acquainted with the winding of silk, and 
the people were said to be ready to take to silk-growing. In 1838, 
a sample of silk produced by Signor Mutti was sent for report to 
Mr. Joseph Bwart, a Manchester silk-broker, who reported that the 
thread was very good, being clean and even, and in every way showed 
excellent management on the part of the grower; that the silks would 
always be saleable as they would command a decided preference 
over the Bengal silks then imported, and come into close competi- 
tion with Italian silks. The 1839 report is not so flourishing. 
Drought, the incursions of cattle, and neglect had much injured 
the mulberry bushes. Still the superintendent was sanguine. The 
dislike of the natives to plant mulberry trees, rear worms, and 
wind silk had been overcome, and several were engaged in making 
proper mulberry nurseries and transplanting and pruning the trees. 
The system of planting the mulberry bushes without earth had 
succeeded well and proved economical ; the quantity of eggs produc- 
ed by the butterflies had increased ; they were regularly hatched 
and the cocoons had grown to the size of the yellow and sulphur 
varieties. At Kothrud the cocoons were so large that 1000 would 
yield two pounds (1 sher) of silk, and the people had shown 
themselves able to wind superior silk. The value of the mulberry 
plantation had been shown by the sale of the leaves.* 



Chapter IV 
Agriculture 

Silk. 



1 Malcolm's Government of India, Appendix A. 69. 

' Mr. Mutti had collected many cocoons of a silk-worm probably Bombax (Saturnia) 
mylitta, said to breed wild near Poona of which he got basketfuls from the children 
at a very cheap rate. The green mucus of the animal made it very hard to clean. 
Still Mr. Mutti reeled it. It was a clear yellow, but with little gloss. Bengal 
Brihmans were said to make beautiful stuff of it. Jaoquemont's Voyages, III. 580-81. 

* The leaves brought for feeding the worms at Vadgaon had been piirohased from the 
husbandmen at IJd. (j a.) the pound ; the greater part were the prunings of mul- 
berry plants under one year of age from the villages of Chinchuri, Vadgaon, Niirdyan- 
gaon, SAvargaon, Gunjalvddi, and MAlegaon. The people of Shivner and PAbal 
showed every inclination to plant the mulberry tree. The plantations were usually 
found in channel- watered places. The mulberry trees grew among plantains and 
sugarcane which did not appear to injure them and almost all kinds of produce could 
be grown under the trees which were usually ten to twelve feet apart. The people 
showed great anxiety to possess worms in order to produce cocoons. All dislike on the 



B 1327—9 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



66 



DISTEICTS. 



Chapter IV. 
Agriculture. 

Silk. 



In 1839, tte advance of £600 (Es. 6000) granted to Signer Mutti 
was written off in consideration of the benefit his exertions were 
calculated to confer on the country and of the loss to which he was 
subjected by ineffectual attempts to introduce the bush system of 
growing mulberries, a system afterwards abandoned by him in favour 
of standards. 

In 1840 Messrs. Daniel and Co. started an establishment to plant 
mulberry bushes with the view of rearing silk- worms on a large scale, 
In spite of the opposition of the superintendent of silk culture they 
bought 533,800 cuttings with which they planted twenty-five acres 
of land near Ndrayangaon in Junnar, besides 1 6^ acres (22 highds) 
of land at Sdsvad in Purandhar. They had also 500,000 cuttings in 
different gardens under their management. Mr. James on their behalf 
reared 25,000 worms at Nardyangaon, which gave thirty-five pounds 
(17| sliers) of cocoons. From some of their eggs he had nearly a 
lakh of cocoons in his garden. All this was done in four months. 
Mr. James spoke highly of the bush system, but by no means 
wished to discourage the planting of trees. He stated that if 
hedges were grown between the trees, it lightened the expense 
so much that the planter could afford to encourage their growth. 
Hedges he considered absolutely necessary to the success of any 
person rearing silk-worms and attributed Signor Mutti's failure to 
the want of hedges.^ Messrs. Daniel & Co. also established three silk- 
winding places or filatures, one at Kothrud near Poena, a second at 
Sasvad, and a third at Nardyangaon. At Ndrayangaon there were a 
number of worms and. cocoons. The cocoons were inferior to Signor 
Mutti's cocoons both in size and softness. This was supposed to 
be due to the fact that bush leaves had not the same strength and 
nourishing power as tree leaves. A number of acres were grown with 
the bush, but its appearance was not healthy. ^ In 1840, Signor 
Mutti went to Egypt on sick leave, and an honorarium of £200 
(Rs. 2000) was given him and £40 (Rs. 400) to Mr. Ramos his 
assistant. An increase of £5 (Rs. 60) to Signor Mutti's pay 
was also sanctioned by Government. In June 1 840 Signor Mutti 
returned to India. Of his operations for the next three years 
distinct accounts have not been obtained. The Government seem 
to have been satisfied with his proceedings. In 1843 Sir G. Arthur, 
then Governor of Bombay, recorded a minute strongly advocating 
perseverance in silk-growing. In this year, according to Signor 
Mutti's report, in Poena, Sordbji Patel had extensive plantations 
of several thousand mulberry trees two to ten years old and made 
a small quantity of silk. There were besides 1 400 mulberry trees 
three to seven years old in the station of Poena, and 50,806 trees 
one to five years old belonging to 317 individuals in thirty-six 
villages. There were also mulberry hedge rows. In two villages 



part of the Brdhmans to the making of silk was overcome. They -were ready to wind 
the silk from the cocoons which could only be done by removing the cocoons in boiling 
water, thus depriving the grub within the cocoon of life. Many BrAhnians were 
thus employed. They were also ready to engage in rearing worms and in winding 
silk in their own houses. Bom. Rev. Rec. 1344 of 1842, 67. 

1 Bom. Rev. Rec. 1241 of 1841, 75 - 76. 2 Bom. Rev. Eeo, 1344 of 1842, 70. 



Deccan.] 

POONA. 67 

two Brdhmans had reared worms and made good cocoons. One Chapter IV 

reared 61,000 worms with considerable success and a profitable Aeric^ture 

result. Signor Mutti had mulberry plantations at Kdsimb^g 

Vadgaon, Chinchore, ChdSj Ndnuri, Sankora, Nd,rd,yangaon, Haryi, ^^^^' 

Utur, Hudapur, Dingoraj Junnar, Manchar, and Ausri.^ He also 

mentioned six breeding places under his superintendence. At one 

of these, Savargaon, there were 35,000 worms. Eeeling was carried 

on at Vadgaon. It was asserted that worms could be reared with 

less risk and in a shorter time than in Europe and that the worms 

were as good as were required for the higher qualities of Italian 

silk. The introduction of the art of winding, it was thought, wanted 

careful supervision at the outset, and the Collector of Poona was 

directed to continue the office of superintendent for five years 

longer, to erect four buildings for rearing worms in the Jannar or 

Pabal sub-divisionat a cost not exceeding £500 (Rs. 5000) as public 

property, and to conduct the breeding of worms and the making of 

silk on account of Signor Mutti himself or some private individual. 

Houses for rearing worms were accordingly built at Poona and 

Kasimbag Vadgaon. The Collector was also authorised to advance 

£200 (Rs. 2000) as a loan without interest to Signor Mutti to be 

repaid by instalments of £10 (Rs. 100) a month and to place £300 

(Rs. 3000) at the disposal of the superintendent to be advanced by 

him to villagers who were anxious to grow silk. Signor Mutti 

established permanent winding places or filatures at Junnar,Diagora, 

and Narayangaon. He had 400,000 worms in these places, and had 

been able to wind 160 to 200 pounds of silk a year.^ Shoi-tly after this 

date Signor Mutti fell ill, and Mr. Ramos was appointed to act for him. 

In 1845 doubts of the success of the silk-growing experiment 
began to be raised. In 1847 a committee was appointed to report 
on the subject. The two members Dr. Gibson and Mr. Davidson 
joined in the opinion that any further attempt by Government to 
grow the mulberry with a view to the making of silk in the 
Deccan was not likely to succeed. Dr. Gibson expressed the decided 
opinion that neither bush nor standard could be profitably grown 
in the Deccan, and that the results shown by Signor Mutti had 
been due to an artificial stimulation, which deceived both Govern- 
ment and himself. Mr. Davidson agreed with Dr. Gibson^ and 
Government ordered that all silk operations should cease. 

No further attempt was made to grow silk till in September 
1875, a sum of £250 (Rs. 2500) was placed at the disposal of Major 
G. Coussmaker, the superintendent of the photozincographic office 
at Poona, to carry out tasar silk experiments.^ Major Coussmaker 
began the experiments on the 1st of August 1875. Pictures show- 
ing the moths, cocoons, and caterpillars were sent to the Collectors 
and forest officers and to their native subordinates. Descriptive 
circulars were also sent in English, Marathi, Gujard,ti, and Kd.narese, 
offering to buy seed cocoons at Is. (8 as.) and burst cocoons at 6d. 
(4 as.) the hundred. He asked the native officials to submit fortnightly 
reports on facts which came to their notice. He also from time to 

' Bom. Eev. Kec. 1344 of 1842, 60. = Bom. Rev. Rec. 1569 of 1844, 81-89. 

3 Gov. Res. Genl. Dept. 2794, 15th Sept. 1875. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



68 



DISTEICTS. 



Chapter IV. 
Agriculture. 

Silk. 



time wrote and distributed fresh circulars as lie found out new facts 
or drew fresh, conclusions. By these means a general interest in 
the collection of tasar cocoons was aroused and at a cost of £16 8«. 
(Es. 164), Major Coussmaker received 62,216 cocoons by rail, post, 
cart, and headloads. Most of these cocoons came from the Konkan 
forests. The trees on which they were chiefly found were, in the 
Konkan, bor and guti Zizyphus jujuba and xylopyra, ain Terminalia 
tomentosa, kdnchan Bauhinia parviflora, harvand Oarissa carandas, 
and mal hdngani Celastrus montana ; and in Poena, Satara, Gujardt, 
and Kh^ndesh, on these trees and also on ndndruk Ficus benjamina, 
pimpri Ficus tjiela, dhdvda Conocarpus latifoHa, and lendeya Lager- 
streemia parviflora. In the Panch Mahals they were also found on 
halda Ohloroxylon swietenia. In the Konkan the men who 
collected them were to some extent Musalm^ns, Mh^rs, and Mardthas, 
but chiefly Katkaris, Kolis, Kunbis, Yarlis, and Thakurs, men 
who from February to May were in the habit of cutting branches 
to burn on their land. Major Coussmaker attempted to rear the 
worms in his office building, in some of the rooms of his house, and 
in the veranda. Some of the cases and feeding trays were hung 
from the rafters of the rooms, from hooks and trees ; others were 
fastened to uprights driven into the ground. In this way with 
wire and string netting and with bamboo chicks. Major Coussmaker 
succeeded in restraining the wanderings of the caterpillars and in 
guarding them from their enemies. But the food failed and hatch 
after batch died from starvation. Between the middle of August 
1875 and the end of October 1876 Major Coussmaker was hardly 
ever without moths. The gathering of the cocoons from the trees 
and moving them, shutting them in the baskets and bags, and 
generally disturbing them had the effect of repeatedly bringing out 
the moths during the months of February and March. Upwards of 
100 moths were out every night and whenever a fresh batch of 
seed cocoons arrived, whatever the temperature or the time of 
year, moths came out in large quantities. The first supplies from 
the district officials arrived in February and included both full and 
empty cocoons packed in baskets and bags. On arrival it was not 
easy to find how many of the cocoons were full and how many were 
burst. The shaking had so disturbed them that the consignments 
were found to contain many moths more or less damaged. Major 
Coussmaker had all the cocoons moved to open trays and put into 
a spare room. The details for the eight months ending September 
show that on an average 529 females paired and 21,329 worms were 
hatched every month : 

PooNA Tasab Experiments, 1875-76. 



Month. 


Males. 


Females. 


Paired. 


Worms 
Hatched. 


February 10th -29th ... 


356 


419 


43 


No record. 


March 


1126 


1217 


399 




April 


678 


6.36 


289 


20,770 


May 


639 


663 


115 


14,781 


June 


504 


523 


424 


38,679 


July 


430 


443 


372 


43,097 


Augrust 


428 


320 


309 


46,864 


September 1st -10th ... 
Total ... 


142 


120 


89 


7663 


4097 


4231 


2046 


170,634 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



69 



Before the supplies from the districts came in, Major Couss- 
maker's men had gathered some 300 cocoons near Poena. These 
cocoons and the moths that came out of them, as well as the cater- 
pillars which were hatched, were mostly sacrificed in experiments. 
The result confirmed Major Coussmaker's former experience that 
the males require more liberty than the females, that the females 
rarely moved from their empty cocoons or from the twigs on to 
which they crawled when their wings were stiffening, while the males 
flew away as soon as their wings were stiff enough. As during 
the rainy season several male moths were generally flying about, 
females, when tied out, were soon paired, their talc-like disks shining 
like little moons and drawing the male like the light of the glow- 
worm. In this way Major Coussmaker succeeded in getting nearly 
all the females which came out during the monsoon of 1875 paired. 
His arrangements for rearing failed. His space was limited and his 
cages were badly aired, and though he hatched several hundreds he 
gathered only fifty cocoons. He afterwards moved into a larger house 
and gave the worms more room. He joined chairs and tables together 
with bamboos so as to make them form a succession of benches. On 
these benches he set bamboo mat trays and above the trays he hung 
twigs on strings, entirely giving up the indoor cage system. In 
some places he put rows of small pots with twigs in them, filling 
them with moist earth . This did not answer, as the caterpillars were 
more ready to crawl down the pots tban up them and the free 
movement of the air was hindered. He therefore determined to 
trust to the strings alone. For a short time everything went well. 
Major Coussmaker had plenty of good fresh leaves ; the worms 
were not crowded, and they grew considerably. But long before 
their fifty days of life were over, the leaves became hard or diseased, 
and though Major Coussmaker had abundance of leaves all were 
of inferior quality. During the whole season caterpillar after cater- 
pillar pined and withered. Though from time to time the trees 
flushed and sent out fresh shoots, their efforts were spasmodic, and 
owing to the great scarcity of rain Major Coussmaker found it 
impossible to ensure a steady supply of suitable food. He found 
that many young worms crawled down the legs of the chairs and 
tables and disappeared. He accordingly changed his trays. He 
fastened ropes to the rafters and to hooks in the ceiling, and 
passing them through broken bottle fairleaders, so as to prevent 
the enemies of the worms climbing down or the worms climbing up, 
he made a succession of swinging trays, over which as before he set 
strings of twigs. This method greatly lessened the labour of tending ; 
the worms were much more secure and the ventilation was good. 
But again as in the year before food failed. Major Coussmaker 
changed the place of the swinging trays. Some he tied to the 
boughs of trees, some in one veranda, some in another ; but the 
food was no better. He let some loose on trees in the station, but 
there were no fresh leaves and they died or were taken by the birds, 
squirrels, and lizards. On a range of hills a few miles out of Poena 
he found a grassy tract with many bushes and saplings of 
Terminalia, Lagerstrasmia, and Carissa. Here he turned out some 
thousand worms and set men to watch them during the day. For 



Chapter IV 
Agriculture 

Silk, 



[Bombay Gazetteer 
70 DISTEICTS. 

Chapter IV. some five weeks they did well. Then a very hot fortnight set in, 
Aericulture. *^^ saplings and small bushes lost their leaves, and almost all the 
worms died. Major Coussmaker thought the failure was entirely 
^'^'^^ due to the unprecedented drought. Although Major Coussmaker 

failed in rearing, he succeeded in breeding and in procuring fertile 
eggs. During the hot weather, when no wild males were flying, 
Major Coussmaker found it was little use tying out the females, 
but during the rains he was successful. Prom February to May he 
turned all the moths as they came into a bedstead shaded with 
mosquito curtains, and a fair proportion paired. After May he 
rigged the swinging trays as before, and in the mat trays resting on 
them he set the cocoons, covering the whole with bamboo' chicks 
fastened like a pent-house about three feet high. After they came 
out of the cocoons the moths crawled up the chicks and there hung 
while their wings were expanding. Major Coussmaker found that 
several of the moths paired in these cages. Each morning he looked 
at them, and leaving the pairs inside the cages undisturbed, he put 
the rest of the moths into a large basket and covered them. About 
four in the afternoon he looked at them and found that several of 
them had paired. These were left undisturbed, and all the unpaired 
females were tethered to a small trellis-work. At dark, this frame 
was hung to a tree, and all the unpaired males were set free near 
it. In the morning most of the tethered females were paired. The 
frame was brought indoors and hung out of the way. Care was 
taken to use no force in separating the pairs. They were always 
allowed to free themselves. After they were free the females were 
put under inverted baskets to lay their eggs, and the males were 
put into a basket to be set free at sunset. By following this system, 
most of the females paired and their eggs proved fertile, but the 
average outturn of eggs was less than Major Coussmaker had 
formerly noticed, only 106 to each moth. Major Coussmaker did 
not have the eggs counted, only the number of worms hatched. 
Major Coussmaker's head silk-worm tender was a Mard,tha widow, 
who had been taught in the female normal school at Poena. It was 
chiefly from her that he received the figures quoted above. She 
made every efEort to keep the worms alive, closing windows and doors, 
hanging up wet cloths, putting hhaskhas- tatties to the doors, 
sprinkling the twigs and dipping them in water ; but all was of no 
avail. Death returns kept by Major Coussmaker showed that of 
the worms that died two-thirds were under a week old. Of 170,634 
worms hatched between the 1st of April and the 10th of September 
only 2623 grew up and spun cocoons. This mortality in Major 
Coussmaker's opinion was due to the want of suitable food. Under 
the head tender, Major Coussmaker had five lads, some looking 
after the worms in his garden and some tending them in the bush- 
lands on the hills near, and at odd times cleaning the burst cocoons 
and preparing them for the manufacturer. Most of the cocoons sent 
to Major Coussmaker were those of Antheraea paphia and belonged 
to the common variety of that moth. In September 1875, Major 
Bowie, Deputy Commissioner at Sambalpur, senb him some cocoons 
belonging to another variety called by the natives of the Central 
Provinces the Chhattisgad cocoon. These were larger, but much 



Silk. 



Deccau.] 

POONA. 71 

thinner and softer. The motliSjtlioughsliglitlydarker, paired readily Chapter IV 
with the small hard cocoon moth. As far as Major Coussmaker Affriculture« 
could judge the difference between the two was one of climate and 
feeding. The Chhattisgad moths were more delicate and limper. 
The remaining cocoons received from the Bombay forests were of 
Attacus edwardsii and of Oricula trifenestrata. Several moths of 
both these species came out but none paired. Attacus edwardsii 
seemed to be distributed over the whole Presidency and was found 
also in Maisur ; Cricula trifenestrata came from North Kdnara only. 
The tree which Major Coussmaker used for indoor rearing was 
the ndndnik Picus benjamina. The leaves travel well and long 
keep fresh. The tree has constant flushes of young leaves and 
being planted for shelter in many places along the roadside was 
in every way the best suited for a large experiment. At the same 
time, as they were neither pruned nor wateredj the nandruks failed 
to yield a trustworthy supply of suitable leaves. Major Couss- 
maker tried the hor Zizyphus jujuba, but it quickly withered. Still 
on it, on the ain Terminalia tomentosa, the lendeya Lagerstrgemia 
parviflora, and the karvand Carissa carandas, a few caterpillars 
grew to maturity out of doors. Mr. Woodrow, the superintendent 
of the Ganeshkhind Botanical Gardens, had also in the same year 
(1876-77) a small sum placed at his disposal by the Collector of 
Poena to make experiments in the growth of tasar silk. He laid 
down a great many cuttings of Picus benjamina, and built a light 
roomy shed, with the sides and top of coir matting, a cheap and 
effective structure. Mr. Woodrow got a few seed cocoons and 
Major Coussmaker from time to time gave him fertile eggs. The 
result of his experiments was the same as of Major Coussmaker's. 
The moths bred freely in confinement and produced fertile eggs in 
abundance and in due course the caterpillars appeared. But of the 
number that entered on the worm stage only about five per cent 
lived to spin cocoons and these cocoons were decidedly inferior to what 
might be gathered all over the country. Every now and again the 
caterpillars throve well, but when the quality of the leaves fell off, 
the caterpillars starved and died. At the close of his experiments 
he had 923 good cocoons. Mr. Lyle, an American employed on the 
Peninsula railway, tried a series of experiments in rearing silk -worms 
at his house near Ddpuri. As he had no room or shed, he with 
great ingenuity made a set of large pens or cages fixed on up- 
rights driven into the ground under some good shade-trees. The 
sides and tops of his cages were of bamboo chicks closely fastened 
together so that while sufficient air was admitted no caterpillar 
could escape, and none of the silk-worms' enemies could come at 
them ; a coating of mixed tar and castor-oil prevented any enemy 
climbing the uprights. Inside his cages, Mr. Lyle stretched wires 
lengthways and hung the twigs on the wires. A good deal of light 
rain fell at Dd,puri in the month of August when Mr. Lyle's cages 
were full, and the wind driving the moisture through the openings 
of the chicks kept the leaves fresh and the worms throve as well as 
on the trees. He got some cocoons from trees along the line, and 
Major Coussmaker provided him with some fertile eggs. Prom 
these, which he began to rear on the 7th of August and which spun 



[Bombay Gazetteer,- 
72 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter IV. by the 20tli of September, lie gathered 1609 cocoonSj the majority 
Aeric^ture °^ which were as fine as any forest reared specimens in the neigh- 
bourhood. He had a greater choice of food than Major Couss- 
Silk, maker, and managed to secure a superior quality of leaf throughout 

the forty-five days. He fed the worms on Ficus benjamina and 
Ficus tjiela twigs eighteen inches long laid very close together. 
In his opinion the worms seemed equally fond of both kinds. One 
objection to Ficus tjiela was that when it dried or faded the leaf 
rolled up and, especially at moulting time, hurt the caterpillar rest- 
ing on it. He also noticed that, if they had begun to eat one 
kind of leaf the caterpillars would not pass from ndndruk to hor or 
from ior to ndndruk. Mr. Lyle by accident found that the worms 
throve well on Lagerstrsemia indica, a leafy, ornamental, flowering 
shrub found in most gardens. Both he and Major Coussmaker 
put some caterpillars on these trees and found that they grew enor- 
mously and spun very large cocoons. The chief experience gained 
by the year's experiments was that seed cocoons should be moved 
as little as possible ; that feeding worms on twigs gathered from 
unpruned roadside trees was a mistake, as eighteen inch twigs have 
only three or four suitable leaves ; that plantations should be made 
of trees and shrubs and that the trees should be pollarded j that 
when worms are fed out of doors the trees should be guarded 
by cages or nets and when under shelter the worms should be kept 
either in coir-matting sheds or in portable pens or cages ; that 
only the third, fourth, and fifth leaves from the end of the twig 
should be used, and that these twigs should be renewed three or four 
times a day ; that the system of cages, baskets, and tethering en- 
sures a supply of fertile eggs ; that the eggs of the healthier moths 
should alone be kept for distribution or for home-rearing ; that 
since the silk-mill in Bombay can work burst cocoons there is no 
need to kill a single chrysalis, all the moths should be allowed to 
come out of the cocoons ; that after the moths come out the cocoon 
should be carefully cleaned, all pieces of leaf or twig brushed oil, 
and all cast skins and chrysales picked from the inside ; that the 
habits of the trees or shrubs used for feeding the worms should be 
carefully watched to find how best to ensure a steady supply of 
suitable food. 

As regards the workiug of the tasar cocoons into fabrics Major 
Coussmaker carried on a correspondence with Messrs. Td,pid^s 
Varajdds and Co., secretaries and treasurers of the Alliance Spinning 
and Weaving Company Limited, of Bombay, and placed the whole 
matter in their hands. He sent them 112 pounds of cocoons 
cleaned as well as his labourers could clean them without boiling 
them. Messrs. Tdpid^s and Company found that the cocoons 
yielded about forty per cent of pure silk and about thirty per cent of 
noils and refuse. The remaining thirty per cent, which was lost in 
the boiling, in Major Coussmaker's opinion was the natural cement, 
the dirt, and foreign matter left by the cleaners. Some of the 
forty-five pounds of silk that remained was woven into tasar cloth, 
some into tasar poplin, and a considerable quantity was used in 
experiments made with the view of bleaching it. Messrs. Tdpidds 
and Company were not able to put any value on the material either 



Deccan.] 

POONA. 73 

in the form of cocoons, of yarn, or of piecegoods, as there was no Chapter IV. 

demand for tasar. They could not use it unless it could be supplied Aericuitura 
as white or nearly as white and as capable of taking every dye as 
the B. mori silk.i Silk.. 

In 1877, the Bombay Government sanctioned the payment to 
Major Coussmaker of £50 (Rs. 500) as an honorarium.^ At Ganesh- 
khind the first cocoons seemed fertile, but only about five per cent 
of the caterpillars lived to spin. The second generation did not 
come to maturity. 

In the course of his inquiries Major Coussmaker got a sample 
of fibre much superior to any Indian specimen he had seen, though 
inferior to Italian silk. He found that this fibre was produced by a 
hybrid of the tasar moth with the yama-mai or oak-feeding moth 
of Japan. The Bombay Government, in communication with the 
British officials in Japan, procured some eggs of the oak-feeding 
variety. Boxes of this seed were sent to various official and private 
experimenters. Those kept by Major Coussmaker seem to have 
been all killed by the dry heat of Poona, nor did those kept in 
Bombay by experienced and generally successful silk-growers fare 
better. It has been suggested that the yama-mai breed should be 
introduced in the cocoon state, but it is extremely doubtful whether 
the true cause of their failure is not the absence of any leaf of the 
oak family which is their natural food. The only tree to which they 
seemed to show the slightest partiality was the ndndruk Ficua 
benjaminia, and even on that they fed for not more than four days. 
That the journey is not the cause of failure seems clear from the 
success with which this breed of silk moth has been carried from 
Yokohama across the United States to England, a journey of more 
than forty days. 

In 1879, Major Coussmaker resumed his experiments. He 
set aside fifty cocoons of the 1878 crop for breeding. He also got 
from others a good supply of moths, many of which he allowed to 
escape as he had not food for many caterpillars. He kept some 
10,000 eggs hoping to find food for them in Poena. But he failed 
to get more than 500 good cocoons from them of which he 
kept only a hundred. As before the great difficulty was to secure 
an unfailing supply of suitable food. To improve his supply, with 
the first promise of rain in June, Major Coussmaker set aside 
about one-sixth of an acre in his garden with a southerly aspect. 
This he cleared of trees and bushes and laid it out in ridges 
four feet wide with side gutters. On these ridges he planted 340 
feet of dhdyti Lagerstrremia indica, 270 feet of bor Zizyphus jujuba, 
ninety feet of karvand Carissa carandas, 107 feet of ain Terminalia 
tomentosa, fifteen feet of arjun or sddada Terminalia ar juna, and f orty- 
sixfeet of waniirM&Picusbenjamina. 'H.e iound dhdytithe most suitable 
plant. With liberal water it constantly threw out shoots covered with 
'. leaves which the worms ate greedily. The plant could be easily 
grown from the root. The hor was liked by the worms but the 



' Major Ooussmaker's Report to Government, 20th November 1876, 
2 Bom. Gov. Res. 597, 22nd February 1877 (General Department). 

B 1327—10 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 
74 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter IV- leaves were small and thinly scattered and were soon eaten. The 

.— j. karvand was leafier but a slow grower. The ain and arjun had 

Agriculture. ia,rger leaves but were slow growers. The ndndruk was a failure : it 

Silk. ^i^ not thrive and was not eaten. A dhdyti plantation with lor and 

karvand hedges would yield plenty of food after the beginning 

of its third rains. Major Coussmaker kept all his seed cocoons 

hung on a wall out of reach of rats. So long as "they were left 

undisturbed the moths came out only during the regular season. 

Large numbers died when cold October east winds set in. But the 

chief causes of death were preventible, shortness of food and attacks 

of insectSj birds, mice, and other enemies. 

In 1880-81, Major Coussmaker's crop of cocoons failed. He 
thought this failure was the fault of the cages. These were tarred 
screens of split bamboo. They kept out rats, mice, birds, squirrels, 
and lizards, but they were too dark ; the plants did not thrive and 
the worms were always trying to escape. He made the cages longer 
and put netting at the top and everything throve till some wasps 
and other insects punctured and killed most of the silk-worms. He 
had about 30,000 clean perforated cocoons weighing about sixty 
pounds. He thought it best to go on collecting until he got about 
a hundredweight. In 1881, though the results were better, Major 
Coussmaker did not suciseed in gathering a full season's crop of 
cocoons of his own rearing. His food supply was perfect and the cages 
kept out all the larger enemies of the worm ; still there was much 
sickness and many deaths. Only 1000 cocoons were gathered. His 
first batch of worms hatched on the 2nd of May and the first cocoon 
was spun on the 6th of June. The last batch of worms hatched in the 
middle of November, but they gradually dwindled and came to 
nothing ; the last worm died on the 8th of December. The whole 
season's collection amounted to 60,000 cocoons double of the 1880 
collection. It was chiefly received from the forest Department who 
sent 58,000 cocoons. Major Coussmaker had all these cocoons cleaned 
of extraneous matter. The outturn for the two years, 200 pounds 
of clean cocoons, was sent to Mr. Thomas Wardle of Leek in 
England. This was sold to Messrs. Clayton Marsdens and Company 
of Halifax at Is. Bd. the pound. The spinners reported that the 
fibre was somewhat coarser than most tasar waste and the cocoons had 
been opened, but this was not a serious drawback to its spinning 
qualities. At this time, in Majot- Coussmaker's opinion, the prospects 
of the tasar silk industry were promising, every year showing an 
improvement. Major Coussmaker laid out a sixth of an acre as a 
dhdyti or gulmendhi plantation. The land was laid out in ridges 
seven feet wide with a gutter of one foot between. The dhdytia 
were put into a trench of good soil mixed with manure in the middle 
of each ridge one foot apart. Where the ground was not filled 
with the cages, on each side of the dhdytis on the ridges vegetables 
were grown. Care was taken to lay out the ground in the way best 
suited for watering. The cages were tarred rectangular pieces of split 
bamboo screen-work, a cheap light material neither liable to be hurt 
by the weathw aor to be gnawed by rats. In making the cages he tied 
the screens together, making the sides three feet high and the ends 
six feet wide. The cage could be put up over the whole length of the 



Silk. 



Deccan.] 

POONA.-^ 75 

hedge and was divided into twelve-feet sections. From side to Chapter IV. 

side, arched over the top of the hedge, pieces of rattan had their ends Agriculturei 

fastened to the screens and the middle to a light ridge pole which 

rested on triangular screens. Over these hoops coarse open cotton 

was spread. By this arrangement nothing touched the shrubs which 

were uniformly cut to a height of four feet and nothing tempted the 

worms to leave their food. There were three screens under the 

triangles. The middle screen was fixed and the two smaller screens 

on either side were fitted with string hinges, allowing boys to go in 

and clean on both sides of the hedges without injuring the shrubs. 

When hatching, the worms were put on the plants near the door, and 

they ate away steadily crawling to the next when the first twig was 

stripped. As fast as they were eaten the bare twigs were cut off 

and fresh ones grew. After a few weeks the hedge was as thickly 

covered with leaves as when the caterpillars were put in, and this 

process went on as long as the rearing of the worms was continued. 

When the twigs in any section of the screen were stripped the 

screen was taken down and shifted along the hedge or to some ncsy 

place. As a rule little water was required. In July 1882, 

Government held that the experiments conducted by Major 

Coussmaker proved that tasar silk could be grown with success in 

the Deccan. They proposed to continue the experiments, and hoped 

they would lead to the considerable growing of tasar silk. In 1882 

Major Coussmaker increased his Lagorstrsemia plantation to 1500 feet 

and his Zizyphus hedge to 300 feet. In February 1883, before retiring 

from the service, Major Coussmaker in a final report expressed his 

opinion that tasar silk-gi'owing would not pay. Large imports from 

China had lowered the price of tasar waste in England, the Bombay 

cocoons were small and yielded little silk, and the gathering of wild 

cocoons or the rearing of worms were both costly. 6d. (4 as.) a 

hundred was the cheapest rate at which forest cocoons could be 

gathered and this was too high to admit of profit. The people 

did not find it pay them to leave their regular work and gather 

cocoons. It was only by the personal exertions of the forest officers 

that so much had been gathered. Major Coussmaker had nearly 

every year tried to increase the size of the cocoons by bringing 

large cocoons from Sambalpur, Tamtara, Manbhum, and other places^ 

but with no success. The moths had paired readily with the small 

Deccan variety, the worms had hatched, but there was no difference 

in the cocoons. Major Coussmaker believed that the smallness of 

the Deccan cocoon was due to the climate and perhaps in a less 

degree to the food. As far as outturn went the result of rearing 

the tasar silk- worm was satisfactory. Within six weeks Major 

Coussmaker had been able to gather three cocoons from each foot 

of hedge. In 1882 the first worm hatched on the ^th of May and 

the first cocoon was gathered thirty-two days latel^. The worms of 

this batch numbered 380 and 347 of them spu^n cocoons, beginning 

on the 7th and ending on the 24th of June., They consumed 110 

feet of Lagerstrasmia. Of 1800 feet of Lagorstrsemia, one-half was 

sufficiently grown to yield a steady supply of food. From these 

900 feet between May and October Major Coussmaker gathered 

5678 cocoons. Of these only about half, which were almost all 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



76 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 
Agriculture. 

Silk. 



Experimental 
Gardens. 



gathered before tlie end of July, were sound and perfectly formed. 
Later in tlie season without any apparent cause he lost many 
hundreds of worms in all stages, some being the progeny of moths 
of the preceding _ year. Still many cocoons were spun, some of 
which were rery fine, but the majority were weak and thin. These 
facts, his own former experience, and the information received in 
letters and printed reports showed that no reliance could be placed 
on any but the first crop of the season, the progeny of the moths 
which rest in their cocoons during the cold and hot seasons, and 
which emerge early in the monsoon when the first showers of rain fall. 
Throughout the whole monsoon and often at other times, when 
disturbed, moths continue to appear but with an unsatisfactory result 
and much loss of life. Enough cocoons were spun to ensure a supply 
of seed cocoons, but not enough to call a crop. Major Coussmaker's 
arrangements had succeeded in guarding the worms and ensuring a 
steady supply of food. The labour bill was reduced to a minimum; one 
woman and one boy could easily look after at least an acre of hedge 
and keep the enclosures in repair. At the same time if the south- 
west rains did not break early and heavily the hedges would have 
to be watered and the expense of enclosing would be very great. 
So long as tasar continued cheap this system could not pay. Crows, 
sparrows, squirrels, and rats gather near dwellings and must be 
kept out. Major Coussmaker succeeded in keeping the worms safe 
from their enemies, but the process was costly. Major Coussmaker 
having wound up his series of experiments, handed his plantation of 
Lagerstrsemia and Zizyphus bushes, together with the bamboo 
screens and iron rods which he used for his enclosures, to the 
superintendent of the Central Jail at Yaravda. There is land 
attached to the jail and the head jailor took an interest in silk 
experiments. 

Shortly before 1841 an experimental garden was started at Hivra, 
about ten miles east of Junnar. In 1841 potatoes and sugarcane were 
the chief products. The market for the potatoes extended to DhuHa, 
Aurangabad, and Bombay, and the growth of sugarcane had 
greatly increased. Numerous other products were also tried. The 
chief were, American maize, anotfo dye for which there was a large 
demand in Poena, hemp, and oil-plants. A valuable variety of rice the 
Icamodwaa introduced into the district, and thirty-eight kinds of choice 
wheat were received from Edinburgh. Dr. Gribson, the superintendent 
of the garden, considered the cultivation of cotton, cassado or 
tapioca root, and coffee unsuited to Poona.' There was a similar 
garden at Government House at Dapuri, about eight miles north-west 
of Poena, for which Government did not incur any additional 
expenditure, and where several trees, including among others the 
India Rubber tree, were raised. In the nursery on the top of 
Shivner fort by the help of four Chinese convicts upwards of 200 
exotic trees were grown and seemed likely to be useful. The olive 
and cedar flourished in some places in the plains, but at Dapuri the 
soil was not good enough for the olive. 



1 Bom. Rev. Eec. 1455 of 1843, 176-7. 



Deccau.] 



POONA. 



77 



About the same time (1841) Messrs. Sandt and Webbe, two 
enterprizing and respectable Anglo -Indians, had a well cultivated 
garden at Mundhve, about four miles east of Poena. Besides 
growing oranges, grapes, and other fruit they turned their attention 
to the cultivation of the coffee plant. In 1847 they had about a 
hundred healthy trees from which they realized a good crop, besides 
a thousand young plants ready for putting out. They also grew a 
little Mauritius sugarcane and made raw-sugar or gul from its juice. 

The botanical garden at Ganeshkhind was started in 1873, and 
along with the Hivra garden, has since been under the superintendence 
of Mr. Gr. M. Woodrow. The principal object of these gardens is to 
supply the Medical Department with drugs. In 1872-73 the outturn 
of the gardens included 700 pounds of senna, 1300 pounds of henbane, 
and 1036 pounds of dandylion. During the same year the chief 
produce of the laboratory was 107 pounds of extract of colycinth 
compound, fifty-six pounds of extract of hyoscyamus, 1621 pounds of 
groundnut-oil, 7190 pounds of castor-oil, and eleven pounds of croton 
oil. In that year experiments were made with various artificial 
manures, nitro-phosphate, citrate, dissolved bones, nitrate of 
soda, hop manure, and superphosphate. The income of the gardens 
amounted to £164 (Rs. 1640) and the expenditure to £154 (Rs. 1540). 
The laboratory receipts were £431 (Rs. 43 10) and the expenditure 
£319 (Rs, 3190). In 1873-74 experiments were made with European 
artificial manures ; the result was not satisfactory. It was proved that 
silt from the drains of Poena city is a valuable manure at least 
equal for one year's crop to dung from oil-cake fed cattle. Of the 
cork trees that were planted three years before, many had died and 
a few were struggling for life. One, which had grown six and a half 
feet high and four inches in circumference, appeared to be in perfect 
health. As this showed that the climate was not unsuited to the 
cork-tree, the Secretary of State was asked to arrange for the 
despatch of periodical supplies of cork-tree acorns. Many new 
ornamental plants were introduced, the most valuable of which was 
the Bxogonium purga, the plant which yields the drug jalap. 
Experiments were also made for the growth of fibre for paper. 
The income was £352 (Rs. 3520) and the expenditure £1222 
(Rs. 12,220) besides- £558 (Rs. 5580) spent on the laboratory 
building from ar fund set apart for the purpose. In 1874-75, the 
income was £842 (Rs.8420) and the expenditure £1257 (Rs. 12,570). 
The area under tillage was fifty-seven acres, seven of which were 
watered. One fact was ascertained that prickly-pear made a valuable 
manure if it was left to rot in a cistern through which the water of 
an irrigation channel was led. Some new descriptions of tree were 
added. A fairly successful attempt was made to grow vanilla. Flax 
was also grown of fair quality but of excessive dearness. Unsuccessful 
attempts were made to get paper from san stalks and plantain fibre. 
Most of the cork acorns brought from England arrived dead. In 
1875-76, the income of the garden amounted to £660 (Rs. 6600) 
and the expenditure to £1268 (Rs. 12,680). The most important 
new introductions were Balsamocarpon brevifolium a plant yielding 
pods useful in tanning and the Liberian coffee. Cereal crops were 
raised with a view to selecting the seed. 3000 half-standiird roses 



Chapter IV. 
Agriculture. 



Botanical 
Gakdbns. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



78 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 

Agricnlture. 

Botanical 
Gardens. 



were ready for distribution. A list of the medicinal plants was 
printed and indents became more frequent. 

In 1876-77, the income of the garden amounted to £951 
(Rs. 9510) and the expenditure to £1 285 (Rs. 12,850) . Experiments 
with the Wagatea spicata, a climbing shrub, a native of the Konkan, 
showed that its seed-pods contained a high proportion, fifteen per 
cent, of tannic acid. A satisfactory feature in the working of the 
garden was the extent to which its drugs, chiefly taraxacum and 
colocynth, were in demand. Experiments in the production of tasar 
silk were continued. In 1877-78, experiments were carried on 
with mahogany trees, the seed of which had been sent from Kew 
Gardens and planted in 1874. The results seemed to show that 
the tree could be acclimatised and established if well watered 
during the first two years. The blue gum tree, Eucalyptus 
globulus, was found to thrive well for four or five years and then to 
die ofE. The superintendent was of opinion that an exotic which 
like the gum tree did not go to rest at any time of the year was sure 
not to succeed. Cinchona, though it grew well in the conservatory, 
died in the hot season if planted out. Taraxicum was grown with 
success. The tasar silk experiments were not satisfactory. The 
income of the garden was £516 (Rs. 5160) and the expenditure 
£1290 (Rs. 12,900). The Ganeshkhind gardens, which were 
originally intended merely as a nursery for the growth of local medicinal 
plants, under the supervision of a scientific gardener had assumed a 
botanical character. In 1878-79, a committee was appointed to 
consider how the locality could best be developed for the purpose 
of botanical experiments and instruction. The suggestions of the 
committee were considered by Government and it was decided that 
the gardens should be constituted the recognized chief botanic 
gardens of the Presidency and that arrangements should be made 
for forming in them as complete a collection as possible of the local 
plants of Western India, a herbarium of which was to be kept 
permanently on the spot, along with a select library of diagrams and 
botanical works of reference. The manufacture of oil was discontinued 
and the superintendent was instructed to manage the gardens with 
the view of making them of purely botanical and scientific utility. 
Botanical teaching was begun at the end of February 1879 by means 
of lectures at the gardens and at the College of Science and at 
the Deccan College in Poena, with illustrations of specimens collected 
by the superintendent. The average attendance was fifty-one 
students. 

Experiments with Nankin cotton showed that it could not be 
profitably grown intheDeccan. Thesample sentto theBombay Cham- 
ber of Commerce was estimated to be worth £5 (Rs. 50) less than the 
common samples of Dholera. The forage plant, Reana luxuriens, 
was found to be no better than sugarcane when grown in rich soil 
and irrigated, and worse than jvdri when treated as a dry crop, 
The income of the garden was £740 (Rs. 7400) besides £134 
(Rs. 1340) the value of the oil on hand, and the expenditure £1282 
(Rs. 12,820), that is a net cost of £408 (Rs.4080). In 1879-80, 
the room formerly occupied by the oil-pressing machinery was 



Dcccan] 



POONA. 



79 



partially fitted as an herbarium and specimens of about 1700 species 
were arranged according to their natural orders. Some of these 
were identified and the rest were sent to the Royal Herbarium at Kew 
for comparison. Considerable additions were made to the library 
which was used by a large number of botanical and agricultural 
students. Botanical teaching was continued during the year at the 
gardens and at the adjacent Poena colleges. The average attendance 
at the gardens fell from fifty-nine to nineteen as the students 
were allowed to pass the examinations without attending at the 
gardens. Six trained native gardeners or mdlis were sent out during 
the year and the demand for trained men continued much greater 
than the supply. 

Experiment with the thornless opuntia or prickly-pearj which can 
be easily skinned and is then a favourite food for cattle, showed that 
it grows freely as a fence and is not likely to prove troublesome as it 
does not grow from seed. The yield of the forage grass Buchleina 
luxuriens seemed nearly the same as that of guinea-grass. A crop 
sown in November and cut in April gave sixteen tons the acre of 
green forage at one cutting. Fifty mango trees of the finest varieties 
were planted for stock from which grafts could be taken for distribu- 
tion. The demand for imported seeds had risen from £69 (Rs. 690) 
in 1875 to £124 (Rs. 1240). Experiments with lucern grass 
seemed to prove the French variety superior to the acclimatised 
variety. The plant was quite as vigorous, the stalk was more 
delicate, and the seed was only half the weight. The receipts of the 
garden amounted to £946 (Rs, 9460) and the charges to £1554 
(Rs. 15,540). In 1880-81, additions to the herbarium brought up 
the collection to about 2080 species of which about 1080 were 
identified. Botanical teaching Was continued at the gardens. A 
number of full grown specimens of Albizzia procera, one of the local 
trees which during the cold season of 1878-79 had been transplanted 
without soil on the roots, showed satisfactory results. Euchleina 
luxuriens was again grown for forage. It proved a vigorous grass 
when highly manured and watered, but not superior to sugarcane. 
Twenty mango trees of the finest varieties were planted out for stock, 
raising to 102 the number of trees whose grafts were suitable for 
distribution. The demand for imported seeds was about the same 
as in the previous year. The garden receipts amounted to £340 
(Rs. 3400) and the charges to £768 (Rs. 7680). In 1881-82 the 
general condition of the garden was improving and the number of 
visitors was increasing. The receipts, derived chiefly from the sale 
of fruit trees, vegetable, and flower seeds, taraxicum, and some 
timber, amounted to £637 (Rs. 6870) and the charges to £1046 
(Rs. 10,460). A mangosteen plant from Singapore died from cold 
in November. The local hoha/m or wild mangosteen plants were in 
good condition. Potatoes received from the Secretary of State grew 
surprisingly Well. In May 1882 the carob tree yielded a crop of 
fully thirty pounds weight of pods, the greater part of which were 
equal in size to the imported pods. An attempt to propagate 
this tree by layering failed, but by grafting was very successful. 
447 mangoes were grafted with choice sorts at a cost of \0\d. 
(7-^ as.) each. "The herbarium building was altered and repaired 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture. 

Botanical 
Gakdbns. 



[Bottiljay Gazetteer, 



80 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 
Agriculture. 

Botanical 

GiEDBNS. 



Bliohts. 



Field Plagues. 
LocvMs. 



and numerous specimens were added. The superintendent Mr.. 
Woodrow lectured on vegetable physiology and systematic botany 
and gave eleven garden demonstrations in systematic and economic 
botany. The average attendance was twelve students. Experiments 
were made in collecting the India rubber-yielding milky sap of the 
Oryptostegia grandiflora, a beautiful climber. The average yield was 
found to be twenty grains and the acre yield twelve pounds. As the 
plants would not bear tapping more than twice a year^ the yearly 
acre outturn would be twenty-four pounds of caoutchouc. The cost 
of collecting was 2s. (Re. 1) the pound, which might perhaps be 
reduced to Is. (8 as.'). The value of the India rubber may be 
estimated at 2s. (Re. 1) the pound. The result was therefore not 
encouraging. In 1883, 2001 mango trees were grafted with choice 
sorts at a cost of \0d. (6| as.) each, and in 1884, 4000 more were 
prepared at a cost of 9cZ. (6 as.) each. 

In the Bund Gardens, the Soldiers' Gardens, and the Railway 
Gardens in Poona plants and flowers are grown purely for pleasure 
and ornament. Details are given in the account of Poona City in 
the chapter on Places of Interest. 

The district is not subject to blights. As has been noticed wheat 
is occasionally affected by a disease called tdmhera or rust when the 
ear turns copper-coloured and withers. It is also subject to another 
disease called garva or khaira. These causes of failure do not often 
occur on such a scale as to affect the general harvest. 

The animal plagues from which the Poona crops are most liable to 
suffer are worms, locusts, and rats. The damage caused by worms is 
confined to gram and other pulses and is seldom serious. According 
to Sanskrit books locusts and rats are two of the six deadly plagues 
or itis.^ Of loss from locusts before the beginning of British rule 
no instance has been traced. Since 1818, four years, 1835, 1878-79, 
1882, and 1883, have been marked by swarms of locusts. Of 
the 1835 locusts except a general reference to the damage done no 
particulars have been traced.^ In 1878-79, considerable damage was 
done by locusts to the early or kharif crops in parts of Bhimthadi 
and Purandhar. ^In 1882, as in other parts of the Deccan,* locusts, 
probably the Acrydium perigriuum,^ appeared in Poona, but did 
comparatively little harm. During May, the locusts moved north 
and north-east from Dhdrwar and North Kdnara where they first 
appeared. They did not stay long in Poona and by the beginning 
of June most of them had passed north and were breeding chiefly 
in NAsik and Khdndesh. In the beginning of October 1882, young 
swarms came from Nd,sik and Ahmadnagar. From Poona they 
crossed the Sahyddris and passed into the Konkan. The injury caused 



' The six plagues are Excessive rain. Want of rain, Locusts, Rats, Parrots, and an 
Invading force. 

2 Bom. Gov. Rev. Rec. 772 of 1837, 33-31. » Mr. J. G. Moore, C.S. 

^ In 1882, locusts appeared in Vh&rw&T, North KAnara, Belgaum, SAtdra, Poona, 
Ahmadnagar, NAsik, Khindesh, KolAba, Thina, and Ratnd,giri. 

' It is said to have been identified in Bombay with Paohifilus indicus, a locust 
peculiar to India. Dr. Kirby of the British Museum thought it a variety of the 
Acrydium perigrinum. Mr. J. Davidson, C.S. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



81 



by the locusts was confined to tlie west of the district. There were 
no locusts in Bhimthadi and Indd,pur, and few in Sirur or Haveli. 
In Maval about 160 square miles or about three-sevenths of the sub- 
division suffered. Of 582 villages in Khed, Purandhar, Junnar^ and 
the Mulshi petty division, 208 villages suffered more or less severely 
and in these 208 villages in about one-fifth of the area attacked the 
kharif or early crops were entirely destroyed. Elsewhere the injury 
was slight, and no special measures of relief were found necessary. 
They did little harm to the ndchni, vari, and sava crops, and here and 
there they touched a little rice, but the mischief caused was trifling. 
They seemed to be unable to eat the mature grain of rice and hdjri, 
and they fortunately did not arrive until close on the early harvest. 
When the crops were reaped, the locusts disappeared drifting west. 
Nothing more was seen of them until May 1883, when, especially in 
the west of the district, they returned in swarms and through the 
whole of May and June, wherever they alighted, they turned fields, 
groves, and hill-sides pink. After resting three or four days 
they flew east leaving the trees as green as when they came. Heavy 
rain seemed to do them no harm. Towards the middle of June 
they were seen in pairs. After pairing the males died, and after 
laying their eggs during the end of June and the beginning of July 
the females also died. They laid their eggs in all kinds of places, 
from the dry slopes of bare hills to swampy marshes. The female 
works her tail about two inches into the ground and lays one hundred 
to 150 eggs. She gives out a glutinous fluid which in dry soil forms 
a crust round the eggs like an earthnut or bhuimug. In damp 
places the earth does not stick to the fluid and the eggs, like yellow 
pins' heads, are left open to the air but apparently do not suffer. 
As soon as the locusts were known to be laying, orders were issued 
to destroy the eggs and the young locusts wherever they were 
found. The'villagers were told that they must take an active part 
in destroying the eggs and that if they failed to exert themselves 
and their crops suffered, they would get no remissions. Each 
sub-division was divided into circles of three to six villages. 
Over each circle an inspector was placed belonging to the 
Eevenue, Police, Educational, Forest, Vaccination, or Public Works 
departments, all branches of the administration zealously lending 
their aid. The inspector's duty was to urge the villagers to destroy 
the eggs and young locusts and to report daily whether the villagers 
were doing their duty. The efforts to destroy the eggs to a great 
extent failed. Where the ground was dry the holes were sometimes 
visible and eggs were found, but in most places the rain had washed 
away all trace of the hole and the search was fruitless. About the 
beginning of August numbers of newly hatched locusts began to 
appear like small grasshoppers. To spread a knowledge of what 
the newly hatched locust was like the precaution had been taken to 
have eggs dug out of holes just after the female locust had laid, 
and kept in a frame enclosed by mosquito netting. When the 
frame locusts were hatched specimens were sent to each mdmlatddr 
and shown to the people. Various means were adopted to destroy 
the young swarms. The Cyprus screen, introduced by Lieutenant 
Bor, E.N., was tried, but, as Lieutenant Bor admitted, it did not 
B 1327—11 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture- 

Field Plaouesi 
Locusts, 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture. 

Field Plagobs. 
Locusts. 



82 



DISTRICTS. 



RaU, 



suit the conditions of the country and was next to useless. Millions 
of young locusts were caught by hand as they swarmed on the ground. 
Many were beaten to death by bush branches. Waist and shoulder- 
cloths or dhotars also proved very effective. A man at each end 
held the upper and lower corners of the cloth and ran along drawing 
the cloth through the grass and collecting numbers. A frame of wood 
with a long handle was next tried. Sheets of paper were placed on 
the frame and the outmost sheet was smeared with tar. A man set 
the frame on the ground before him, holding it at arm's length and 
walking up to it. The locusts, driven before him hopped against 
the tar and stuck to it. When the surface of the frame was covered 
the outmost layer of paper was pulled off, and the next layer tarred. 
This tar frame was not very effective. The last appliance used 
was a linen bag, like a large pillow case. It was dragged through 
the grass in the same way as the waistcloth and proved one of the 
most successful locust-collectors. The people worked zealously and 
millions of locusts were destroyed. According to rough calculations, 
which are far below the actual figures, for seven or eight weeks about 
14,000,000 of locusts were destroyed weekly. The young locusts 
almost always stayed in the grass ; they were scarcely ever found in 
the crops, and they did little or no harm. Unusually heavy rain in 
September and October washed away a large quantity of them, and 
this, in addition to the work of the villagers, enormously reduced their 
numbers. So complete was the destruction that in November 1883 
scarcely a locust was to be seen. In November flights of full-grown 
locusts entered the district from the Konkan and Ahmadnag;ar, but 
after November no flights of locusts were seen leaving the district. 

The people did not call the 1882 locust by the usual name of tol 
or the host-fly, but either ndktoda that is nose-cutter or simply kida 
that is insect.* When born the 1882 locust was green and looked 
and acted like a cricket. As it grew, it shed its skin, became less 
green, and a brown streak appeared on its back and sides. It could 
almost always be known by its hammer head. When full grown it 
had a black streak from the bottom of the eye downwards. Thg 
wings were developed one above the other, the under wing was at 
first reddish and the upper wing gray, but the red tinge soon 
disappeared. About three months old, when they began to fly, the 
locusts were yellow. When full grown the body was about two and 
a half inches long and the folded wings, which had again turned pink, 
stretched nearly an inch further. In October and November on the 
backs of some of the full grown locusts between the wings small 
reddish tick-like parasites were found. It is not known whether 
these parasites caused suffering or mortality among the locusts. 
Another parasite found among locusts just coming to maturity was 
a stomach-worm like a gnineaworm. This worm is said to have 
done the locusts no harm. No rewards were given for the destruction 
of locusts ; the only expenditure was on screens and traps. 

In 1878 .rats appeared in several places and severely injured the 
rali or late crops in the east of the district. Crops which would 



iMr. W. Eamsay, C.S. 



Seccan] 



POONA. 



83 



have yielded a full or a three-quarters harvest were reduced to 
one-fourth or even less. In many places the people gathered the 
green ears as the only means of defence. Even then, when the 
ears were placed in a heap, it was difficult to keep the rats ofE by 
constant watching day and night. In 1879 the rats again caused 
much damage in Indapur and Bhimthadi. A reward of 2s. (Re. 1) 
for every hundred dead rats was offered and about 350,000 rats were 
destroyed. The rats were of three kinds, the Jerboa rat, the Mole 
rat, and the Large-eared field mouse. The Jerboa Rat, Gerbillus 
indicus, comes between the Kangaroo-like jerboa and the true rat. 
From January to March 1879 the Jerboa rats proved most widely 
destructive, and destroyed more grain tha.n all the other rats 
together. It is called the haran or antelope rat. Its colouring is 
like that of the female antelope, its ears are prominent, and its eyes 
are large and gazelle-like. It is fawn-coloured above and white 
below. It has long black whiskers and a tuft of black or blackish 
hairs at the end of its tail. Its head and body are about seven 
inches long and its tail is more than eight inches long. Its forefoot 
is half an inch and its hindfoot two inches long. It weighs six to 
seven ounces. It burrows among the roots of' bushes or in the 
open ground and forms long galleries. These galleries have 
branches that end in chambers which are several inches wide 
and are carpeted with dried grass. They do not usually hoard 
their food, which consists of grain and roots, especially of the 
sweet roots of the harydli grass Cynodon dactylon. The female 
brings forth eight to twelve and sometimes sixteen to twenty 
young. In the dusk of the evening these rats, which may be 
recognized by their fine large eyes, may be seen leaping about in 
places where there are many fresh rat-holes. In 1879 they climbed 
the Indian millet stalks and cut ofE the ears. The Mole Rat, 
Nesokia indica, kdla, undir, also called koku or kok by the Vadars, 
may be known from the common Brown Rat, Mus decumanus, 
hy its shorter body and shorter tail and also by being stouter 
and heavier. When chased it grunts like the bandicoot. In 
colour it is like the common brown rat, but there are fawn-tinted 
hairs mixed with the fur and it is lighter below. Its ears are small 
and round ; its tail naked and short ; its incisor teeth very large, 
flat in front, and orange yellow. Its entire length is about thirteen 
inches of which the tail is six inches. The palm of its forefoot 
is nearly half an inch long and that of its hindfoot an inch and a 
half. It lives alone and forms extensive burrows, sometimes fifteen 
or twenty yards in diameter. It stores large quantities of grain. 
The Vadars dig the ground and eat both the rat and its stores. 
The female brings forth eight or ten at a birth and drives her 
young from her burrow as soon as they can care for themselves. 
This rat is usually found near sugarcane fields. The people say 
that great numbers of these rats are yearly killed by the first heavy 
fall of the south-west rain. The black soil swells with heavy rain 
and the rats are caught in the holes and fissures and smothered. 
The great increase of these and of the mettdd rats in 1879 is partly 
accounted for by the absence of any sudden burst of rain in 1878. 
Under the influence of gentle showers, the black soil swells gradually 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture. 

Field Plaques. 
Bats. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



84 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture. 

Field Plagues. 
Bats. 



Famines. 
1397- 140s. 



I46O. 



and tlie rats escape suffocation. The large-eared Field Mouse, 
Golunda mettada, mettad or mettangandu, was one of the cMef pests. 
It is a soft-furred mouse with a few flattened and spiny hairs among 
its fine close fur. Its colour is reddish brown with a mixture of fawn 
becoming lighter below. Its whole length is about ten inches of 
which the tail is 4"3 inches. It is distinguished by its large ears 
which are two-fifths of an inch in diameter. The female produces 
six or eight young at a birth. This rat has long been known as a 
plague. It lives entirely in cultivated fields in pairs or small 
societies of five or six^ making a very slight and rude hole in the 
root of a bush or merely harbouring among the heaps of stones 
thrown together in the fields, in the deserted burrow of the Jcok, or 
in deep cracks and fissures formed in the black soil during the hot 
months. Every year great numbers perish when these fissures fill at 
the beginning of the rains. In 1879 these rats ruined some fields 
with their sharp incisors cutting cartloads of stalks every night and 
either eating the grain or dragging the heads into their burrows. 
Into other fields an army of rats suddenly entered and in a few hours 
ate up the grain like a flight of locusts. 

During the last five hundred years, there is either traditional or 
historic mention of about twenty-five famines. The first is the awful 
calamity known as the Durga Devi famine which wasted Southern 
India at the close of the fourteenth century. The twelve years ending 
1408 are said to have passed without rain. Districts were emptied 
of their people and for forty years the country between the God^vari 
and the Krishna yielded little i-evenue. The hill-forts and strong 
places, previously conquered by the Muhammadans., fell into the 
hands of local chiefs and robbers, and the country was so unsafe that 
the people who returned were driven from their villages. Dd,du 
Narse and a Turkish eunuch of the Bedar court were appointed to 
resettle the land and call back the people. As the former village 
boundaries were forgotten, Dadu Narse greatly extended the new 
limits and threw two or three villages into one. Lands were given 
to all who would till them. For the first year no rent was required 
and for the second a tohra or horse-bag full of grain for each bigJia 
was all that was asked.^ 

In 1422, no rain fell and famine raged throughout the Deccan ; 
multitudes of cattle died on the parched plains for want of water. 
King Ahmad Shdh Vali Bahmani (1422-1435) increased the pay of 
his troops and opened public stores of grain for the poor. The next 
year also there was no rain.^ ^ In 1460 a failure of rain was followed 
by famine over the whole of Southern India. This famine is known 
as D^maji-pant's famine. Dd,md,ji was the keeper of a large store 
of grain at Mangalvedha, twelve miles south of Pandharpur in 



1 Gtramt Duff's MarAthfc, 26, 27. See also Briggs' Ferishta, II. 349-50, King 
MAhmud Shih Bahmani (1378-1397) employed 10,000 bullocks at his private expense- 
going to and from MAlwa and Gujardt and bringing grain which was distributed to 
the people at a cheap rate. He also established seven orphan schools. 

2 Briggs' Ferishta, II. 405-6. 

^ Except where special references are given the details of famines from 1400 to 1868 
are taken from Lieut. -Col. Etheridge's Report on Famines in the Bombay Presidency 
(1868), 87-96, 



Deccan] 



POONA. 



85 



ShoMpur. He used much of tlie store in feeding Bralimans and was 
saved from punishment by the god Yithoba whom he worshipped. 
To save his worshipper Vithoba in the form of a Mhar went to the 
court at Bedar and paid the value of the missing grain. In 1472 
and 1473 so severe a drought prevailed throughout the Deccan that 
the wells dried. No grain was sown for two years and in the third 
when there was rain scarely any farmers remained to till the lands. ^ 

In 1520, the Deccan was so unsettled that no crops were grown 
and there was a famine. In 1629-30, no rain fell in the Deccan and 
famine and pestilence followed.^ The year 1787 is mentioned as 
marked by a failure of rain and by famine. The year 1791-92, 
though locally a year of plenty, was so terrible a year of famine in 
other parts of India that the rupee price of grain rose to twelve 
pounds (6 shers). In the next year, 1 792-93, no rain fell till October, 
some people left the country and others died from want. The 
distress is said to have been very great. The Peshwa's government 
brought grain from the Nizam^s country and distributed it at Poena. 
The rupee price of grain stood at eight pounds (4 shers) in Poona for 
four months and in the west of the district for twelve months. 

In 1802 the prospect of a good harvest was destroyed by the 
ravages of Holkar's troops. From July to September his followers 
the Pendharis so utterly ruined the country that the rupee price of 
grain rose to two pounds (1 sher). The Peshwa's government 
encouraged the import of grain and distributed it free of cbarge. 
Large quantities of grain were brought by Lamdns and Chdrans. 
Still the distress was so severe that numbers fled to the Konkan 
and Gujard,t, and thousands died of hunger and cholera. The 
sufferings were so great that mothers are said to have eaten their 
children. Even as late as 1838 the people of Bhimthadi remembered 
Holkar's famine with horror.^ In the following year, 1803, the raids 
of Sindia's and Holkar's troops again caused a great scarcity. The 
rupee price of grain rose to half a pound (^ sher) and numbers died 
of starvation. Many left the country and the land lay waste. This 
famine affected the Poona district particularly. The river at Poona 
was covered with dead and rotting bodies. The Peshwa encouraged 
traders to import grain duty-free, granted remissions of revenue, 
and abolished land customs. The private charity of the rich did 
much to relieve the distress. A subscription of £4000 (Es. 40,000), 
collected in Bombay under the patronage of Lady Mackintosh, was 
sent to Poona. Colonel Close, the Resident, who had already fed 
15,000 people, arranged that each applicant for relief should receive 
Sd. (2 as.) to enable him to get a meal. About 5000 of the destitute 
were relieved in this way until the new crops were gathered.* At 
Poona the horses in General Wellesley's army were for some time 
fed on Bombay rice. 

In 1819-20, 1823, 1824, and 1825 Poona suffered greatly from 
cholera and from want of rain. So great was the panic that large 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture- 

Famines. 
W2-U13. 



ism. 

1629-30. 

1787, 

1791-93. 



1792-1793. 



ISOS. 



1803. 



1819-18^5. 



1 Briggs' Ferishta, II. 493-4 

2'-' .T,m,r ,,,, 



Jiriggs' iJerisMa, 11. 493-4. . ^ ,. .„_ 

Grant Duff's MarAthAs, 46 ; and Elphinstone's History of India, 507. 

» Bom. Gov. Sel. Chi. 41, 254. * Valentine's Travels, II. 123, 124. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 
86 DISTEIOTS. 

Chapter IV. numbers left their homes. For many months parts of the district 
AEriciilture. 'were almost deserted .1 In 1823 the rupee price of grain in 
Poona was sixteen pounds (8 shers) and people died in the streets 
Ist^^Ss ^°^ want. In 1824, a year remembered as the year of hharpad or 

distress, rain again failed, especially in the country within 100 miles 
of Poona. The returns seem to show a slight fall of prices, the rupee 
price being twenty to twenty-four pounds (10-12 shers). Much 
bad grain was sold and sickness was so general that large numbers 
of people left the country. The loss of cattle was very severe. 
The distress continued till Dasara in October when a timely 
fall of rain brought much relief. Government offered employment 
by opening works to improve the Karkamb and Bdpdev passes. 

18SS-18S8. Iji 1832 failure of rain was followed by much distress. The rupee 

price oijvdri rose from 120 to forty- six pounds and grain robberies 
were numerous. Orders forbidding grain- dealers unduly raising 
their prices are said to have done much to reduce the distress. 
1833 was a year of scarcity in Inddpur, 1835 was a bad season all 
over the district, and in 1838 Indapur again suffered from want of 



The next bad years were 1844-45 and 1845-46 when rain failed 
and there was much distress especially in the east.^ 

1863-1867. Between 1862 and 1867 there was a succession of years of very, 

short rainfall. In the east of the district during the five years ending 
1866 the average fall was only seven inches. In 1864 the rupee 
price of hdjri and jvari rose to about seventeen pounds (8| shers). 
The landholders were well off and were not reduced to distress, and 
the demand for labour and the high wages paid on public works in 
the Deccan prevented the spread of distress among the labouring 
classes. Still from want of grazing cattle had to be sent away or 
sold. There was suJ0S.cient distress to make it advisable to open 
relief-works in Sirur, Bhimthadi, and Inddpur. About £1876 
(Rs. 18,760) were spent on repairing about seventy-five miles of 
road and digging the Patas reservoir and two wells in Supa. Grain 
compensation was granted to Government servants and in 1867 
£8000 (Rs. 80,000) were remitted in Bhimthadi and Inddpur and 
upwards of £6000 (Rs. 60j000) were held over till the next 
year. 

1876-77. "^^^ scanty and ill-timed rainfall of 1876, 20'76 compared with an 

average of about thirty inches led to failure of crops, which, joined 
to the bad crops in a small area in the previous year^ spread distress 
amounting to famine over about half of the district.* The east and 



1 Captain Clunes' Itinerary, VI. = Bom. Gov. Kev. Eeo. 772 of 1837, 50-31. 

3 Bom. Gov. Sel. CVII. 32-37, 70-71, and 118. ' 

* The estimate was in area 2500 square miles of a total of 6647, and in population 
318,000 out of 907,000. Within the affected area came the whole of the IndApur 
and Bhimthadi sub-divisions, twenty-three villages of Puraudhar, six villages of 
Haveli, and thirty-three villages of Sirur, where the crops had entirely failed. In 
addition to these, twenty villages in Purandhar, twenty in Haveli, and thirty-three 
in Sirur were seriously affected. In the Khed, Junnar, and M^val suh-divisions. 
outside of the famine area there was distress among labourers and travellers. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



87 



south-east suffered most. In three sub-divisions, Haveli^ Khed, and 
Junnarj the early crops seemed good ; in Maval and parts of Sirur 
and Purandhar they were fair ; in the rest of Sirur and Purandhar 
and in Bhimthadi and Indapur there was no outturn. Besides this 
failure of the early harvest, in September and October, only a few 
slight showers fell, and, except in a small area of watered land, no 
cold-weather crops were sown. Millet rose from fifty-one to nineteen 
pounds and Indian millet from sixty-five to 20^ pounds the rupee. 
These high prices and the want of field-work threw into distress 
large numbers of Mhdrs, Mangs, Rd,moshis, and the poorer labouring 
Kunbis. The need for Government help began about the close of 
September. Government offered to transport people to waste lands 
in the Central Provinces, but no one took advantage of the offer. At 
the same time large numbers moved to the Gangthadi or Godd,vari 
valley. They found much distress in Gangthadi and as the usual 
markets for field labour were overstocked, some wandered across 
Berar to Sindia and Holkar's territories, others crowded into 
Bombay, and a few straggled to Gujarat. By the close of 1876 about 
100,000 persons or 32"00 per cent of the affected population had 
left their homes. Most of the people who went belonged to the 
better class of Kunbis. To a great extent the movement was 
caused by the need of pasture. As a rule whole families went, but 
in many cases some member or members of a family were sent with 
the cattle. The villages whence fewest went were those near the 
Mutha canal works in the north-west of Bhimthadi, where whole 
villages flocked to the works. There was much distress, but grain 
prices were kept down by large importations, chiefly from the 
Central Provinces and to a less extent from Gujarat. The grain was 
brought to Poona by rail and thence distributed throughout the 
district.^ In the hot months of 1877 prices ruled high and distress 
increased. A good fall of rain in early June caused temporary 
relief. Many emigrants returned and sowing was actively pushed 
on.^ But, except in Indapur, in July and August no rain fell, 
prices rose, distress grew heavier, and many were again forced to 
leave their homes. A good rainfall in September and October 
removed much anxiety and suffering, and cold-weather crops were 
sown over the greater part of Bhimthadi. At the close of November 
the demand for special Government help ceased. At the same time 
some of the early crops never recovered the long stretch of fair 
weather in July and August, and in Bhimthadi the cold- weather 
crops, which at first promised well, were afterwards much injured 
by disease. The result was renewed distress in the hot season of 
1878. In the east of the district, at least one-fourth of the people 



Chapter IV. 
Agriculture. 

Famines. 
1S76-77. 



1 The municipality of IndApur purchased grain and sold it at something over cost 
price so as not to interfere with local enterprise ; so did the Jejuri municipality but 
only in the end to re-sell at a loss. It is probable that the early action of Govern- 
ment in finding paid labour for a large portion of the distressed population on the 
Mutha canal saved grain from rising to panic prices. 

^ More sickness, suffering, and mortality was found among the returned emigrants 
than among those who had stayed at home and lived either on their own resources 
or on the relief offered by Government, , 



[Bombay Gazetteer 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture. 

Famines. 
1876-77. 



lived on wild grains or grass seeds, and Government had again to 
provide labour for tlie poorer classes. Even then the famine was 
not over. In the rainy months of 1878, and again in those of 1879, 
direct relief was once more found necessary at Indapur, Bar^mati, 
and Dhankavdi near Poona.^ 

The following details show month by month the phases through 
which the distress passed and the measures which were taken to 
relieve it. In the first two or three days of September 1876 good 
rain fell in the west, in Jiinnar Khed and M^val, and greatly revived 
the withering crops. Rain again held off and the crops began to 
perish. About the close of September slight showers fell in a 
few places. The early crops seemed well in Maval; they were 
withering in Junnar, Khed, and Haveli, and had completely failed in 
Bhimthadi and Inddpur where for want of fodder large numbers of 
cattle were dying. The price of grain was rapidly rising. As 
rain held off the ground could not be prepared for the cold-weather 
crop. Especially in Indapur and Bhimthadi the want of drinking 
water was beginning to be felt. Pears were entertained that] the 
poorer classes would become disorderly, and, about the close of the 
month, relief works were opened in Bhimthadi and Indd,pur. Except 
that about the middle of the month a slight shower fell in Haveli, 
October passed without rain. Even in the west the early crops were 
withering and were being cut for forage, and in the wells water 
was failing. Except in a small area of watered land no cold- 
weather crops were sown. Over the whole district, especially in the 
east, the want of water caused distress, and cattle were offered 
for sale at nominal prices. In several places the people had begun 
to leave their homes. Extensive relief works were started, and, by 
the 22nd of October, inclading those on the Mutha canal, some 
6000 people were employed. For charitable relief a sum of £2600 
(Rs. 25,000) was set at the Collector's disposal. As distress spread, 
besides additional assistants, the Collector was authorized to place on 
relief duty the mamlatdars of the most severely affected sub-divisions." 
November passed with only a few slight showers. The early crops 
continued ' to wibher and the small area of late crops was dying for 
want of moisture. The distress was great, but large importations 
of grain kept down prices. In PooUa the stock of grain was large 
and the market was falling ; in outlying towns prices were slightly 
rising. In the first half of the month hdjri rose from 19i to nineteen 
pounds and. jvdri from twenty-two to 21^ pounds the rupee; about 
the close of the month they again fell to 20|- and 20J pounds. In the 
east the wells were di-ying and water was scarce. The average 
daily number of people on the relief works rose from 6160 in the 
beginning to 28,455 at the close of the month. Of 20,654, the 
average daily number for the month, 14,253 were able-bodied, 
expected to do a full day's work and superintended by public works 



1 In 1878, 77,068 people were relieved at a cost of £510 4s. (Es. 5102) ; in 1879, 
21,803 were relieved at a cost of £153 8s. (Rs. 1534). 



Deccan,] 



POONA. 



89 



officers, and 6401 were aged or feeble expected to do two-thirds of a 
day's work and superintended by famine officers.^ 

December passed witbout rain. Crop prospects remained 
unchanged, people and cattle continued to move west. During the 
month the importation of grain was large and bdjri fell from twenty 
pounds in the beginning to twenty-three pounds about the close of 
the month, and jvdri from 18j pounds to twenty-two pounds. The 
numbers on public works rose from 14,253 to 23,498 and on civil 
works from 6401 to 16,752. The total sum spent on charitable 
relief up to the close of the year was about £200 2s. (Es. 2011). 

January passed without rain. Grain kept pouring into the 
district, and bdjri fell from twenty-three pounds to 23 1 and jvdri 
from twenty-two to 25^ pounds. The numbers on public works 
rose from 23,498 to 23,764, and on civil works from 16,752 to 
29,569. As the civil works seemed too popular, on the 19th of 
January Government reduced the rates of pay, and issued orders 
to enforce task and distance tests. ^ This caused afresh emigration 
and a considerable fall in the numbers on the works. At the same 
time charitable relief was started and by the end of the month 
distributed to 1694 persons. 

About the middle of February sixteen cents of rain fell at Poena. 
Grain continued to come in large quantities, bdjri rose slightly to 
twenty-three pounds and jvdri to twenty-four pounds. The num- 
bers on public works fell from 23,764 to 23,084, and on civil works 
from 29,569 to 1 8,752. This decrease was chiefly due to the lower- 
ing of pay on the civil works, the transfer of the able-bodied from 
civil to public works, and the enforcement of task and distance 
tests. The number on charitable relief rose to 1766. During the 
month there was slight cholera in Bhimthadi and Purandhar. In 
the beginning of March about twenty-six cents of rain fell. Grain 
continued to pour in and the supply was plentiful. Except in the 
beginning of the month, when there was a small rise, prices 
remained at twenty-three pounds the rupee for bdjri and twenty- 
four pounds for jvdri. There was slight cholera in Bhimthadi and 
three other sub-divisions. The numbers on civil works continued 
to fall, from about 12,213 in the beginning of the month to 4876 
about the close ; public works showed a small rise from 23,034 to 
26,603, and charitable relief from 1766 to 2290. About the middle 
of April eighty cents of rain fell at Indd,pur. Grain was largely 
imported and the supply continued plentiful, with bdjri slightly 
dearer at 21f pounds and jvdri at 20| pounds. There were a few 
cases of cholera, and cattle-disease was prevalent in Sirur and 
Haveli. The numbers relieved rose on public works from 26,603 



Chapter IV. 
Agriculture, 

Famines. 
1876-77. 



1 The original wages were, for a man 3d. (2 as.) a day, for a woman i^d. (IJ as.), 
and for a boy or girl capable of wotk IJi. (la.). About the middle of November, 
when prices rose over sixteen pounds the rupee, a sliding scale w^as introduced which 
provided that the money rate should vary with the price of grain and that a man 
should always receive the price of one pound of grain in addition to l^d. (1 a.). 

The new rates were : for a man the price of one pound of grain and fd. (i a.) 
instead of lid. (1 a.) ; for a woman the price of one pound of grain and fd. (J a.) 
instead of f d. (J a.) ; and for a boy or girl the price of half a pound of grain and frf. 
(i a.). 

B 1327—12 



Bombay Gattetteer, 



90 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture. 

Famines. 
1876-77. 



to 31,678, and on charitable relief from 2290 to 4301 j on civil 

works the numbers fell from 4876 to 4650. The first days of May 

brought slight showers in Purandhar, and about the close of the 

month good rain fell all over the district except in Junnar, Khed, 

and Maval. Small numbers were coming back. The grain supply 

continued ample, but hajri rose to 19 1 pounds the rupee and jvari 

to ] 9| pounds. The high prices caused much distress. During the 

month there was slight cholera over most of the district. The 

numbers relieved rose on public works from 81,678 to 40,177, and 

on charitable relief from 4301 to 7501 ; on civil works they fell from 

4650 to 4612. In June an average of 678 inches of rain fell. Many 

landholders came back bringing their cattle. The sowing of the 

early crops was begun in the west ; in the east sowing was much 

kept back from want of bullocks. Cattle-disease was prevalent in 

three sub-divisions and a few cases of cholera occurred. The supply 

of grain was sufficient and both hdjri and jvdri continued steady at 

19 1 pounds the rupee. The numbers on public works fell from 

40,177 to 85,344; they rose on civil works from 4612 to 4625, and 

on charitable relief from 7501 to 12,729. July passed with little 

rain, an average fall of only 3 '24 inches, and this almost solely in 

the west. , Except in Mdval rain was everywhere wanted, the 

crops especially in Bbimthadi and the east were withering, and in 

many places field work was at a stand. The supply of grain 

was sufficient, but ha,jri rose to 14| pounds and jmri to 14| 

pounds. This caused much distress and in the south and east many 

were again preparing to start for the Ber^rs. The numbers on 

public works fell from 35,344 to 26,786, on civil works from 

4625 to 3552, and on charitable relief from 12,729 to 12,420. 

In August an average of four inches of rain fell, but it was 

chiefly confined to the west. Rain was wanted everywhere, 

particularly in Indd,pur, Bhimthadi, Sirur, and Purandhar. The 

rice crops in Md,val were good, but in the east the crops were 

withering and in some places they had perished. In Bhimthadi 

and Purandhar, with some exceptions, the pulse was lost. The high 

prices, hdjri at 12| a,-aA.judri at thirteen pounds, caused much distress. 

Many Bhimthadi landholders were preparing to leave their homes. 

Throughout the month cholera was prevalent. The numbers 

on relief works fell, on piiblic works from 26,786 to 24,514, 

and on civil works from 3557 to 2003; on charitable relief they 

rose from 12,420 to 21,660. In September an average of 5'42 

inches of rain fell. At first in the central sub-divisions, Junnar 

Khed and Haveli, there were only slight showers, but, about the 

close of the month, there was good rain, and the early crops, which 

except in Inddpur had suffered severely, were much benefited,: 

About the middle of the month the late or rahi sowing was 

begun, the poorer landholders in Bhimthadi finding great difficulty 

in obtaining seed and cattle. BdjriieW from 12| to 14|- pounds 

a.Vi.di jvdri from thirteen to 15f pounds, The people were improving, 

and cholera and small-pox were on the decline. The numbers on 

public works rose from 24,514 to 24,687 and on charitable relief 

from 21,650 to 24,474; on civil works the numbers fell from 2003 

to 719. In October an average of 8-82 inches of rain fell. The 



Famines. 
1876-77. 



Deccan.] 

POONA. 91 

prospects of the early crops continued favourable and the late sowing Chapter IV. 

was in progress. The Bhimthadi cultivators' seed and cattle AgriciUture. 

diBBculty disappeared. The moneylenders came forward; the better 

class of Kunbis had generally stocks of their own ; and a large 

proportion of Bhimthadi^ chiefly along the Bhima, was tilled by the 

people of the west of the district and of Satdra, who advanced seed 

and lent bullocks on the crop-share or hatiii system.^ About the end 

of the month the sowing in Bhimthadi was greatly kept back by 

heavy showers. Bdjri fell from 14|- to 18| pounds, and/'wari from 15f 

to nineteen pounds. The numbers on public works fell from 24,687 

to 15,461, on civil works from 719 to 122, and on charitable relief 

from 24,474 to S209. The large decrease in the number on the- 

relief works was mainly caused by people having left the works; 

tempted by the better wages they could earn in the fields. Slight 

rain fell about the close of November. The hdjri harvest was in 

progress and the late sowings were finished. In four sub-divisions 

the jvdri crops were slightly damaged by blight. In some parts,, 

owing to the want of bullocks, the tillage had been slovenly, and 

in many places the jvdri crops were choked with weeds. On the 

whole the outlook was promising. Bdjri fell to twenty-two pounds 

and jvdri to 23^ pounds. The numbers on public works fell from 

9621 in the first days of the month to 1788 about the close, on 

civil works from 122 to fifty-three; and on charitable relief from 

8209 to 1550. At the end of November all relief works were closed. 

December passed with a few slight showers. Bdjri fell to 23^ 

pounds and jvdri to twenty -five pounds. Government continued to 

offer charitable relief, but on the 22nd of the month the number 

seeking relief had dwindled to 180. 

The following statement of average monthly millet prices and 
numbers receiving relief, shows that, during the first quarter of 
1877, grain kept pretty steady at twenty-three pounds the rupee or 
more than twice the ordinary rate, that its price rose rapidly till it 
reached 12| pounds in August, and that it then quickly fell to 23^ 
pounds. As early as December 1876 the numbers on relief works 
reached 40,250, and in January 1877 rose to 53,333. In February, 
by lowering wages and enforcing task and distance tests, the total 
was reduced to 41,786, and in March it fell to 83,223. From that it 
rose to 44,789 in May, and then began gradually to fall. From June 
to September the decrease was slow, it was rapid in October, and in 
November the works were closed. The numbers on charitable 
relief rose steadily from 1694 in January to 12,729 in June; then 
with a slight fall to 12,420 in July they rose to 24,474 in September. 
In October they rapidly declined to 8209, in November to 1550 and 
in December to 180 when almost all the relief-houses were closed :. 



1 In 1876-77 the tilled area in Bhimthadi waa 101,730 acres ; in 1877-78, 37%088i 
and in 1878-79, 335,319 acres. In Indipur for the same years the areas were 9400 
136,765, and 192,360 acres. 



92 



DISTRICTS. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture. 

Famines. 
1876-77. 



PoONA Famine, 1876-77. 





Average Daily Numbers. | 














1 


AvERAOE Prices. 








■ 


Month. 




On Relief. 1 






Rain. 


CivU. 


Public. I 


Total. 


Charity. J 


S&jri. 


JvdH. 


1876. 










Pounds. 


Pounds. 


Inches. 


November 


6401 


14,263 


20,654 




19 


204 


Slight. 


December 


16,752 


23,498 


40,250 




20i 


191 




1877. 
















January 


29,669 


23,764 


63,333 


1694 


23J 


22| 




February 


18,762 


23,034 


41,786 


1766 


23 


24 


"•02 


March 


6620 


26,603 


33,223 


2290 


221. 
21 
19 
19 


23J 


■26 


April 


4660 


31,678 


36,328 


4301 


21 


■10 


May 


4612 


40,177 


44,789 


7501 


19 


•89 


June 


4625 


36,344 


39,969 


12,729 


19 


6^4S 


July 


3567 


26,786 


30,343 


12,420 


14 


14 


3^24 


Augrust 


2003 


24,614 


26,617 


21,660 


12 


13 


4^00 


September 


719 


24,687 


24,406 


24,474 


14 


161 


6-42 


October 


122 


15,461 


15,583 


8209 


18 


19 


3^32 


November 


63 


4738 


4791 


1660 


22 


23i 


■30 


December 

Total ... 

Average ... 
Total Es. .. 








180 


23| 


26 




98,435 


314,637 


412,972 


98,764 






20-03 


7572 


24,196 


31,767 


8230 












1,375,966 230,149 


1,606,116 



Within the famine area carts could hardly be hired. When they 
took fodder and grain to the relief works from other parts of the 
district, the charges were seldom higher than the ordinary rabes. 
Except in December 1876, when a cart cost 2s. 6d. (Rs.lj) and in 
January 1877, when it cost 3s. (Rs.l^) a day, the daily rate for a 
cart was 2s. 9d. (Rs. If) . 

A special census, taken on the 19th of May 1877, when famine 
pressure was general and severe, showed that of 48,051 workers, 
42,304 on public and 5747 on civil works, 30,030 belonged to the 
sub-divisions where the works were carried on, 11,641 belonged to 
other sub-divisions of the district, 4701 were from other districts, 
and 1649 were from neighbouring states. As regards their 
occupation, 2096 were manufacturers or craftsmen, 24,28.5 were 
holders or under-holders of land, and 21,670 were labourers. 

In 1877 relief -houses were opened for the infirm poor. Thirty- 
three houses were opened and maintained at a cost of £22,838 
(Rs. 2,28,380). Of twelve houses with a cost of £6949 (Rs. 69,490) 
in Bhimthadi, two at B^rd,mati and Pandare were opened in April ; 
three at Supa, Pdtas, and Jalgaon-Kharepathar, in May ; one at 
Pimpalgaon, in June; four, at Pargaon, Khadki, Boribyal, and 
Shirsuphal, in July ; and one at Yevat, in August. Of eleven in 
Inddpur at a cost of £9551 (Rs. 95,510), eight, at Inddpur, Kalas, 
Nimbgaon-Ketki, Varkute-Budruk, Madanvadi, Lasurne, Shetphal- 
Haveli, and Palasdev, were opened in July; two, at Bdvda and 
Hingangaon, in August; and one at Akola, in September. Of seven, 
with a cost of £2865 (Rs. 28,650) in Sirur, there was one each at 
Ghodnadi, Rdnjangaon-Ganpati, Talegaon, Nirvi, Mandavgaon, 
Karde, and Alegaon. Of two, with a cost of £2212 (Rs. 22,120), iu 



Deccau.] 



POONA. 



93 



Haveli, one was at Dhankavdi and tlie other at Loni-Kalbliar. One 
witli a cost of £1260 (Rs. 12^600) was opened at Jejuri inPurandhar 
Except at Patas in Bhimtliadi, which had to be kept open till the 
28th of February 1878, all the relief -houses were closed on the 30th 
of November 1877. As a rule the death rate in the Poena relief 
camps was low. It was highest in the relief camp at Dhankavdi 
close to Poena. Except at Dhankavdi no camps were built, the 
villages were almost deserted and the people were able to house 
themselves and to live in rest-houses. At Supa and Jejuri large 
empty houses were rented and a few cheap sheds were built. The 
relief-house at Dhankavdi was reopened for a few weeks in July 1878 
when the rains held off. 

The most marked features of the famine in Poona were the efforts 
of the landholders to help themselves, and the steady flow of grain 
into the markets, so that, from about the end of October ] 876 to the 
close of the famine in October 1877, no great difiSculty was found in 
keeping the labourers supplied with grain at rates very slightly in 
excess of Poona rates. As soon as signs of scarcity began the 
Kunbis left their houses in large numbers to find fodder for their 
cattle and food for themselves. In contrast to the Kunbis, the Mhars 
Mangs and Rdmoshis, from indolence and perhaps from the fear 
that if they left their villages they might forfeit their hereditary 
rights, would not leave their villages to go to the relief works. At 
first they were disinclined to take direct relief, and clamoured for 
employment in their own villages. Later they became demoralized, 
and many capable of work swelled the numbers on charitable relief. 
It was customary to send large drafts to the public works, feeding 
them at certain villages on the way. The low-caste labourers sent 
distances of forty to fifty miles started willingly, but after getting 
refreshed at the staging villages dispersed and made their way back 
to their homes. 

Early in the famine, Bhimthadi, Purandhar, and Haveli were 
placed under the famine charge of Mr. A. Keyser, first assistant 
collector; Indapur was placed under Mr. W. M. l?letcher, of the 
revenue survey, who had sole charge of all relief operations in that 
sub-division, and subsequently of twenty-nine villages in the east 
of Bhimthadi ; and Sirur, Khed, Junnar, and Maval were under 
Mr. E. 0. Ozanne, assistant collector, of the first of which he had also 
the revenue charge. Mr, Keyser was assisted by Mr. H. L. Holland 
of the revenue survey, who was however sick and on privilege leave 
from November 1876 to March 1877 and again permanently 
invalided in July when he went home on sick leave, and also from 
February 1877 by Mr. W. P. Symonds, assistant collector, who, 
from its establishment in August 1877, was placed in charge of the 
Dhankavdi relief camp, until October when he relieved Mr. Ozanne. 
Besides these officers, Mr. A. L. P. Larken, assistant collector, was 
entrusted with the organization of the Mutha canal and. Nira canal 
labour gangs and with settling land compensation cases. In 
October 1876 the mamlatdars of Indd,pur and Bhimthadi, and, in 
November and December, those of Sirur and Purandhar were put 
on famine relief duty; and in August 1877, the mdmlatdar of 



Chapter IV. 

Agriculture. 

Famines. 
1876-77. 



1S76-77. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 
94 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter IV. Mdval was placed under Mr. Symonds on the Dhankavdi relief 

Agri^ture. °^™P-' 
Famines ^^ 1877 tte famine area was divided into thirty-seven relief 

circleSj each under an inspector. Twelve of these, Pimpalgaon, 
Yevatj Pdrgaon, Patas, Supa, Murti, Pan dare, Jalgaon-Kharepathar, 
Baramati, Rdvangaon, Shirsuphal, and Malad/ of seven to fifteen 
villages, were in Bhimthadi ; ten, Bdvda, Vdddpuri, Nimbgaon- 
Ketki, Lasurna, Kalas, Bhigvan, Palasdev, Kalthan, Agoti, and 
Hingangaon,^ of seven to ten villages, were in Indapur ,• eight, 
M^ndavgaon, Nirvi, Karda, Kondhpuri, Malthan, Sirur, Pabal, and 
Shikrapur, of five to eleven villages, were in Sirur; foar, Rdjuri, 
Jejuri, Valha, and Guroli, of nine to thirteen villages were in 
Purandhar; two, Loni-Kalbhar of eleven and Asht^pur, of ten 
villages, were in Haveli ; and one, Lakhangaon of seven villages, 
was in Khed. 

The difficulties in the way of effective relief were lightened by 

the tractable, and, in the case of the cultivators, the self-helpful 

character of the people. At first the village ofilcers were directed 

to feed travellers in obvious need of food. In conse.quonce of this 

order men wandered from village to village living as destitute 

travellers, so that it became necessary to modify the orders and 

limit the number of villages where travellers might be relieved to 

a few on the main thoroughfares. These adult malingerers kept 

in fair condition, but their children were often painfully reduced. 

The wanderers were not confined to the low castes. Numbers 

flocked into Poona, where a private association dealt somewhat 

indiscriminate charity, and streamed towards Bombay from Poona, 

S^'tara, and Sholapur. In August all beggars were turned out of 

Poona, a relief camp was established at the village of Dhankavdi 

about three miles to the south of the city, organized private charity 

was stopped, and those in need of relief were taken to the camp, 

whence when fit for work they were drafted to relief works or sent 

to their own homes. People were also collected in Bombay and 

Thana and sent by rail to the camp near Poona at G-overnment 

expense. Another difficulty was, that, before the task or any 

other test was established, people rushed to the relief works in such 

niimbers that it was difficult to deal with them, except at a great 

waste of public money. Works under civil agency had often no 

supervising establishment beyond one or more inexperienced and 

temporarily employed clerks. In some cases there were as many 

as 1500 to 2000 workers, and in one case for a short time more 

than 4000 workers on one civil, agency work. The result was a 

pretence of work, insufficient return for large expenditure, and, 

very probably, some amount of fraudulent gains on the part of the 

clerks. With the establishment of the distance and task tests and 



^ The mdmlatddr of IndApur was EAv Sdheb Vishnu Vfeudev, of Bhimthadi 
EAv SAheb Ganesh Bhivrdv, of Sirur Khdn Sdheb Shamsudin AlikhAn, of Purandhar 
EAv SAheb SiUrd,m DAdAji, and of MAval EAv SAheb MahAdev Pundlik. 

* The last three, each of nine villages, were under Mr. Fletcher. 

* Indipur is omitted as it was managed by the muDicipality. 



Deccan.] 

POONA. 95 

tlie opening of the Nira canal, the Dhond-Manmdd railway Chapter IV. - 

embankment, and other large and well organized works under the Agriculture 

Public Works Department, these difficulties disappeared and the 

civil agency works were entirely set apart for such persons as were Famines. 

incapable of hard work. The difficulty then was to find work which 1876-77. 

the weakly could do and to provide for the enormous preponderance 

of women. It was necessary to employ a few able-bodied men on 

civil agency works, while almost the only suitable employment 

that could be found was clearing silt from old ponds, and throwing 

gravel on roads and clearing stones from them. Next it was found 

difficult, to enforce the tests without causing serious suffering and 

loss of life. The unwillingness of the low-caste people to leave 

their homes has been noticed. There was a natural unwillingness, 

on the part of all classes, to tramp long distances with their women 

and children, and work without much shelter at night or provision 

for the first few days, while in the case of those unaccustomed to 

continuous work there was sheer inability to perform even the 

moderate task required. Poena was singularly favoured in having 

many large and well-organized works in progress, and in almost all 

cases the difficulties were successfully overcome by a judicious 

system of advances, watchfulness on the part of the officers in charge 

of the works, the system of credit with the grain-dealer which soon 

sprang up, and the wearing off of the feeling of strangeness in the 

lives of a population, who, if not well-to-do, had no former 

experience of the actual pinch of hunger. The total cost of the 

famine was estimated at £100,611 (Rs. 16,06,110), of which 

£137,596 (Rs. 13,75,960) were spent on public and civil works, 

and £23,015 (Rs. 2,30,150) on charitable relief. 

Except that the rice crops suffered from petty thefts in the 
harvest of 1877, and that small stores of grain were taken out of 
deserted houses, there was a striking freedom from crime. Compared 
with the former year the criminal returns showed a total increase 
of 1527 offences, which in the Commissioner's opinion, were due 
to the famine, being chiefly thefts and other offences against property 
and person.'^ There are no statistics of the numbers either of the 
men or of the cattle who left the district and did not come back. 
It is believed that fully a fourth of the emigrant population never 
returned, and about four-fifths of the cattle taken away were nevei 
brought back. Among the people the estimated special mortality 
was about 8800 souls, but compared with 1872 the 1881 census 
shows a fall of 20,732. The addition of the normal yearly increase 
of one per cent during the remaining seven years gives 85,223 
as the loss of population caused by death and migration in 1876 
and 1877. Of cattle, besides those that died, many thousands were 
sold at very low prices.^ Though very great, the loss of stock did 



1 The chief details are, an increase under murders of 3; under attempt or 
abetment of suicide, 6 ; under robbery, 16 ; under lurking house- trespass or house- 
brekking, 154 ; under mischief. 31 ; under theft of cattle, 183 ; under ordinary theft, 
1251 : and under receiving stolen property, 95. . . , c ■ , 

2 The decrease of cattle through deaths and other causes arismg from famine has 
been estimated at near 110,000. 



Bombay Gazetteer, 
96 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter IV. not interfere with field work. The tilled area in 1877-78 fell short 

Affri^ture °^ *^e 1875-76 area by 7476 acres. Of a land roTemie of £116,004 

^ ■ (Rs. 11,60,040) for collection in 1876-77, £70,321 6s. (Rs. 7,03,213) 

Famhtes. ^gj.g recovered by the close of the year. In 1877-78, of aland 

^576-77. revenue of £117,013 (Rs. 11,70,130) £110,147 14s. (Rs. 11,01,477) 

were recovered. Of £114,894 18s. (Rs. 11,48,949), the realizable 

land revenue for 1878-79, £104,030 10s. (Rs. 10,40,305), and of the 

balances, £12,091 2s. (Rs. 1,20,911) were recovered. By the 1st 

of January 1880 the outstanding balance rose to £46,488 of which 

in June 1880 about £42,981 (Rs. 4,29,810) were remitted. In the 

east of the district some villages were deserted and others were 

half empty. The cultivation was far below the average and the 

number of cattle enormously decreased. With ordinary harvests it 

seemed probable that at least ten years would be required to 

restore the country to its former prosperity. 

1878-79. In 1878-79, in Sirur, Purandhar, Bhimthadi and Inddpur the 

Icharif or early crops were almost entirely destroyed by too much 

wet. In Inddpur they were also choked by an extraordinary 

growth of weeds. Half crops were obtained in Sirur and in parts 

of Purandhar and Bhimthadi, but in places considerable damage 

was done by locusts and other insects. The rabi or late crops 

promised well till as they began to ripen the rats committed fearful 

havoc. 

The price of grain continued exceedingly high and at the 
beginning of the hot weather the poorer classes of Inddpur showed 
signs of suffering. To relieve the distress at various places in 
Indapur work was opened on the Nira Canal. Piece-work was 
exacted from the able-bodied, and the weak and sickly received 
subsistence wages. During May, June, and July, nearly 10,000 
people were daily employed. Between 200 or 300 who were unfit 
for work, were cared for in a relief -house in Inddpur. The total 
cost was £663 12s. (Rs. 6636). 



Deccan.] 



CHAPTER V. 

CAPITAL. 

In l872j according to the census^ besides well-to-do husbandmen 
and professional men, 12,028 persons held positions implying the 
possession of capital. Of these 1464 were bankers, money- 
changers, and shopkeepers ; 7608 were merchants and traders ; and 
2956 drew their incomes from rents of houses and shops, from 
funded property, shares, annuities, and the like. Under the head 
of capitalists and traders, the 1880-81 license tax assessment papers 
show 2460 persons assessed on yearly incomes of more than £50 
(Rs. 500). Of these 1229 had £50 to £75 (Rs. 500-750); 429 £75 
to £100 (Rs. 750-1000) ; 304 £100 to £125 (Rs. 1000-1250); 119 
£125 to £150 (Rs. 1250-1500); 136 £150 to £200 (Rs. 1500 -2000); 
105 £200 to £300 (Rs. 2000-3000); sixty £300 to £400 
(Rs. 3000 - 4000) ; twenty-seven £400 to £500 (Rs. 4000 - 5000) ; 
twenty-four £500 to £750 (Rs. 5000-7500) ; thirteen £750 to £1000 
(Rs. 7500- 10,000) ; and fourteen over £1000 (Rs. 10,000). Besides 
these the 1879 papers showed 12,976 persons assessed on yearly 
incomes of £10 to £50 (Rs. 100 - 500). Of these 6402 had £10 to 
£15 (Rs. 100-150) ; 3673 £15 to £25 (Rs. 150-250) ; 1923 £25 to 
£35 (Rs. 250-350); and 978 £35 to £50 (Rs. 350-500).i 

From 1750 to 1817 Poena was the capital of the Peshw^s and 
the resort o£ the great officers and feudatories of the state with 
their numerous followers. Daring this time Poena was probably 
the richest city in Western India. In 1798 the exactions of the last 
Peshwa B^jirdv II. and, in 1802, of Yashvantrdv Holkar stripped 
the people of Poena of much of their wealth. StUl in 1817, when 
it passed under British rule, Poena was a rich city where skilled 
craftsmen centered and large sums were spent. The capitalists of 
Poona suffered considerably by the change from Mardtha to British 
rule. About one-third of the capital was driven from the market. 
Poona ceased to be the seat of government and the residence of its 
numerous ministers and officers. The great purchases of jewels, 
shawls, embroidered cloths, and other valuable articles came 
to an end and trade declined. Under the Peshwd.s much of the 
revenue from their widespread possessions centered in Poona. The 
mon'ey came either by bills drawn from the districts upon the 
Poona banks, or if it was paid in cash it passed through; a.e 



Chapter V. 
Capital. 

Capitalists. 



1 The 1879 figures are given because incomes under £,5(1 (Bfi. 500,) h3,ve gincebeeu 
freed from the -license tax. 



B 1327—13 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



98 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter v. hands of bankers, who profited by the exchange of coins before the 
Capital. collection reached the public treasury. Poena bankers had their 

Capitalists. agents in the districts and the ramification of the money 
trade in loans to the people and to the renters of villages created 
a wide circulation of specie, which returned to the coffers of 
the Poona bankers with an abundant accumulation of interest. 
Loans of this nature were usually repaid in grain which was 
received at a price much below the market rate, and thus 
brought great returns to the lenders. Under the British revenue 
system all these advantages to the capitalists disappeared. The 
trade in moneylending was still further hindered by the sub- 
stitution of suits in courts instead of the former private methods of 
dunning debtors. The merchants were forced to be more cautious 
in their speculations and to look more to individual character and 
collateral security.^ A few bankers failed from bad debts contracted 
by broken-down nobles and ofiicials. About 1821 business was 
very dull in Poona. Many rich bankers had fallen into poverty.* 
Before 1850 the period of Poona^s greatest depression had passed. 
It remained the residence of many of the pensioned Maratha nobles 
and the head-quarters of the district of Poona and a very large 
military station. About 1835 it became the resort of the Governor and 
Council of Bombay between June and October and the head-quarters 
of the Bombay army for part of the year. Since the opening of the 
southern branch of the Peninsula railway in 1858, Poona has 
continued to increase in size, trade, and wealth. At present (1883) 
in the city and cantonment of Poona, besides the branch of the 
Bombay Bank, forty to fifty firms have a capital of £10,000 
(Rs. 1,00,000) and upwards, about eighty firms have £5000 to £10,000 
(Rs. 50,000 - 1,00,000), and about 250 have £1000 to £5000 
(Rs. 10,000 - 50,000). In Junnar, the place of next importance, the 
seat of Musalmdn governors in the times of the Bahmanis (1347- 
1489) and of the Moghals (1637-1760), one firm has a capital of about 
£10.000 (Rs. 1,00,000), about five have £5000 to £10,000 (Rs. 50,000- 
1,00,000), and about forty have £1000 to £5000 (Rs. 10,000-50,000). 
In the rest of the district, in Bdr^mati Indapur Sasvad and Sirur, 
about seven firms have a capital of about £10,000 (Rs. 1,00,000), 
about seven have £5000 to £10,000 (Rs. 50,000- 1,00,000), and 200 
to 300have£1000 to £5000 (Rs.10,000-50,000). Alarge proportion 
of these firms lend money on mortgage and do not trade. The men 
of capital are chiefly Gujardt, Marwdr, and Lingayat Vanis, and local 
Brdhmans. A few Chdmbhdrs, Kunbis, Malis, Marathas, Mhdrs, 
Sondrs, and Telis with small capital are scattered over the district, 
and in the city and cantonment of Poona are several rich European, 
Jew, Musalman, and Parsi firms. 

^Gujardt Vanis, of whom there is a large colony at Supa in 
Bhimthadi, are said to have come to the Deccan about 250 years 
ago when Surat was the chief centre of trade in Western India 
(1608-1658). They appeared as travelling dealers in foreign 

' Deccan Biota Commission Report, Ap. C, 270, 271. 

» Captain H. D. Robertson, Collector (1821), East India Papers, IV. 588, 589, 593. 

^ R&v Saheb Narso RAmchandra, Secretary Poona Municipality. 



&eccan.] 



POONA. 



99 



spices and groceries, visiting tte Deccan in the fair season. After 
a time they settled as grocers in different parts of the district, and 
taking to moneylending soon grew rich. They are- still considered 
foreigners, and except in dress keep all Guiard.t customs and 
manners, and visit their native country every three or four years to 
perform marriage and other ceremonies. They have increased under 
the British, though of late years their number has been stationary. 
Except a few rich traders and bankers in the city of Poena, most 
Gujardt VAnis are petty shopkeepers, traders, and moneylenders. 
The Mdrw^r Vanis came later than the Gujardtis, but were settled 
in the district in large numbers before the beginning of British 
rule. They were looked on with disfavour by the Mardthas as aliens 
who took hoards of money to their native country, and as Jain 
heretics their temples were often turned to the use of Brdhmanic 
or local gods.^ Many have settled in the district within the last 
forty years.^ In Poona as in Ndsik and other parts of the Presi- 
dency the great reductions in rent that were made between 1837 
and ] 850 left the landholder with a margin, of which before long 
the MdrwAri gained the chief share. They usually begin business 
as clerks and servants of established shopkeepers and lenders. 
While working as clerks, generally by buying old gold lace and 
embroidered clothing or broken glass bangles and by saving, 
they put together a little capital. When the clerk has gathered 
enough capital, he severs his connection with his master and starts 
as a shopkeeper and moneylender. In this way new shops are 
being continually opened. Rich and long-established Mdrwdri firms 
are careful to do nothing to injure their good name. On the other 
hand, as a class, the small Marwaris are unscrupulous as to the 
means they use for making money. Still though harsh and unscru- 
pdlous to his debtors, even the petty and pushing lender and 
shopkeeper as a rule deals straightly with his own people and with 
other tr.aders. The Mdrwdri lender's chief characteristics are love 
of gain and carelessness of local opinion. He has much self-reliance 
and great industry. He has usually education enough to understand 
the law and procedure of the courts to which he often resorts. He 
is an excellent accountant and is generally quickwitted in all that 
concerns his business. Knowing that the people look on him as a 
stranger and a hardhearted usurer he holds aloof from them and 
has no sympathies with them. He burdens himself with as few 
permanent investments as possible, and like the Gujarat Vdni goes 
to his native country for marriage and other ceremonies. Besides 
as a moneylender and general broker he is employed as a retail 
and wholesale dealer in groceries, grain, and cloth. Lingayat or- 
Karndtak Vanis are chiefly ironmongers and grocers and are seldom 
moneylenders. Brdhman capitalists who belong to the district are 



Chapter V. 
Capital. 

Capitalists. 



1 Deccan Riots Commission Keport, 23. 

' The head-quarters of Bombay Deccan M^rwiris is the town of VAmbori in th& 
Kdhuri sub-division of Ahmadnagar, about fifteen miles north of'Ahmadnagar city. 
It is the seat of % large MArwAri community and is the centre of their exchange and 
banking business. The proportion of MtowAris in Poona is not so large as in Ahmad- 
nagar, -where in some places they have almost a monopoly of moneylending. Deooajx 
Biots Commission Beport, 23. 



[Bombay Gazetteer. 



100 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter V. 
Capital. 

Capitalists. 



Saving Classes. 



mostly Konkanasth Brahmans in towns and Deshastli Br^hmana 
in villages. Except a few in the city of Poona, who are printersj 
booksellersj and publishers of newspapers, the town Brd,hmans who 
engage in trade are bankers and moneylenderSj and the village 
Brdhmans who engage in moneylending belong to the village 
accountants' or Iculkamis' families. Kunbis and other smaller 
capitalists work in the fields and at their crafts besides engaging in 
moneylending. Parsi and Musalman capitalists are contractors, 
landholders, and traders, and the few Europeans are agents of Bombay 
firms trading in Poona, or are independent traders. 

Of townspeople, merchants, traders, shopkeepers, brokers, 
pleaders, doctors, contractors, and highly paid Government servants ; 
and of country people, landlords, petty shopkeepers, and money- 
lenders, and a few rich cultivators save money. 

Traders spend much of their savings in adding to their business. 
With all classes of natives, except Marwar and Gujarat Vanis, the 
favourite investment is ornaments and jewelry. Next to ornaments 
come land and house property and lending money on mortgage. 
Government savings banks and Government securities are resorted 
to by the higher classes of townspeople who cannot make a better 
use of their money and by others as a safeguard against loss and 
because they can take out the money whenever they want it. For- 
merly considerable sums were invested in private native banks, 
chiefly by friendless widows and others, who got six per cent interest. 
But savings banks and Government securities, though they pay only 
Sf, 4, and 4 J per cent, have greatly reduced this form of investment. 
Joint stock companies are not popular except with those who have 
business connection with Bombay. European Government officers 
have generally accounts with the Poona branch of the Bombay Bank 
or with Bombay firms. The twelve years ending 1882 show a consi- 
derable though not a constant increase in the advantage taken of 
the two forms of investment provided by Government savings banks 
and Government securities. In 1870-71 the deposits in the savings 
banks at Poona and other sub-divisional towns amounted to £12,278 
(Rs. 1,22,780). They rose to £38,544 (Rs. 3,85,440) in 1873-74, fell 
to £22,352 (Rs. 2,23,520) in 1874-75 and remained with little 
change till they rose to £37,268 (Rs. 3,72,680) in 1879-80 and to 
£65,055 (Rs. 6,50,550) in 1880-81. This great increase was 
owing to the rise in the highest amount of a single deposit from 
£150 to £500 (Rs. 1500-5000). In 1881-82 as the amount of greatest 
deposit was again lowered to £150 (Rs. 1500), the deposits fell to 
£38,321 (Rs. 3,8.3,210); they rose to £41,468 (Rs. 4,14,680) in 
1882-83. New savings banks have also been recently opened in 
connection with post offices. The depositors are Hindu traders, 
Government servants, and landholders. During the thirteen years 
ending 1882-88 the interest paid on Government securities has risen 
from £5755 (Rs.57,550)in 1870-71 to £7512 (Rs. 75,120)in 1882-83. 
The increase, though considerable, has been far from steady. The 
amount dropped from £5755 (Rs. 57,550) in 1870-71 to £4131 
(Rs. 41,310) in 1872-73, and from that rose steadily to £9116 
(Rs, 91,160) in 1878-79. It fell to £6898 (Rs. 68,980) in 1879.§0, 



Seccan.l 



POONA. 



101 



rose to £8805 (Rs. 88050) in 1880*81, and again fell to £7156 Chapter V. 
(Rs. 71,560) in 1881-82 and £7512 (Rs. 75,120) in 1882-83. The CapTtal, 

details are : 

Saving CijAs^Em 
Poona Savings Banks and Government Securities, 1870 -18S£. 



T«AK. 


Savings 
Banks 
Deposits. 


Gov- 
ernment 
Securities 
Interest. 


Year, 


Savings 
Banks. 
Deposits 


Gov- 
ernment 
Securities 
Interest. 


1870-71] 

1871-72 

1872-73 

1873-74 

1874-75 

1875-76 

1876-77 


£. 
12,278 
20,353 
2-4,820 
33,544 
22,352 
23,847 
26,194 


£. 

5755 
6829 
4131 
5880 
6099 
6427 
6688 


1877-78 

1878-79 

1879-80 

1880-81 

1881-82 

1882-83 


£. 

22,305 
22,697 
37,268 
66,065 
88,321 
41,468 


£. 

7179 
9116 
6898 
8805 
7158 
7612 



A branch of the old Bank of Bombay was opened in Poona early in 
1862. During the speculations which accompanied the American 
War it carried on a large business in local advances and in the 
purchase of bills on Bombay. With the close of the war business 
collapsed and in 1868 the old Bank of Bombay was placed in 
liquidation. The Poona Branch was taken over by the new Bank 
of Bombay and shortly after the Government local treasury was 
made over to its care. Deposits are held by the Bank to a moderate 
extent; but there is little or no profitable employment for its funds 
in Poona, as the requirements of local traders are for the most part 
supplied by local native moneylenders, who afford facilities against 
which the Bank cannot compete. The branch has been of much use 
to Grovernment in financing for the heavy requirements of the local 
Treasury, as well as to the European residents who use the branch 
freely for all purposes of ordinary banking. 

^ No native firms confine themselves to banking ; all are also 
moneylenders and traders. The chief bankers are found in Poona 
and are generally Gujardt and Marwdr Vdnis and local Brdhmans. 
Some Poona bankers have dealings with Bombay ; with Ahmadabad, 
Baroda, Broach, and Surat in Gujarat; with Ajmir, Jaypur, and 
Udepar in Rajputana ; with Karachi and Haidarabad in Sind ; with 
Dhar, Gwalior, and Indur in Central India; with Akola, Nagpur, and 
Umrdvati in Ber^r; with Agra, Allahabad, Benares, Calcutta, Delhi, 
Kanpnr, andLucknowin Northern and Eastern India; with Aurang- 
abad and Haidarabad in the Nizam's country; with Belgaum, 
DhdrwAr, and Kd,rwar in South Bombay, and with BelMri in Madras ; 
and the main towns along the highway leading to the shrine of 
Rameshvar in South India. Where there is no agency a bill or 
hundi is given on a banker in the nearest large town and is cashed 
by the bankers of the smaller places in the neighbourhood. Local 
payments are made in silver and beyond district limits in bills of 
exchange or Jiundis. The rates of commission for a hundi range 
from a quai-ter to four per cent, being high during the busy season 
October to May. When the firm issuing the bill has a large balance 
at the agency, as they tend to adjust accounts without the cost of 



Branch 
Bombay Bank. 



Bankebs, 



I K4v S^heb Narso RAmchandra, Secretary Poona Municipality. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 
102 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter V. sending bullion^ bills are issued at par. Under ordinary clrcnm- 

_ -rr , stances tbe highest sum for which a bill can be cashed in Poena 

s-Pi a • without notice may be taken at £400 (Ra.4000) and after notice 

Bankers, at £2500 (Rs. 25,000), and in the other banking towns at about £100 

BUIs. (Rs. 1000). 

^ Th« two most usual forms of exchange bills or hundis are bills 
payable at sight called darshani and bills payable after an interval 
generally of less than nine days called mudati. Bills are of three 
kinds, personal or dhanijog when the grantee is the person to whom 
or to whose order the payment is to be made; on trust or shdhdjog 
when payment is made to a nominee of the grantee known to the 
payer ; and descriptive or nishdjog where a description of the payee 
is embodied in the bill. It is not usual to draw bills in sets. A 
letter of advice to the agent or banker, stating the amount drawn, 
the number of the bill, and the name of the person to whom or in 
whose favour the- bill has been granted, is considered enough. 
Bills before they reach the correspondent of the drawer are in 
some cases several times sold, and the purchasers endorse them 
each time with their signatures or hecJians. When the amount 
of the bill is remitted in cash, by another bill, or in any other 
form, the bill is signed by the payee, returned to the grantor, 
and filed as a voucher or Mioka. Unless the bill is bindjahti, 
that is unless it requires no letter of advice, it is usual for the 
correspondent of the grantor to send a letter of advice, intimating 
the payment of the money to the payee. No days of grace are 
allowed. The bill, if demanded, must be cashed on the specified 
day. If the payer delays, monthly interest is charged varying 
from one-half per cent if the drawer is a banker to three-quarters 
per cent if the drawer is a merchant. If payment is asked before 
the bill falls due, discount at a similar rate is charged. If the hill 
is dishonoured and sent back uncashed, the grantor must pay 
interest at double the rate of current interest from the date when 
the bill was bought. He must also pay a non-acceptance penalty or 
nakrdi, which varies in different places. Carriage was also formerly 
charged according to the distance the bill had travelled. 

If the bill is lost or stolen a duplicate or peth letter stating the 
amount of the bill and asking for payment is usually granted. If 
the duplicate letter is lost, a triplicate or parpeth mentioning both 
the bill and the duplicate is issued ; and, if the triplicate is not 
forthcoming, an advice or jdb mentioning the bill, the duplicate, and 
the triplicate, is sent to the same effect. The payer must satisfy 
himself as to the identity of the bearer of the bill and in doubtful 
cases should demand security before payment is made. If he pays 
the wrong man he has to bear the loss, and pay a second time to the 
holder of the duplicate and the triplicate. The payee in the case of 
an advice letter or jdb passes a separate receipt, while the bill, the 
duplicate, and the triplicate are simply endorsed. After payment the 
banker debits the drawer with the amount paid. If a drawer over- 
draws his account, and the bill is lost or dishonoured, he alone is 

* Steele's Hindu Laws and Customs in the Deooan. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



103 



responsible. It is usual after endorsing them to sell bills to bill- 
brokers or daldls, who are paid brokerage at the rate of |c?. (J a.) 
on every £10 (Rs. 100) bill. As treasure is seldom sent, bills are 
generally adjusted by debits and credits and exchange bills or 
hadli hundis, whose rates vary according to the conditions of the 
transaction. The drawer pays commission or hokshdi to the 
correspondent who disburses cash to the payee, and both drawer 
and purchaser pay a brokerage or daldli for the sale of badli 
hundis. The interchange of bills has been greatly simplified by the 
introduction of a uniform coinage. Formerly the different rupees 
and the different rates of exchange made the system most complicated, 
and was the source of no small profit to local bankers. 

Where there is aa agent or munim, the clerk or gumdsta acts 
under the agent. As a rule there is no agent, and the clerk, who is 
generally a Brahman, is subordinate to his master alone and is 
treated by outsiders with much respect. He keeps the accoants, 
makes and recovers advances to husbandmen, superintends his 
master's establishment, looks after his lands and servants, and goes 
abroad to buy and sell goods according to his master's orders. 
Exclusive of food and other charges and travelling allowance the 
clerk's yearly pay varies from £5 to £30 (Rs. 50 - 300). At Divdli in 
October -November he is given a turban or some other article of 
clothing and small presents on weddings. 

Bankers as well as traders and well-to-do moneylenders keep 
three books, a rough and a fair journal or rojmel and a ledger' or 
khdtevahi. Some traders keep only one journal. Where two 
journals are kept the transactions of the day are entered in the 
rough journal as they take place. At the end of the day they 
are corrected, balanced, and entered at leisure in the fair journal. 
A general summary of each man's dealings is posted in the ledger 
under its proper head and the pages of the journal which refer to 
the details are noted. Many village lenders trust to the evidence 
of bonds and keep no books. 

In Shivaji's time (1674-1680) the following gold coins were 
knownin the district: Gddars; Ibhrdmis ; Mohars ; Putalis; Satldmis; 
Huns of fourteen kinds Pddshdhi, Sangari, Achyutrdi, Devrdi, 
Rdmchandrardi, Guti, Dhdrvddi, 8hivrdi, Edveripdk, Pralakhati, 
Pdld-NdiM, Adavani, Jadmdli, and Tddpatri; and Phalams of twelve 
kinds Afraji, Trimaldri, Trishuli, Chanddvari, Pildhari, TJlafkari, 
MuhaTnmadshdi, Veluri, Katerdi,Devjavli, Bdmndthpuri, and Kungoti} 
The chief rupees that were current during the Peshwa's rule were 
the Malhdrshdi or Rdstia's rupee, which was equal to fifteen annas of 
the present Imperial rupee ; the AnJcushi of three kinds, Kora nirmal 
chhdpi or fresh from the mint and bearing a clear stamp, Madhyam 
chJidpi or with a half -worn stamp, and Ndrdyan chhdpi ; Beldpuri and 
Bhdturi equal to fourteen annas ; Bodke surti equal to 14f annas ; 
Jaripatki,Koldhi,Miraji, Phora Chdndvadi, and Phulshahari; Shikka 
of three kinds, halli, shri, and vdi ; and Tembhurni. The Peshwa's 



Chapter V. 
Capital. 
Baneebs, 
Bills. 



Currenoyi 



1 ShivAji's Bakhar by KrishnAji Anant Sabh^sad, 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



104 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter V. 

Capital. 

Bankers. 
Currency. 



government used to add two per cent to all its collections to bring 
them to tte Malhdrshdi standard. To raise the coins to the Ankushi 
standard the last Peshwa Bajirav took an additional percentage 
which varied according to the pleasure of the mamlatd^r. In the 
beginning of British rule the percentage was fixed according to the 
intrinsic value of the coins.-*^ Of the coins in circulation in 1821 
about forty-nine per cent were Ndrdyan chhdpi, twenty-nine per cent 
Kora nirmal, and 7^ per cent Madhyam chhdpi ankushis, five per cent 
Beldpuris and Bhdturis, and 1| per cent Halli shikkds. The 
proportion of the other rupees varied from one-ninth to two-nintha 
per cent. 

The shikka rupees were the most popular with bankers, who 
generally preferred them to other coins. The other rupees continued 
legal tender till about 1827, when they were superseded by the 
Company's coin, but the shikka rupee remained current till about 
1857. Till about 1834-35 when it was finally closed, the shikka 
rupees were made in the Poena mint by the old TanksAle or Mint- 
master family of Deshasth Brahmans under the supervision of British 
officers, who allowed ten per cent copper alloy for remuneration. 
Experts were appointed to examine the coins as they issued from 
the mint, and were paid ^d. (^ a.) as commission on every hundred 
rupees examined.^ These rupees were generally exchanged at a 



discount of not more than f tZ. 



(i a.). 



At present, besides notes which are used only in the town and 
cantonment of Poena, the currency is partly silver partly copper. 
The silver coins are the Imperial rupee, half-rupee adheli, quarter- 
rupee pdvli, and one-eighth rupee chavli. The ordinary copper 
coins are a hali-anna piece dhabu, a quarter-arawa piece paisa, and a 
onetwelfth-awwa piece pai. Old copper coins called chhatrapatis, 
also called shivrdis or the coins of Eaja Shivdji, worth about a 
quarter of an anna, are also current. The chhatrapati contains 136 
grains troy (| tola) of pure copper, or 45 grains troy (i tola) more 
than the current quarter-aw/ia piece. Still it sells for less as one 
or two pieces have to be added in every rupee. The coinage of the 
chhatrapati or shivrdi was stopped immediately after the beginning 
of British rule. But about thirty years ago large quantities of a 
counterfeit coin with an alloy of zinc were secretly coined and 
circulated in the markets near Junnar and Ahmadnagar. Though 
gradually disappearing these false shivrdis are still in use, and are 
so close a copy of the real shivrdi that only an expert can tell them 
from each other. Kavdis or cowrie-shells from the Malabar coast 
are in use in making small purchases of groceries, vegetables, betel 
leaves, and oil. Four kavdis, equal to one-twenty-fifth of a shivrwi 
that is about one-seventieth of a penny, is the smallest unit. 



1 Captain H. D. Robertson, Collector, in East India Papers, IV. 181, 580. For every 
100 Kora nirmal chhdpi Ankushis were demanded lOOJ Madhya/m chhdpi Ankushis, 
\0\\ Ndrdyan chhdpi Ankushis and Phulshaharis, 103i Bhdturis,105i Vdi shikkdi, 
J^eldpuris, Koldbis, and Tembhumis, and 108 Mirajis, Ditto. 

' Shortly before August 1822 the Poona mint was closed for some time owing to 
ttie discovery of frauds. As the want of currency caused inconvenience the mint was 
reopened. Mr. Chaplin's Report, 20th August 1822 (1877 Edition), 63. The mint 
seems to have been finally closed about the year 1834-35. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



105 



Insurance or vima was known before the time of the British. 
Valuable articles, jewels, bullion, coin, precious stones, cloth, cotton, 
silks, and shawls, and sometimes cattle grain and metal vessels, while 
being carried to and from Poona, were insured at Poona against 
loss by robbery, plunder by troops, fire or water, the carrier's 
negligence, his being carried off by a tiger, drowned in fording a 
river, or dying from epidemic disease. Tha work of insurance 
formed part of the business of one or more bankers acting as 
partners. As insurance agents they undertook to send goods from 
one place to another on receipt of transit cost and insurance fees, 
varying from one t,o ten per cent on the value of the goods, 
according to the distance, the danger of robbers, and the time 
allowed for the journey.^ Insurance was not undertaken for a 
longer distance than 200 miles (100 kos) unless on property of a 
greater value than £100 (Rs. 1000). Within that distance the value 
of goods whose safe carriage was insured varied from £10 to £10,000 
(Rs. 100-1,00,000). The agents employed armed escorts and 
camels to convey the articles, and every year had to pay blackmail 
to the heads of the robber gangs who infested the country. The 
insurance agents' escorts were Arabs,- Rohillas, Pathdns, or- Rajputs. 
The camel-men who were Muhammadans were called sdrvdns. 
Their wages were from fifteen to twenty per cent above those of 
ordinary messengers, and, in addition to their wages, they were paid 
rewards for each successful trip. They were noted for bravery and 
for their staunch regard for their employer's interests. They carried 
matchlocks, swords, daggers, and shields. They made very rapid 
journeys on trained camels, and if attacked by robbers made good 
use of their arms. Exclusive of the escort's wages the principal 
sums defrayed by the insurer were on account of loss and damage 
to the property injured. Interest from j to ^ per cent was also paid 
to the owner if the goods insured did not reach their destination 
within the appointed time. 

Under British rule order and peace have made insurance against 
the risks of the road unnecessary. Insurance against fire has not 



Chapter V. 
Capital- 

Bankers. 
Insurance. 



' Steele's Hindu Laws and Customs in the Deccan, 314-321. 
Poona Insurance Percentage, 1818. 



The chief details are : 





Gold 

and 

Jewels. 


Cash, saver, 




Gold 
and 

Jewels. 


Cash, Silver, 


Flack. 


Cloth, and 

other 

Articles. 


Place. 


Cloth, and 
other 

Articles. 


Haidarabad 


lto2J 


3 to 5 


NSriyanpeth 


3 to 4 


3 to 6 


Benares and Oudh ... 


5 to 7 


No 


Ahmadnagar and 










insurance. 


satara 


}tol 


itoli 


Jaypur and Ajmir ... 


3 to 4^ 


4 to 6^ 


Dh4rw4randHubU... 


lto2 


1 to3 


Surat 


lJto2 


No 


Bell&ri 


litoS 


li to 3J 






insurance. 


Madras and Maisur ... 


2 to 3 


2 to 5 


Ahmadabad 


3 to 5 


4 to 6 


Suripur 


2 to 3 


3toB 


Baroda 


2 to 4 


3 to 5 


Machhli-Pattan 


2 to 3 


3 to 5 


BurMnpur 


lito2i 


2Jto3i 


Tanjor 


2to3i 


2 to 4 


Indur and Ujain 


2 to 3 


3to4 


Aurangabad, Yeola, 






Nagpur 


3 to 5 


4to6 


and Malegaon 


li to 1} 


IJ to 2!- 


Umar&vati 


1| to 2J 


2ito3J 


Bombay 


itoj 


Itoli 


Miraj, Shol&pur, and 












NSaik 


lto2 


2 to 3 









B 1327—14 



[Bombay Gazetteer; 



106 



DISTEICTS. 



Chapter V. 
Capital. 



Moneylenders. 



been introduced. In Poona a branch of the Bombay Oriental 
Grovernment Security Life Assurance Company Limited, has been 
open since 1874. A few policies have been effected on the lives of 
Europeans, Eurasians, Hindus, and Pdrsis, but the business done 
has been small. 

Much of the moneylending is in the hands of M^rwdr a,nd 
Gujardt Vanis. A considerable number of local Brdhmans and a 
few ChdmbhArs, Dhangars, Gosavis, Kunbis, Malis, Mdngs, Mardth^s, 
Mhars, Musalmdns, Shimpis, Sond,rs, Telis, Lingayat and Vaish 
Vanis, and others having capital also engage in moneylending. 
The business done by local lenders, most of whom have other 
sources of income and are not hereditary moneylenders, is less than 
that done by outsiders from Mdrw^r and Gujardt. Except of a few 
town firms moneylending is not the lender's sole pursuit. About 
sixty per cent are traders including grocers and clothsellers, thirty 
per cent are husbandmen, and ten per cent are pleaders and 
others.^ Besides lending money Mdrwdris deal in grain, groceries, 
cloth, and oil, some having shops in villages and others in country 
towns and market places. Except in some Junnar villages, where 
they have dealings with husbandmen, Gujarat Vdnis are chiefly 
cloth-dealers who are settled in the larger towns and who lend 
money to weavers and other craftsmen and seldom to husbandmen. 
Lingdyat moneylenders are chiefly ironmongers a,nd grocers. 
The Brahman moneylender is generally a land proprietor, a corn- 
dealer, and in the city of Poona a pensioned Government servant, 
pleader, or contractor, and a cultivator in Khed and Junnar. He is 
generally found in towns and seldom lends except to the better 
class of landholders. The Mardtha or Kunbi moneylender is a 
husbandman. He is found in villages and towns. As a rule he 
does not lend except to people who belong to his village or with 
whom he is connected. The others are chiefly found in Poona and 
in large towns. Of all lenders the Marwdri has the worst name. 
He is a byeword for greed and for the shameless and pitiless 
treatment of his debtor. Some say Brdhmans are as hard as 
Marwdris, others say they are less hard. Almost all agree that 
compared with Mdrwar and Brdhman creditors, Marathas, Kunbis, 
and Gujardt Vdnis are mild and kindly. A Marwari will press a 
debtor when" pressure means ruin. The saying runs that he will 
attach and sell his debtor's cooking and drinking vessels even when 
the family are in the midst of a meal. Brdhmans, whose position 
in society tends to make them popular, are shrewd and cautious m 
their dealings, and as a class avoid extreme measures for the recovery 
of their debts. A Gujardt Vani, a Mardtha, or a Kunbi creditor 
will seldom ruin his debtor. It is not easy to make moneylending 
pay. Want of experience often leads to loss of capital. Except 
when their immediate interests clash moneylenders as a class are 
friendly to each other, avoid competition, and deal honestly among 
themselves. 



1 Mr. J. G. Moore, C.S. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



107 



The accounts of the rates of interest at the. beginning of British 
rule vary. In 1821, according to the Collector Captain Robertson, 
the usual rate of interest was twelve per cent except in the Mavals 
where it was from twenty to twenty-four per cent. A 5 anria per 
rupee a month or about eighteen per cent was an usual rate. When 
the interest was paid in grain the usual monthly rate was a sher the 
rupee or seventy-five per cent. If grain was borrowed for seed, 
the debt was cancelled by repaying double the quantity borrowed 
any time within a year j if the grain was borrowed for food one 
quarter to three-quarters more were paid in return.^ About the 
same time Dr. Coats (29th February 1820) described the village 
shopkeeper as lending a few rupees to the villagers without security 
and charging ^ anna interest a month or thirty-seven per cent. A 
good deal of their traflSc with the villagers was by bartering grain 
and other field produce for groceries. The usual yearly rate of 
interest was twenty-four per cent. Loans of grain and straw were 
repaid at fifty per cent, and often at seventy-five per cent.^ 

At present (1883) the rate of interest varies with the credit and 
the need of the borrower, the habits of the class to which he 
belongs, the risk of the industry in which he is engaged, and the 
dearness of money. The interest charged is always higher in the 
country than in the city and presses more on poor than on well-to- 
do landholders. In small transactions where an article is given in 
pawn the yearly rate of interest varies from nineteen to thirty-seven 
per cent. In petty field advances on personal security the usual 
yearly rate is 37| per cent. (| a. the rupee a month). When there 
is a lien on the crops the payment is generally in grain and 
the interest varies from twenty-five to fifty per cent. In large 
transactions with a mortgage on movable property, nine to twelve 
per cent are charged, and in mortgages of immovable property the 
rate varies from six to twelve per cent. Where loans are secured 
by mortgages on land, the average rate in the Haveli sub-division, 
where the conditions of landed property are specially favourable, 
varies from thirteen to nineteen per cent.^ In less favoured 
sub-divisions the rate not uncommonly rises to twenty-four per 
cent. Money invested in buying land is expected to yield a clear 
profit of nine to twelve per cent. Interest is now calculated 
according to the English calendar year in all transactions which 
do not take the shape of book-accounts. Book-accounts and 
merchants' accounts are generally regulated by the samvat year 
which begins at Divdli in October - November ; Brahmans and 
other non-professional lenders generally keep their accounts by 
the akak year which begins on the first of Ghaitra in March -April. 
If payment is made within three years the extra or intercalary 
month is charged ; if the account runs for more than three years 
the extra month is excluded. The Imperial rupee is the standard 
in all transactions. Shopkeepers not uncommonly have dealings 



Chapter V. 
Capital. 

MONEYLENDEBS. 

Interest. 



1 East India Papara, IV, 580. ^ Bom. Lit. Soe. Trans. III. 236. 

' Deccan Riots Commission Report, 66-67. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



108 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter V- 

Capital- 

Moneylenders. 
Interest. 



BOEBOWERS. 



in shikka rupees. In such cases, if the settlement is private, it is 
made according to the market value of the coin. In disputed cases, 
when the parties come to court, the shikka rupee is turned into the 
Imperial rupee at a reduction of nearly two per cent.^ At seed time 
moneylenders usually advance grain for seed and for the maintenance 
of the landholder. Advances of seed and of food grain are repaid 
six months after in kind or in their money value at the rate of 125 
per cent or savdi, of 150 per cent or didhi, or of 200 per cent or dam 
dupat of the grain advanced. Contractors, who of late years are a 
growing class, pay twelve to twenty-four per cent interest and at the 
time of borrowing allow a discount or manuti of three to five per 
cent. Their dealings are all in cash. They have fair credit and are 
well-to-do. They borrow money to help them to carry out their 
contracts and repay the loan as soon as the contract is finished. 
Moneylenders have good credit and borrow at six to twelve per cent 
a year. Traders and merchants whose credit varies with their 
personal position borrow at nine to eighteen per cent. Khists or 
small loans payable by daily or weekly instalments of a few annas 
are occasionally made in some parts of the district. 

The chief borrowers of the district are land-owning Knnbis. 
Contractors of various kinds, who are a growing class, also borrow. 
Enterprising moneylenders borrow at low interest and lend at rates 
high enough to cover losses and leave a considerable margin of 
profit. Traders and merchants rarely borrow except when they 
make large purchases of the articles in which they deal. The few 
craftsmen who are free from debt act as moneylenders. Though 
most craftsmen are in debt they are not so deeply involved as 
landholders, partly because they have no security to ofEer, partly 
because they have no money rents to pay. In ordinary years, as a 
class, craftsmen are better off than husbandmen. Still, of late years, 
competition has closed many of the old callings, and craftsmen, 
who have not suffered from competition, are generally afflicted by 
a craving for some form of vicious indulgence. Except for their 
intemperate habits craftsmen are generally intelligent, able to 
care for their interests, and guard themselves from being over- 
reached by false claims. Craftsmen borrow at twelve to twenty- 
four per cent. Besides the interest, they have to accept a five per 
cent deduction from the amount of the nominal loan. They are 
honest debtors and do their best to pay their debts repaying in 
small instalments. They dislike borrowing and do not borrow except 
under considerable pressure. They reckon indebtedness a burden 
and try to shake it off as soon as they can. Of the lower orders 
domestic servants and labourers are the only classes who are 
comparatively free from debt. House servants if forced to borrow 
repay the loan by monthly instalments. They are generally regular 
in their payments and careful to pay what they owe. Except during 
the few years before and after the close of the American war, wheit 



' Gov. Res. 23th January 1883, allows a deduction of one rupee and fifteen annM 
for every 100 rupees. 



Deccau.] 



POONA. 



109 



the Peninsula railway and other local public works were in progress 
and when the wages of unskilled workmen in Bombay were 
exceptionally high, labourers were never better off than they now 
are. Fifty years ago a laboured could hardly earn wages enough to 
keep himself and his family and could save nothing. A labourer 
then was badly fed and clad ; the cheapness of the articles of daily 
use alone kept him from starving. The first marked improvement 
in the labourer's condition was caused by the demand for labour 
to complete the great public works which were in hand both 
locally and in Bombay between 1862 and 1871. The Deccan Riots 
Commission estimated that £250,000 to £300,000 (Rs. 25-30 lakhs) 
of the whole amount spent in making the Peninsula railway within 
Poena limits remained in the district in payment of local labour. 
Just beyond the west limits of the district were the great Sahy^dri 
works where on a distance of fourteen miles 40,000 labourers were at 
one time employed by one contractor. At the same time the foreshore 
reclamation and other works in hand in Bombay caused so great a 
demand for labour that in 1863 the monthly wages of unskilled 
workmen rose from 1 5s. Qd. (Rs. 7|) to £1 7s. (Rs. 13|). G-reat public 
works in the Poona district continued to give the labourers highly 
paid employment till the year 1871. At present (1883) a labourer can 
command not only the necessaries of life for himself and his family, 
but ordinary comforts and even a few luxuries. He spends his 
gains on clothes, food, and liquor more than on ornaments. 
Labourers work in the fields from August to March ; at other times 
they are employed on house-building and other public or private 
works!. On his personal security a moneylender generally advances 
a labourer up to £10 (Rs. 100). Sometimes the security of a fellow- 
labourer is taken. 

Since before the beginning of British rule the greatest borrowers 
in the district have been the landholders. The ordinary Kunbi is a 
simple well-disposed peasant content with the scantiest clothing 
and the hardest fare. Though unschooled and with a narrow 
range of intelligence he is not without manly qualities and meets 
with a stubborn endurance the unkindly caprices of his climate and 
the hereditary burden of his debts, troubles which would drive a 
more imaginative race to despair or stimulate one more intelligent 
to new resources. The apparent recklessness with which he will 
incur obligations that carry the seeds of ruin has gained for the Poona 
landholder a character for extravagance and improvidence. The 
apparent recklessness is often necessity. His extravagance is limited 
to an occasional marriage festival, and his improvidence is no 
greater than that of all races low in the scale of intelligence who live 
in the present.^ The want of forethought, which prevents the land- 
holder overcoming the temptation to which the uncertainty of 
the seasons and- the varying value of his produce give rise, is caused 
by a want of power to realize future troubles rather than by a spirit 
of extravagance or waste. In 1875, in the opinion of the members 
of the Deccan Riots Commission, the expenditure on marriage and 

1 Deccan Biots Conunissioa Beport, 22, 



Chapter III. 
Capital. 

BOKKOWEES. 



Husbandmen. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



110 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter III. 

Capital. 

.Borrowers. 
Husbandmen, 



otter festivals was less tte cause of the husbandman's indebtedness 
than was commonly supposed. Compared with his means the 
expenditure was extravagant, but the occasions seldom occurred. 
In a course of years the total sum spent was probably not larger 
than a landholder was justified in spending on special and family 
pleasures. The expenditure on family pleasures formed an 
important item on the debit side of many accounts but it was rarely 
the nucleus of a debt. Even at twenty-four per cent interest the 
£5 to £7 10s. (Es. 50-75) spent by an average landholder on a 
marriage, with fairness on the lender's part and without the 
addition of other debts, could be rapidly paid. In the opinion of 
the Commission the bulk of the landholder's debt was due less to 
the large sums spent on ceremonies than to constant petty borrowings 
for food and other necessaries, to buy seed, to buy bullocks, and to 
pay the Government assessment. The Commissioners held that in a 
district with so uncertain a climate as Poena and with people whose 
forethought was so dull, the payment of a regular money rental, even 
when the rental was far below the standard of a fair season, must lead 
to borrowing. 

When the country came under British rule, the bulk of the 
husbandmen were in debt. In 1819 in the township of Loni on the 
Ahmadnagar road, about ten miles east of Poena, Dr. Coats 
found that of eighty-four families of husbandmen all except 
fifteen or sixteen were indebted to moneyed men generally 
BrAhmans or shopkeepers. The total private debt was £1453 
(Rs. 14,530) and there was a further village debt of £307 
(Rs. 3070). The sums owed generally varied from £4 to £20 
(Rs. 40-200), but some men owed as much as £200 (Rs: 2000). 
The interest was usually twenty-four per cent, but when small 
sums were borrowed interest was as high as forty per cent. The 
cause of debt was generally marriage expenses or the purchase 
of cattle and food. Each debtor had a running account with his 
creditor and paid sums of money from time to time. According to 
the accepted rule the interest of a debt could never be more than 
the principal. In settling disputes the juries followed the rule dam 
dusar hem tisar, that is double for money treble for grain. Few 
debtors knew how their accounts stood. Most of them believed 
that they had paid all just demands over and over again. About 
a fourth of the people were indebted to their neighbours for grain 
and straw and borrowed to support themselves and their cattle till 
next harvest. They repaid these advances in kind at fifty to 
seventy-five per cent interest. In ordinary times the whole of a 
husbandman's produce was mortgaged before it was reaped. In bad 
seasons the evil was much increased. If any of their cattle died 
they had no means of replacing them. If they failed to raise an 
advance they left their fields and tried to save some money as 
Brdhmans' servants or perhaps as soldiers.^ 

^ In 1822 according to Mr. Chaplin, owing to the oppression of 



1 Trans. Bom. Lit. Soc. in. 226. 

2 From the Deccan Riots Commission Report (1876). 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



Ill 



revenue contractors, the landholders in many villages, though 
frugal and provident, were much in debt to bankers and merchants. 
Many of these debts were of long standing. They were often made 
of compound interest and fresh occasional aids so mixed and massed 
that the accounts were exceedingly complicated. A husbandman 
who fell in debt could seldom free himself. The husbandman^s 
debts were of two kinds, village debts and private debts. The 
village debt usually arose from advances or loans made by bankers 
to the Maratha Government on the security of the revenues of 
certain villages. The private debts were the result of the revenue 
farming system under which the state dues were collected through 
bankers or sdvkdrs who usually received in kind from the villagers 
what the bankers had paid to the Government in cash and drafts. 
The mass of the husbandmen had not interest or title enough in their 
land to be security for a large debt. Mirds or hereditary holdings 
were sometimes mortgaged, but their selling value was estimated 
at not more than two or three years^ purchase, and land yielding £20 
(Rs. 200) of gross produce could seldom be mortgaged for more than 
£10 (Rs. 100). The ordinary dealings between the moneylender 
and the landholder were based on the teaching of experience rather 
than on any power of compulsion in the hands of the creditor. The 
recognized mode of recovering debt was for the lender to send a dun 
or mohasal whose maintenance had to be paid daily by the debtor. 
Another mode was to place a servant in restraint or dharna at the 
debtor's door, or to confine the debtor to his house or otherwise 
subject him to restraint. Against the humbler debtors severer 
measures were used. The landholder's constantly recurring necessity 
could not be relieved unless he maintained his credit by good faith. 
On the other hand the Government in no way helped the lender to 
exact more than a fair profit which considering his risks would also 
be a large profit. Honesty was the borrower's best policy and caution 
was a necessity to the lender. There was a considerable burden of 
debt and many landholders were living in dependence on the lender, 
delivering him their produce and drawing upon him for necessaries. 
The landholder's property did not offer security for large amounts. 
The debtor's cattle and the yearly produce of his land were the 
lender's only security. As immoveable property was not liable to 
sale for debt, and as the hereditary or mirds title was of no value 
to a non- agricultural landlord, the mortgage even of hereditary 
or mirds land gave the lender a hold on the produce rather 
than on the land. Rates of interest were very high and much of 
the debt consisted of accumulations of interest. The causes of 
indebtedness were chiefly the revenue system and sometimes 
expenditure on marriages or similar occasions. The amount of 
individual debt was usually moderate. Most moneylenders were 
men of substance who had a staff of duns and clerks. In recovering 
debts the lender had little or no help from the state. At the same 
time he had great license in private methods of compulsion. Under 
British management the lender's power of private compulsion was 
curtailed and courts presided over by the Collectors were opened to 
suitors. At first the lenders did not go to. the courts. This and 



Chapter V. 
Capital. 

BOBEOWEES. 

Husbandmen, 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



112 



DISTEIOTS. 



Chapter V. 
Capital. 

BofiEOWEBS, 

Hnsbandmen, 



other causes caused a contraction in the moneylender's dealings. 
Still the landholder's necessities compelled him to keep on terms 
with his creditor. -■ 

There are no records bearing on the relations between the 
husbandmen and their creditors in the years immediately following 
Mr. Chaplin's report. Later information shows that the burden of 
debt grew heavier rather than lighter before the introduction of 
the Civil Court Procedure in 1827. The first regular Civil 
Procedure was introduced into the Bombay Presidency by Regula- 
tions II. III. IV. and V. of 1827. Regulation IV. provided the 
procedure and Regulation V. the limitations for civil suits. In 
Regulation IV. the cattle and tools necessary for the support of the 
agricultural debtor were declared exempt from seizure on account 
of debt. Regulation V. limited the yearly rate of interest recoverable 
in a civil court to twelve per cent. When the new laws came into 
operation, except in hereditary or mirds land, the husbandman 
had no title to his holding, and on account of the fall in the value 
of produce the revenue demand left little margin to the landholder. 
Under these circumstances the lender had little security for debt. 

As the courts gave the lenders the means of speedily realizing 
their claims they were soon resorted to. In 1832, when the 
extreme cheapness of grain was pressing with terrible weight on 
the agricultural classes, the French traveller Jacquemont, a some- 
what unfriendly critic, described the cultivators all over India as 
owing instead of owning. They had almost always to borrow seed 
from the banker and money to hire plough cattle. Every husband- 
man had a running account with a lender to whom during all his 
life he paid the interest of his debt, which swelled in bad years and 
when family ceremonies came round. In no part of India did 
indebtedness cause more misery than in the Deccan. Formerly 
the law or custom prevented a lender from more than tripling the 
original loan by compound interest ; neither personal arrest nor 
seizure of immovable property was allowed. The English law 
removing all such restraints caused much horror. To carry out the 
law judges had to strip old families of their ancestral homes.''- 

The first detailed record of the relations between husbandmen 
and their creditors is the result of an inquiry made in 1843, by 
Mr. Inverarity, the Revenue Commissioner of the Northern Division. 
Mr. Stewart, the Collector "of Poona, after premising that it was 
well known that all enactments to fix a lower than the market 
rate of interest had the effect of enhancing it, stated that money 
was frequently borrowed on mere personal security at thirty to 
sixty per cent. Considering that the borrowers seldom owned any 
property it seemed to him a matter of surprise that they had credit 
at all rather than that the rate of interest was so high. The views 
of Messrs. Frere and Rose his assistants were somewhat at variance 



^ Jacquemont's Voyages, III. 559. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



113 



withtheOollector's views. Mr.Frere stated that there were few villages 
under his charge in which there was one landholder unburdened 
with debt and scarcely a single village in which three persons could 
be found not involved for sums of over £10 (Rs. 100). These debts 
were contracted on marriage and other social occasions. The 
interest varied from twenty-five to sixty per cent according to the 
circumstances of the borrower and the description of security given. 
Mr, Frere recommended some measure restricting interest. Mr. Rose 
observed that the usurious character of the village moneylender 
was notorious. He thought the poverty of the Deccan landholder 
was in great measure due to the lender's greed. He feared it 
would be difficult to cure the evil as the people looked on the 
moneylender as a necessity. Their thoughtlessness and ignorance 
would frustrate any attempt to check or put a stop to the lender's 
exorbitant gains. In cases where landholders were concerned, the 
interest was generally enormous and agreements were fraudulently 
procured. He also recommended that something should be done to 
limit the rate of interest. In summing this evidence the Revenue 
Commissioner seems to have shared the Collector's views against 
trying to lower interest by legal enactment. He noticed that the 
moneylender was frequently part of the village community. The 
families had lived for generations in the same village helping the 
people from father to son and enabling them to meet urgent caste 
expenses. 

In this correspondence the attention of the reporting officers 
was usually fixed on the question of usury. It appears that as yet 
the operation of the law had not aggravated the burden of debt 
to any degree of severity. This was natural. The husbandmen 
had generally no title in his land except the title conveyed by the 
hereditary or mirds tenure aud his stock and field tools were 
safe from seizure. Another notable point in this correspondence 
is that the moneylenders are spoken of as the village Bania, 
the village bankerj and under similar terms which show that 
the old banker was the only lender with whom the landholders 
had dealings. It is also noteworthy that expenditure on marriages, 
caste riteSj and similar occasions is generally assigned as the cause 
of indebtedness. One reason why social charges are noticed as the 
chief cause of debt may be found in the rapid spread of tillage which in 
different parts of the district followed the lowering of the rates of 
assessment in 1836 and the following years. The lowering of assess- 
ment gave the landholder a strong inducement to add to his holding 
and the lender was encouraged to make advances by the enhanced 
security and the ready machinery which was available for recovering 
debts. It was hoped that the permanent title and the light assessment 
guaranteed by the survey settlement would so increase the land- 
holder's profits and stimulate his industry that by degrees he would 
free himself from debt. The increased production and the stimulus 
to agricultural enterprise did indeed follow, but debt instead of 
diminishing increased. The records belonging to the period 
between 1850 and 185S bring to notice two marked features in the 
B 1327—15 



Chapter V. 
Capital. 

BOBROWEES. 

Husbandmen. 



rBombay Gazetteer, 



114 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter V. 
Capital- 

BOREOWBRS. 

Husbandmen, 



relations between the lender and tlie husbandman which followed 
the changes in the revenue and judicial systems. These two features 
are the growth of small moneylenders and the operation of the laws 
to the disadvantage of the landholders. lu 1852, Captain, the late 
Sir Gr., Wingate, then Survey Commissioner, wrote that the facilities 
for the recovery of debt ofPered by the civil courts had called into 
existence an inferior class of moneylenders who dealt at exorbitant 
rates of interest with the lower agricultural poor. As the value of 
the landholder's title under the survey settlements came to be 
recognized, his eagerness to extend his holding grew. A fresh 
start was given to the moneylender in his competition with the 
landholder for the fruits of the soil. The bulk of the people were 
very poor and the capital required for wider tillage could be obtained 
only on the credit of the land and its produce. Even under the 
reduced rates of assessment existing debt left the landholder little 
margin of profit. This margin of profit would not go far towards 
covering his increased needs to provide stock and seed and to meet the 
assessment on the additions to his holding. At the same time for 
the first year or two his return in produce would be nominal. Even 
the most cautious could not wait till their profits enabled them to 
take up fresh land because they feared that the more wealthy or the 
more reckless would be before them. In 1 855 it had become well 
known that the Regulation restricting the rate of interest to twelve 
per cent was evaded by the moneylenders by deducting discount, 
or more properly interest taken in advance from the amount given 
to the debtor. The usury law had the effect of placing the debtor 
in a worse position by compelling him to co-operate in a fiction to 
evade the law. The bond acknowledged the receipt of an amount 
which had not been received. In 1855 an Act was passed repealing 
the restriction on interest. Another result of the enhanced value 
of agricultural investments caused by the survey settlement was 
the spread of the practice of raising money on mortgage of land and 
of private sales of land to moneylenders. Private sales of land were 
doubtless made in liquidation of debt and not for the purpose of 
raising money as no landholder would part with his land to raise 
money. It must therefore be presumed that in such cases the 
moneylender compelled the transfer by threats of imprisonment 
or by other terrors. Although moneylenders were adding to their 
land by private purchases the sale of occupancies under decree 
was rare. This was probably due to several causes. The 
people had not acquired full confidence in the title given by the 
survey settlement ; they probably had hardly confidence in the 
stability of the British rule. The only . land sold was hereditary 
or mirds which as it was held by a recognized title was 
reputed to be safe. It was seldom a creditor's interest to sell his 
debtor out of his holding. The landholder's stock and field tools 
were protected from sale and the creditor was likely to make more 
by leaving him in possession of his land than by lowering him to a 
tenant. The sale of immovable property for debt was opposed to 
custom and public opinion, and unless the land was directly made 
security the courts would be reluctant to have it sold if the claim 
could be satisfied by other means more consonant with native usage. 



Deccau.] 



POONA. 



115 



The judicial returns show how much more favourable the mode of 
disposing of business in the courts before 1859 was to defendants 
than the more strict procedure which was introduced in 1859. 
Under the earlier system about one quarter of the cases decided 
were adjusted without judicial action ; in 1859 the proportion settled 
without judicial action fell to about one-seventh.^ At this time 
(1850-1859) the returns show that the imprisonment of the debtor was 
a favourite method of procuring the settlement of a debt. The sale 
of land was rare and the sale of the debtor's house was an innovation. 
Imprisonment would therefore be more often used. During the 
three years ending 1853 there was an average of 530 civil prisoners 
in the Poena Jailj compared with an average of 204 in the three 
years ending 1863. 

In 1858, when Lord Elphinstone was Governor of Bombay, 
he recorded his conviction that the labouring classes suffered 
enormous injustice from the want of protection against the 
extortionate practices of moneylenders. He believed that the civil 
courts had become hateful to the mass of the people because they 
were made the instruments of the almost incredible rapacity of 
usurious capitalists. In Lord Elphinstone's opinion nothing could 
be more calculated to give rise to widespread discontent and 
dissatisfaction with British rule than the practical working of the 
existing law. 

Shortly after this the rise in produce prices improved the 
landholder's condition. Notwithstanding the pressure of debt and 
of injurious laws about 1860 the landholders were better off than they 
hadbeen f oryears. The conditions of agriculture had been favourable. 
For nearly twenty years landholders had enjoyed a fixed and 
moderate assessment and large tracts of arable waste had been 
brought under tillage. Communications and means of transport 
were improved, the railway whose construction had enriched the 
district by about £200,000 (Rs. 20 lakhs) was within easy reach, 
and in spite of a series of good seasons produce prices had risen. 
Although the lender might take him to court, the landholder had a 
chance of being able to borrow from a rival lender and the court 
would give time. If a decree was passed against the borrower, his 
stock and field-tools were safe and his land was not in danger. 
He might be imprisoned until he signed a new bond ; he was not 
likely to be made a pauper. 

In 1859 two enactments aggravated existing evils. These were the 
Civil Procedure Code and the Statute of Limitations, Whatever 
facilities the law afforded the creditor in 1 852 were greatly enhanced by 
the introduction of the 1859 procedure, and by thepunctnalconductof 
judicial duties which was now exacted from the subordinate courts. 
At the same time the landholder's credit was enhanced by adding 
his land and his stock and field tools to the security which was 
liable for his debts. In 1865 the introduction of compulsory 
registration of deeds dealing with immovable property protected 



Chapter V. 
Capital. 

BOKROWBKS. 

Husbandmen 



1 The details were ; in 1850 of 8893 cases 2355 were settled without judicial action ; 
in 1859 of 10,060 oases 1 869 were settled without judicial action. 



[Bombay Gaisetteei't 



116 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter V. 

Capital. 

Borrowers. 
Husbandmen. 



the creditor from attempts to repudiate or dispute a registered bond. 
In the meantime the landholder's estate had risen in value and new 
cultivation offered securities for new loans. His personal solvency 
was assured by the large demand for labour on the railway and 
other public works, and in 1 865 his title in his land was recognized 
and secured by an Act which confirmed the rights vested in him by 
the survey settlement. Between 1862 and 1865 the American war, 
while on the one hand it poured money into the country to seek 
investment, on the other hand raised to an extravagant pitch the 
value of agricultural securities. To these causes tending to attract 
capital to the business of agricultural moneylending it may be 
added that in the dearth of other industries, with a population whose 
wants embraced little but the merest necessaries, capital, which under 
other conditions would find employment in trade or manufactures, 
naturally turned to agricultural investment. Almost the .only course 
open to the clerk or servant who had saved a little money in a 
village moneylender's employmentj was to set up as a moneylender. 

The most unscrupulous class of petty moneylenders increased 
considerably during the ten years ending 1875. It became the 
landholder's common practice to borrow from one lender to 
pay another or to borrow from two or three at a time. One 
result of this competition of low-class lenders was that even 
respectable lenders were obliged to resort to the methods of swelling 
the debt and coercing the debtor which the petty lenders had 
introduced.^ In the process of swelling the account the lender was 
greatly helped by the Limitation Act of 1859. This Act was passed 
with the object of helping the borrower by making it impossible for 
the lender to bring forward old claims which the borrower could not 
disprove. The lender wrested the provisions of the Act to his own 
advantage by forcing the debtor, under threat of proceedings, to pass 
a fresh bond for a sum equal to the amount of the original bond 



1 Sir G. Wingate thus described the change in the relations between the lender 
and the landholder : The prosperity of the landholder is no longer necessary to 
the prosperity of the lender. The village lender needs no longer to trust to the 
landholder's good faith or honesty. Mutual confidence and goodwill have given 
way to mutual distrust and dislike. The ever-ready expedient of a suit gives 
the lender complete command over the person and property of the debtor. It 
becomes the lender's interest to reduce the borrower to hopeless indebtedness that he 
may appropriate the whole fruits of his industry beyond what is indispensable to bis 
existence. This the lender is able without difficulty to do. So long as a landholder 
is not deeply involved the lender readily affords him the means of indulging in any 
extravagance. The simple and thoughtless landholder is easily lured into the 
snare . He becomes aware of his folly only when the toils are fairly round him and 
there is no escape. From that day he is his creditor's bondsman. The creditor 
takes care that the debtor shall seldom do more than reduce the interest of his 
debt. Do what he will the landholder can never get rid of the principal. He toib 
that another may rest ; he sows that another may reap. Hope leaves him and 
despair seizes him. The vices of a slave take the place of a freeman's virtues. He 
feels himself the victim of injustice and tries to revenge himself by cheating his 
oppressors. As his position cannot be made worse, he grows reckless. His great 
endeavour is to spoil his enemies the moneylenders by continual borrowing. When 
he has borrowed all that one lender wijl advance, it is a triumph to him, if lies ana 
false promises can win something more from another. The two creditors may fignt< 
and during the fray the debtor may snatch a portion of the spoil from both, Decoan 
Riots Commission Report, 45-46, 



Ceccan.] 



POONA. 



117 



together witli interest and often a premium.^ His inability to pay 
on account of the uncertainty of the seasons made this practice of 
passing new bonds at the end of every two or three years press 
specially hard on the Poena husbandman. 

Though the landholders' gains from the high prices of produce 
during the four years of the American war (1862-1865) were to a 
great extent cancelled by the badness of those seasons, still the 
husbandmen drew large profits from the high wages of unskilled 
labour, which in Bombay rose from 15s. 6d. (Rs. 7|)to £1 7s. (Es. 13|) 
a month. Besides in Bombay high wages were paid to the workers 
in the railway especially on the ascent of the Bor pass which was 
not completed till 1863. Following on this after a short interval 
came an increased expenditure on local public works, which in the 
Poona district alone in 1868-69 rose to about £310,000 (Rs. 31 
Idkhs). Daring the five years ending 1867, the cantonment of 
Poona was the scene of extraordinary activity in private house- 
building. The sums spent on ordinary labour in these works could 
not have been much, if at all, less than those spent by Grovernment 
in the same area. Besides the advantage of high wages the 
agricultural population drew a more questionable advantage from 
their position as landholders. Through the immense stimulus given 
to the production of cotton and because of the cheapness of money, 
field produce and land had risen so high that the landholder's power 
as a borrower was that of a capitalist rather than of a labourer. 

The increase in the value of land is illustrated by the rise in the 
number of suits connected with land from seventy- five in 1851 
to 282 in 1861 and to 632 in 1865.^ At the same time the increase 
in the landholder's credit is shown by the fall in the compulsory 
processes for the recovery of debt. Thus, though during this period 
of extremely high prices, the husbandman's land may have, on 
account of the badness of the seasons, brought him little actual 
income, it brought him the fatal gift of unlimited credit. 

In 1865 with the close of the American war the inflow of capital 
ceased.- Prices did not at once fall as 1866-67 was a season of 
severe drought, 1867-68 of partial failure, and 1870-71 of serious 



Chapter V. 
Capital. 

BOBBOWEES. 

Husbandmen. 



1 On the 17th of May 1875, Mr. W. M. P. Coghlan, the Sessions Judge of' Thdjaa, 
wrote, ' In bonds founded on old bonds which have nearly run the period of limitation, 
it is impossible to estimate what proportion of the consideration was actual cash 
payment. The Limitation law, a statute of peace made for the protection of borrowers, 
became an engine of extortion in the hands of the lenders , When a bond is nearly 
three years old the creditor by threatening proceedings presses the debtor to pass a 
new bond for a sum equal to the principal and interest of the old bond and sometimes 
with an additional premium. ' According to the Judge of the Small Cause Court of 
Ahmadabad, 1st September 1875, the short term which the Limitation Act introduced 
caused great hardship and furnished lenders with opportunities for cheating their 
debtors. The debtors are harassed every two years to pay the money or to pass a, 
new bond. Creditors always leave a margin of one year as a measure of precaution. 
If the law makes three years they always make it two, because they may have to go 
to another place or the debtor may go elsewhere. Two years is not a long enough 
time to give a husbandman to pay money. Perhaps it was borrowed for his son's 
marriage, or for planting sugarcane, or making a garden, and will take him six or 
seven years to clear. 

2 The details are : 1861, 282 suits ; 1862, 591 ; 1863, 520 ; 1864, 580 ; and 1865, 632. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



118 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter V. 
Capital. 

BORBOWBRS. 

Husbandmen, 



failure, and the very large sums whicli were spent on local works 
tiiri871 farther helped to keep up produce prices. After 1871 the 
expenditure on public works declined, the harvests were good, and 
the price of millet fell from forty-four pounds in 1871-72 to sixty- 
five pounds in 1873-74. Prom 1867 the settlements of land revenue 
made thirty years before began to fall in, and the revision resulted 
in a considerable increase in the Government demand.^ All these 
circumstances contributed to contract the landholder's means and 
materially reduced the margin available for the lender, while it is 
possible that the landholders did not contract in the same proportions 
the more costly mode of living which high wages had justified. 
Debts increased and the husbandmen began to mortgage their 
lands more deeply than before. In 1871 the failure of crops called 
for' large remissions. Other causes prevented the rental actually 
levied from reaching the full amount of the revised rates, and in 
1874, in consequence of the fall in produce prices, the revised rates 
were reduced. Still the effect of the new settlement was a large 
retrenchment from the landholder's profits. 

The effect of the sudden fall in produce prices betwieen 1871-72 
and 1873-74 aggravated by other circumstances, was first to reduce 
the landholder's power of paying, secondly to make creditors seek 
by all means in their power to recover their debts or to enhance 
their security by turning personal debt into land mortgage, and 
lastly to check further advances to husbandmen.^ During the 
same period there was a marked increase in the difficulty of 
collecting the land revenue. Not only in the sub-divisions where 
the enhanced assessments pressed directly upon the moneyed classes, 
who were able to organize and sustain resistance to the demands of 
Government, but in others, the period from 1868-69 to 1873-74 was 
marked by an unusual amount of remissions and arrears. The 
business of lenders was also reduced to the last point. At the same 
time the area held for tillage considerably contracted. 

The pressure on the landholder to pay what he owed and the 
unwillingness of the lender to make further advances were gradually 
increasing from 1869 to 1875. An order of Government in the 
Revenue Department,^ framed with the object of preventing the 
sale of land, directed that process to recover land revenue should 



' The follomng table shows the results of the revisions : 

PoonaMevidon Survey Results, 1869-187^. 



SoB-Dmsioir. 


Former 
Demand. 


Bevised 
Demand. 


Increase, 


Per- 
centage. 


Tndapur 

Bhimthadi 

Haveli 

Pftbal 

Slipa 


Ea. 

81,184 
81,475 
80,476 
92,359 
59,926 


Bs. 

1,25,845 
1,33,131 
1,33,174 
1,39,315 

78,788 


Bs. 

44,661 
61 656 
52,699 
46,956 
18,862 


65-01 
63-40 
65-48 
60-84 
31-47 



^ The lender's distrust In the borrower was shown by the rise in the number of 
registered deeds in Bhimthadi and Indipur from 752 in 1866 to 874 in 1869, 1195 in 
1870, 1217 in 1871, 1374 in 1872, and 1414 in 1873. 

3 Eesolution 726, 5th February 1875. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



119 



issue first against the movable property of the occnpant, and that 
the land should not be sold until after the sale of the movable 
property. This order the moneylenders turned- to their own 
advantage at the expense of the landholders. In February and 
March 1875 the lenders refused to pay the second instalment of 
revenue on land whose produce they had received from their debtors. 
Landholders who found their movable property attached, after they 
had handed their creditors the produce of the land on the 
understanding that they would pay the rents, naturally felt that 
they were the victims of deliberate fraud. The feeling of ill will 
was strong and widespread. 

In 1874 a band of Koli outlaws, on the western hills of Poona 
and Ahmadnagar, directed their robberies almost entirely against 
the lending class. So great was the terror that for many months a 
large tract of country enjoyed complete freedom from the exactions 
of Mdrwdri creditors and their agents.^ This fact and the story that 
an Englishman, who had been ruined by a Marwari, had petitioned 
the Empress and that she had sent orders that the Marwdris were to 
give up their bonds brought matters to a crisis. Even the more 
educated villagers believed that on a report from India orders had 
come from England that the IVTArw^ris were to have their bonds taken 
from them. In some form or other this report was circulated and 
a belief established that acting under orders from England, the 
Government officers would connive at the extortion of the 
Md,rwaris' bonds. During 1874 the district officers had been called 
upon to furnish information regarding the people of the district 
for the compilation of the Bombay Gazetteer. Among other 
subjects the business of the moneylender, the leading characteristics 
of his professional dealings, and his relations to the landholding 
classes had been inquired into. This gave room for supposing that 
the Government, hearing of the ill-treatment of the landholders by 
the lenders, had caused inquiry to be made and had now given an 
order which would redress their wrongs. This resulted in the Deccan 
Eiots of 1875.2 

The first sign of open hostility to the M^rwdri moneylender 
among the orderly villagers of the Poona plain, was shown by the 
people of Karde in Sirur. A deshmukh, or district hereditary 
officer, named Babd.sd,hebj a man of good family and some influence, 
who had made a fortune in the service of His Highness Sindia, 
had settled in the village. He spent his fortune and fell into 
debt. Two of his creditors, Kdluram and Bhagvd,ndds, both of 
them Mdrwdris, got from the Talegaon court decrees against 
B^bdsaheb. Kd,lurd,m took out a warrant of arrest. Bdbdsdheb 



Chapter V. 
Capital. 

BOEEOWBES. 

Husbandmen. 



Deccan Biota 



' Between 1870 and 1874 moneylenders suffered in one case of murder, seven of 
robbery, eight of mischief, twenty-four of theft, twenty-nine of hurt, and eight of 
criminal f6roe, or a total of seventy-seven offieuoes in five years. Deccan Riots Com- 
mission Report, 9. 

' The feeling of hostility between the landholders and their creditors which found 
expression in the riots had been increasing for some time, and had it not been for a 
transient period of prosperity, the crisis would have happened long before. Bom. 
Gov. Sel. CLVII (New Series), 2. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



120 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter V. 

Capital. 

Borrowers. 
Husbandmen. 



gave E^lurdm personal ornaments and the warrant was not 
execnted. About four months later some ornaments and property 
belonging to the temple of Vithoba at Bab^sdheb's house were 
attached, but, at the instance of the villagers, Kdluram allowed the 
attached property to remain in deposit with a third party for two 
months At the end of the two months, as Bdbasd,heb had not 
paid the value, Kaluram carried off Vithoba's ornaments. ^ A third 
execution was issued on Kdlurdm's decree, and B^bdsaheb s houses 
and lands were attached and sold to Kdlur^m for the trifling sum 
of £15 (Rs. 150). In December 1874 Kdlur4m began to pull down 
Babdsdheb's house, and refused to listen to his entreaties not to 
ruin the house. Enraged at KAlurdm's conduct Bd,bd,sa,heb gathered 
the villagers and persuaded them that as the M^rwaris had begun 
to ruin them they must cease to borrow from them and refuse to 
work for them or to buy from them. The villagers agreed and one 
of them opened a grocer's shop at which all the village purchases 
were made. The Mdrwdris were put to the greatest inconvenience 
for want of servants. Besides refusing to serve them as water- 
carriers, barbers, or house-servants, the villagers annoyed the 
Marwdris by throwing dead dogs and other filth into their houses. 
These signs of hate so scared the Mdrwdris that they retreated to 
Sirur for police protection and represented to the Magistrate that they 
were in bodily fear of the vUlagers. At the same time the villagers 
submitted a petition to aovernment praying that as they had given 
their grain to the Mdrwd,ris, the Mdrwd^ris should not be allowed 
to leave the village until the Government assessment had been paid. 
The Magistrate reported to the Commissioner the dangerous spirit 
shown by the people. The example of the people of Karde was 
followed by other villages. Before any outbreak occurred the Mdrwar 
moneylenders had in several places been subjected to similar social 
outlawry and petty annoyance.^ 

The first outbreak occurred at Supa, a large Bhimthadi village, on 
the 12th of May 1875. The victims were a large number oi bujar^t 
Vani moneylenders. Their houses and shops were attacked by a 

1 The following U the substance of a mmdpatra or ^ff^?^'"^"* tfrbetnYeased 
people of Kalas in IndApur. Fields belonging to Gajars which ™^y .^^^^^^^^^^X 
to villagers shall not be tilled. No man nor woman shall take service jith a 0,uj^. 
Any one tilling a Gujar's field or working for him will be 'i«"'«„'^ *'^;fi™;4X 
village barber, washerman, carpenter, ^"="^1*. «l}?«'"f^«'^l^°'^°*^^™X^^^^ 
Fields belonging to lenders other than Gu ars shall not be taken on lea^^ by a^y "P^- 
F e d^ already leased shall be given up. If the village Mhirs f °<iertake to dun 
the villagers on behalf of the Gujars they ?1}^11 J^^J^^f^^^^^^f^^: "'"rfth^head- 
bundles oi grain stalks. The villagers shall abide by tlfs« "editions « ^"^^ , 
man joins the Gujars and other lenders, his hereditary right shall cease ^^^^^^^^"^^ 
be disregarded. If the village priest or accountant joms the •"""^yl^^^^^^.^.i^f^' 
shaU not be paid. The vilkgers shaU engage.any PV/ftl'^y choose, and ^^.e claim 
of the hereditary priest will not be recognized. If the ^^^^dman or the prie 
put to any expense on behalf of the vUlagers ^he villagers sha^l subserve the sum^ 

in landholders shall behave in accordance yt^.tl^^^^ ™1«%5 ^"''^ftffi lople 
contrary will neither be allowed to come to caste-dmners, nor to many with ^ 

of his caste. He shall be considered an outnaste He will not ^« ^llowl *o p^j, the' 
community without their unanimous consent and will have *° P^y *^^7,'„„ity. 
community may inflict on him and further will have to S^^^a dinner to the commun y 
Dated VaishdkhShuddh 2nd Shake 1787, that is 7th May 1875. Afterwards unaer 
influence and advice of the Superintendent of Police the villagers agreed to return 
their old relations with the moneylenders. 



DecoauJ 



POONA. 



12X 



mob recruited from the hamlets round Supa who had met nominally 
to attend the weekly market. One Gujar's house was burnt down, and 
about a dozen other houses and shops were bnoken into and gutted. 
Account papers, bonds, grain, and country cloth were burnt in the 
street. No personal violence was used. The chief constable of the 
sub-division with six or seven constables secured about fifty persons 
and recovered stolen property worth £200 (Es. 2000). The loss was 
represented by the Gujars at £15,000 (Rs. 1^ lakhs) ; it was not 
really more than £2500 (Rs. 2,5,000). Within twenty-four hours of 
the riot at Supa, the leading Marwari lender of Kedgaon about 
fourteen miles to the north of Supa had his stacks burnt down and his 
house set on fire. During the following days riots occurred in four 
other villages of Bhimthadi, and were threatened in seventeen 
more.^ The contagion spread to the neighbouring sub-divisions of 
Inddpur and Purandhar. In Indapnr a disturbance, which from 
the numbers present would have been serious, was averted, as were 
the riots threatened in the seventeen Supa villages, by the 
promptitude of the police. A detachment of Native Infantry arrived 
at Supa, the police were relieved and available for other duty, and 
order was quickly restored. 

About. the same time riots occurred in Sirur. The first act of 
violence was committed at Navra, where a Marwari, who had left the 
village for safety, was mobbed and prevented from moving his 
property. An uncle of this Marwdri some two years before had 
been murdered by his debtors. Other Sirur villages followed the 
example of Navra.^ In fifteen Sirur and three Haveli villages 



Chapter V. 
Capital. 

BOBKOWESS. 

Husbandmen. 



1 In the village of Morgaon a crowd assembled, Vd,nis were threatened and bonds 
demanded, violence was prevented by the timely arrival of the police. At Dhond a 
Vdni was severely treated because he would not give up his bonds, and a large crowd 
assembled. Five ringleaders were punished. At Ambekhurd two VAnis' houses 
were forcibly entered, their account-books destroyed, and iDonds taken away. Six of 
the ringleaders were punished. In Aligaon ahout two hundred men from the 
surroundingvillagesofNargaoniNandgaon, Andhalgaon, Kolgaon, Dolas, andVadgaon, 
assembled, headed in some instances by their headmen and village police, and de- 
manded their bonds from the Vdnis threatening if they refused to treat them as 
the Supa Vinis had been treated. The police patel of the village, with the assistance 
of the EAmoshis Mhirs and other well disposed people, dispersed the assembly who 
threatened the Vinis with another visit. The inhabitants of Vadgaon again collected 
in numbers and compelled one of the Vdnis of their village to give up his bonds, 
went through his house, broke open the back entrnnce of the next house, illtreated 
the female Vdni owner, compelled her to point out where the bonds were kept, 
broke open the box, and took the bonds, burning or otherwise deatroyingj^apers worth 
£100 to £1200 (Its. 1000-12,000). A similar assembly at Mandgaon took posses- 
sion of bonds of the value of £600 (Rs. 6000) and about half of them were destroyed. 
At Eahu a Mirwdji who had been incessantly threatened fled to Phulgann, and was 
not allowed to remove his property and family. A large stack of fodder belonging 
to him was destroyed. At Pimpalgaon, the villagers took away bonds from small 
moneylenders among whom was a ChAmbh^r who had only one bond for £3 lOs. (Rs, .3.1). 
The police patel on his way to report the matter to the Police Superintendent 
was stoned. 

2 At Dh^rure the houses of two Md,rw4ris were simultaneously attacked, bonds 
worth £1200 (Rs. 12,000) were forcibly taken, and the owners were stoned. One old 
Mdrwdri had his leg broken. He was confined in his hohse and the house set on 
fire. He was saved but his and the other MArwaris' houses were burnt. The 
chief constable was also threatened and was not allowed to cari-y on the work of 
investigation. This shows that everywhere the same influences had brought the 
villagers to the same readiness to resort to force. Subsequent inquiries leave no 
doubt that the rioters at Supa had the sympathy and countenance of some influential 



B 1327—16 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



Chapter V. 
Capital. 

BOKKOWEKS, 

Husbandmen. 



122 



DISTRICTS. 



riots either broke out or were threatened.! The regiment of Poona 
Horse whose head-quarters are at Sirur supplied parties to help the 
Magistrate and police in restoring and maintaining order. More 
or less serious disturbances took place in five villages of Bhimthadi 
and sis villages of Sirur. They were threatened but averted by the 
arrival of the police in seventeen villages of Bhimthadi, in ten of 
Sirur, in one of Indapur, and in three of Haveli. Of 559 persons 
arrested, 301 were convicted and 258 discharged. Punitive police 
posts were established in the disturbed villages at the people's 
expense. The riot at Supa was singular in the wholesale plunder of 
property and the Damare riot in the murderous assault on the money- 
lenders. Inafew otheroasespersonalviolencewasused, andinseveral 
places stacks of produce belonging to moneylenders were burnt. As 
a rule the disturbances were marked by the absence of serious crime. 
In every case the object of the rioters was to obtain and destroy the 
bonds and decrees in the possession of their creditors. When bonds 
were peaceably given the mob did no further mischief. When the 
moneylender refused or shut his house violence was used to frighten 
him into surrender or to get possession of the papers. In most 
places the police interfered during the first stage of assembling and 
prevented violence. From many villages the Marwfiri moneylenders 
fled on the first news of the outbreak. In other villages they opened 
negotiations with their debtors for a general reduction of their claims, 
and in some cases propitiated their debtors by easy settlements. In 
almost every case inquired into, the riot began on hearing that in 
soine neighbouring village bonds had been extorted and that 
Government approved of the proceeding; Almost the only victims 
were Marwdris and Gujars. In most villages where Brahman and 
other castes shared the lending business with MArwaris the 
Marwdris were alone molested. In some villages where there were 
no Md,rwdris, Brdhmans were attacked. The last of the connected 
series of outbreaks occurred at Mundhali in Bhimthadi on the 
15th of June. Afterwards two isolated cases in Poona showed 
that the long catalogue of convictions and punishments and the 
imposition of punitive police posts had repressed not quenched the 
people's rage. On the 22nd of July seven men of the village of 
Nimbhat in Bhimtadi, besides robbing papers,_ cut off the nose of 
a man who was enforcing a civil decree which had put him in 



persons of their village, and the presence of these persons may perhaps account for 
the first occurrence of open violence at Supa. But the condition of the villages 
through the whole affected area was such that even had Supa not taken the initiative, 
some other places would doubtless have done so. The combustible elements were 
everywhere ready ; design, mistake, or accident would have surely supplied the 
spark to ignite them. The ringleaders generally belonged to the cultivatmg classes, 
their only object being to escape from the hands of the moneylenders. When a 
riot began all the bad characters in the village took part in hopes of plunder, , 

1 While these disturbances were going on in Poona similar outbreaks occurred m 
the neighbouring district of Ahmadnagar. During the fortnight following the Bupa 
riot on the 1 2th of May riots took place in eleven villages of Shngonda, six ot if&met, 
four of Nagar, and one of Karjat and besides actual rioting there were numerous 
gatherings which were prevented from coming to violence by the timely arrival ol 
the police or military . A detachment of Native Infantry was moved to Shngonda antt 
parties of the Poona Horse were active in patrolling the villages in the west witUW 
reach of their head-quarters at Sirur. 



Deccan] 



POONA. 



123 



possession of land belonging to one of the men who attacked him. 
On the 28th of July the villagers of Karhd,ti in Bhimthadi broke into 
the house of a Mdrwari moneylender and took a store of grain. 
The Marwari had refused to advance grain except on terms to which 
they could not agree .^ 

The most remarkable feature of these disturbances was the small 
amount of serious crime. A direct appeal to physical force, over a 
large area, was usually restrained within the limits of a demonstration. 
The few cases which bear the vindictive spirit usually shown in 
agrarian disturbances were probably due to the presence of other 
rioters besides the ordinary Kunbi peasantry. This moderation is 
in some measure to be attributed to the nature of the movement. 
It was not so much a revolt against the oppressor, as an attempt 
to accomplish a definite and practical object, the disarming of 
the enemy by taking his weapons, his bonds and accounts. For this 
purpose a mere demonstration of force was usually enough. Another 
circumstance which contributed to the moderation of the peasantry 
was that in many cases the movement was led or shared by the heads 
of the village. It was doubtless an aggravation of the bteach of 
law that those who should have maintained order contributed to 
disturb it. Still an assembly of villagers acting under their natural 
leaders for a definite object was a less dangerous body than a mob 
of rioters with no responsible head. The chief cause of the 
moderation was the natural law-abiding spirit of the Kunbi 
peasantry. In so orderly and peaceful a people such a widespread 
resort to force proved the reality of their grievances.^ 

That the riots ceased was due not merely to the prompt action of 
the police and the military, but to the assurance of the civil 
authorities that complaints should be inquired into and proved 
grievances redressed. Accordingly in 1875 the Bombay Government 
appointed a commission to inquire into the causes underlying the 
outbreak. The members of the commission were Messrs. Eichey and 
Lyon of the Eevenue and Judicial branches of the Bombay Civil 
Service, Mr. Colvin of the Bengal Civil Service, and Rd,v Bahadur 
Shambhuprasdd Laxmildl a distinguished Gujarati administrator. 
Subsequently Mr. Carpenter of the Bengal Civil Service took the 
place of Mr. Colvin whose services were elsewhere required. The 
Commissioners held inquiries in disturbed parts, recorded the 
statements of landholders and of lenders, and compiled other 
evidence obtained on the spot and in the records of Government. 
Their report, which was submitted to Government in 1876, contained 
a detailed history of the relations of the Deccan landholders and 
moneylenders since the beginning of British rule. 



Chapter V. 
Capital. 

BOEBOWEES. 

Husbandmen, 



Deccan Riots 
Commission, 



' Beside these two cases in Poena, on the 8th of September in the village of 
Kukrur in the Vdlva sub-division of Sdtdra more than 100 miles from the nearest 
disturbed part of Poena, a riotous outrage was committed in all respects similar to 
the Poona and Ahmadnagar riots. About 100 or more villagers attacked, plundered, 
and burnt the house of a leading Gujar moneylender, gathered all the papers and 
accounts which they found in the house, destroyed them, and dispersed. The cause 
was declared to be the harsh proceedings of the moneylender against his debtoTs, 

' Deccan Kiota Commission Eeport, 7. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



124 



DISTEICTS. 



Chapter V. 
Capital. 

BOREOWBES. 

Hnsbandmen. 



The result of the coiamissioners' inquiries into the relations be- 
tween moneylenders and husbandmen in the Deccan was that the 
normal condition of the bulk of the la;ndholders was one of debt. 
About one-third of the landholders were pressed by debt^ averaging 
about eighteen times their yearly rental and about two-thirds of it 
secured by mortgage of land. Of the two-thirds who were not 
embarrassed some were well-to-do. But immediately above the 
embarrassed was a class with little property to fall back on whom a 
succession of bad years or a fall in produce prices would plunge in 
debt.^ The estate of an average Kunbi landholder, exclusive of his 
land and its produce, was estimated to have a sale value of little 
more than £20' (Rs. 200) .2 

The district lenders belonged to three classes. The first class 
included small traders and village moneylenders, mostly Md.rwar 
and Gujarat Vanis and a few Lingayat and Vaish Vanis and 
Brahmans chiefly village aiccountants. These advanced grain for 
s6ed and food and money upon pledge, mortgage^ and good security. 
They were specially hateful to the people and on them fell the 
burden of the 1875 troubles. The second class were the rich bankers 
or traders of large towns. Among these, besides Grujardt, Lingd,yatj 
Marwdr, and Vaish Vdinis, were many Tajurvedi Deshasth Brahmans. 
The village accountants or hulkdmis who were small moneylenders 
were generally closely connected with these Brahman bankers. 
They had also relations with pleaders and to some extent with local 
officials. They dealt much less in grain advances than the lower class 
of traders. In the same way as hulkarnis acted as agents to rich 
pleaders and other moneylending Brahmans so small village Vanis 
were often the agents of their rich cast6fellows. The Brdhman 
and Vaui lenders who worked through Brahman and Vani village 
agents were less unpopular than the Marwdr lenders. Those who 
were Brahmans derived some advantage from their caste and com- 
munity of country and religion. Still as a body they were bad 



' In twelve villages, of 1876 holders of land, 523 who paid a total yearly rental of 
Rs. 10,603, were embarrassed with debt. The debt amounted to Rs. 1,94,242 of 
which Rs. 1,18,009 were on personal security and Rs. 76,233 on mortgage of land. In 
another 24 villages the number of occupancies held by lenders in the years 1854, 1864, 
and 1874, with their area and the assessment payable at each period, were : 



Item, 


1854. 


1864. 


1874. 


Holdings 

Acres 

Assessment 


164 
4001 
1924 


203 
6292 
3721 


272 

10,076 

7134 



In noting these figures it must be remembered that during the latter part of the 
period embraced, there was little unoccupied waste and the increase in lenders' 
holdings implies a corresponding decrease in the holdings of the cultivating class. It 
will, be observed that the increase in the assessment is greater than the increase in area 
showing that the better class of land was passing into the lenders' bands, and further 
that the increase in the number of holdings shows an increase in the number sf 
lenders, Decoan Riots Commission Report, 33. 

' The details are :, live stock Rs. 125, tools and vessels Rs. 20, house Rs. 50, and 
miscellaneous Rs. 20 ; total Rs. 215. These items are subject to depreciation and 
imply yearly charges for maintenance and renewal, 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



125 



landlords and most intriguing and scheming. The third class 
consisted of husbandmen who had kept out of debt and were able 
to make their neighbours small advances in money and grain. They 
were often grasping and dishonest, but their debtors dealt with 
them much more on an equality, and community of race and 
residence not only tended to kindly treatment but brought any 
unusual vilkiny under the ban of the public opinion of the caste 
and village. Most of them were husbandmen and valuable land- 
holders. Husbandmen lenders were sometimes threatened during 
the 1875 riots but in no case was a lender of this class injured.^ 

A notable feature of the moneylenders' dealings was the system 
of retail business which reduced even the most trivial transactions 
to written contracts. The invariable use of bonds was probably 
partly due to the precarious character of the landholder's assets 
and partly to the uncertainty of the climate. The terms on which 
the moneylenders dealt were tbat every debit was to be protected 
by a bond giving them unlimited powers of recovery and that the 
credit side was to be left to their own honesty. Account current 
was hardly known. There was usually a debt of long standingy 
probably inherited, the interest of which made a yearly debit. 
Besides this debit there were the give-and-take or devghev dealings, 
in which the debtor delivered his produce, or as much produce as he 
was forced to deliver, to his creditor and the creditor supplied the 
debtor's needs, clothing, assessment, seed, food, and cash for miscel- 
laneous expenses. Every now and then a larger item appeared on 
either side, a standing crop was perhaps sold after a valuation either 
to the creditor himself or another, the creditor in the latter case 
getting the price paid, or a pair of bullocks or a cow and calf wete 
given to the creditor on account. Against this the debtor drew 
occasionally a considerable sum for a marriage, for the purchase of 
land or bullocks or a standing crop, or for digging a well. Bonds 
were continually passed as the account went on. Sometimes a bond 
was taken as a deposit and the debtor drew against it, or a small 
transaction was included in a larger bond and the debtor was to 
draw against the balance. Mdrwari moneylenders kept accounts, 
tut often only in the form of a memorandum book. Moneylenders 
who did not belong to the trading classes often kept no accounts. 
With all the bond was the recognized record of the transactions. 
Bonds were never or very rarely made for large amounts. When a 
large debt was to be reduced to paper, several bonds were drawn. 
Thus a debt of £17 10s. (Rs. 175) would be represented by one 
bond of £10 (Es. 100), another of £5 (Rs. 50), and a third of 
£2 10s. (Rs. 25). The chief object of this arrangement was that 
the moneylender might get a decree without much cost. A decree 
on the £2 10s. (Rs. 25) bond usually gave him power enough to 
force his debtor to meet demands on account of the entire debt 
of £17 10s. (Rs. 175). Again, interest usually ceased when a bona 
was turned into a decree, so that it was hot to the bond-holder's 



Chapter V. 
Capital. 

BOEROWEKS. 

Husbandmen. 



' Mr. W. r, Sinclair, Assistaiit Collector, Deccan Riots Cbihmissidn Report, 25 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



126 



DISTEICTS. 



Chapter V. 
Capital. 

BOBROWBES. 

Husbandmen. 



advantage to take a decree to meet the whole debt. When the 
debt had reached an amount to meet which the borrower's personal 
security was not sufficient, it was commonly converted into a land 
mortgage. Where the debtor owned a well or a share in a well the 
well or share together with the watered land were preferred as 
security. Sometimes the joint security of another landholder was 
added to the personal bond. In such cases the joint surety usually 
had a direct interest in the loan, or as a near relation helped the 
debtor, or his security was obtained by private arrangement. Often 
before the mortgage of his land the debtor's house, bullocks, crops, 
and carts, or other movable property were mortgaged. When 
bullocks were mortgaged, the debtor had to pay for their hire which 
became the interest of the loan. When the mortgage of land was 
completed, the lender almost always . began by leaving the debtor 
in occupation as tenant, and a form of mortgage existed in which 
the profits of the land were all that was mortgaged as the tenant 
was left in possession without any transfer or acknowledgment 
of the mortgagee's right, so long as the mortgager delivei"ed the 
produce yearly.^ If the debtor failed to deliver the produce the 
mortgagee usually took possession. Sometimes the produce of the 
land was made to represent the. interest of the loan ; more usually 
a specific rate of interest was cited in the bond. The debtor held 
as tenant on every variety of terms and conditions.^ Another form 
of mortgage, which was usually entered into only when the parties 
had come to a final settlement, was the transfer of the land to be 
enjoyed for a certain number of years in satisfaction of the debt. 
When an agreement of this kind was made it usually happened that 
before the period ended, the mortgagee had established claims 
giving him a further lien on the land. A similar method of settle- 
ment by an instalment bond was gladly accepted by a debtor, but 
here again the failure to pay one instalment in a bad year usually 



' The right of occupancy was not transferred to the creditor in the Government 
books as was generally the case in the neighbouring district of Ahmadnagar. 

' These were often reduced to writing. They were either leases, deeds of partner- 
ship, or simple contracts in which a rent in money was stipulated. It would often 
be found that the rate was adjusted to cover the interest agreed on in the mortgage 
bond. As the amount of capital in the mortgage bond was usually more than the 
value of the land at twelve per cent interest, and as the rate of interest in the bond 
was usually at least eighteen per cent, it followed that the land would not yield the 
required sum and thus the mortgagee constantly received the full actual rent of the 
land and in addition exacted bonds for the yearly deficit. The rent was often 
settled in kind and the rates were mainly determined by the power of the mortgagee 
to grind his tenant. One mortgagee's tenant in his statement to the Deocan Riots 
Commissioners used the following words, ' I till the land, but I have no right to take , 
for my use any of the produce,' Doubtless under the hardest conditions the tenant 
who was bound to hand over the entire produce of a field to his creditor did take 
something. On the other hand much land was held by mortgagee's tenants at the usual 
rental terms, that is, half of the grass produce of dry and one-third of watered land, 
the mortgagee paying the assessment, and the seed and expenses being shared in the 
proportion of their respective interests in the crop. When the tenant paid in kind, 
his payments might exceed the amount of interest stipulated in the mortgage bond ; 
but he kept no account of such payments and was generally found to have no con- 
ception of his responsibility for accounts. As the responsibility could not be enforced 
by the landholder it practically did not exist. Doubtless most mortgagee landlords 
had an account, but the landholder could not get it without going to court which to 
him was out of the question, Deccan Riots Commission Report,-62. 



Decoan] 



POONA. 



127 



gave the debt a fresh departure. The mortgagee landlord usually 
allowed the landholder to till the mortgaged land, and so long as 
the holder was left in this relation to his fields he accepted his fate 
without much bitterness. It often happened that owing to default ia 
payment by the tenant, or to better terms being offered by another, 
or to the tenant's cattle and field-tools being sold in execution of 
decree, it ceased to be the interest of the mortgagee to leave the 
cultivation in the tenant's hands and the land was taken from him. 
Besides the security of the landholder's personal credit, stock, 
movables, house, lands, and the joint security of a surety, the labour 
of the borrower was also mortgaged to the lender. The terms of 
this form of bond were that the debtor was to serve the creditor and 
that his wages were to be credited at the end of the year, or that a 
certain sum was to be worked out by service to the lender for a 
certain period. Sometimes the wife's labour was also included in 
the bond. The labour was given either in house or field sei-vice. 
The labourer got his food and clothing, and a monthly deduction of 
2s. to 4s. (Rs. 1-2) was made from the debt. The labourer's whole 
time was at the lender's disposal.-' 

The chief complaints made against moneylenders were that bonds 
usually ran at excessive interest ;2 that at every stage the borrower 
was defrauded by the lender and especially by the petty usurer ; 
that the lender often declined to give accounts, refused receipts, 
omitted to credit payments or give interest on payments, and dechned 
to carry out such stipulations in the bond as were in the borrower's 
favour. Forgery was sometimes practised and the landholder from 
his ignorance was unable to prevent his creditor from taking 
advantage of these nefarious practices. Another way in which the 
landholder suffered was by the reduction, under the Act of 1859, 
of the time during which money bonds were current to- the small 
period of three years. A new bond must bfe entered into every 
three years and the interest being added up and a new account struck 
the amount of compound interest was swelled eventually to a very 
large sum. In addition to the compound interest the creditor usually 
took the opportunity of renewing a bond to extort fresh and burden- 
some stipulations under threats of suing his debtor in court, all of 
which added to the total of the debt.* 

Besides these usual complaints of the cultivator against the 
moneylender he had the following grievances. When the cultivator 
was sued in court, at the outset he was met with fraud. From the 
creditor's influence over the subordinates of the court no summons 



' Dr. Coats (Trans. Bom. Lit. Soc. m. 239) has the following notice of labour 
mortgage ^^fin^^J.^^^^^^ iTtTr^o^f y e^rTI^; Xth^ 

rr" Knt It^t r rears tould be wanted to clear L advance of .£10 

*^'ii*'many cases in which the less intelligent husbandmen were the borrowers, the 
inte^s^Lg:? was .^^^^^^^^^ ,3,,, , _ 

■ '.I" thommute of f*^- "f^T^P/^lO) ^as made in 1863. Sums amounting to 
i^tf s."iltwrp^Sm tL'e^i Ume. U at ^he end of ten years, £22 (Es. 22Q) 
were still due. Bombay Government Selection CLVII. 13. 



Chapter V. 
Capital. 

BOBKOWEBS. 

Husbandmea> 



[Bombay Qazetteer, 



128 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter V. 
Capital- 

BOKROWBRS. 

Husbandmen. 



New Civil Procedure 

Code {Act X of 

1877). 



was served and the court being told that the summons had been 
served gave a decree against the debtor in his absence. The distance 
he had to travel to a court prevented a defendant attendiug.^ The 
defence of a suit took longer than the defendant could spare, 
and the judge had not time to go into the right of the defendant's 
case and make up to him for the want of counsel. The high costs 
of suits was another reason why the defendants declined to contest 
their cases. It was after the lender had gained his decree that the 
borrower suffered most. He might be arrested and imprisoned. 
Civil imprisonment was peculiarly open to abuse and was often made 
use of to impose on prisoners more severe terms than could otherwise 
be obtained. The next hardship to the landholding debtor was that 
movable property of all kinds and land could be sold without reserve. 
In spite of the harshness and the dishonesty of many of its members, 
the class of moneylenders was of the greatest service to the land- 
holders. They helped them to meet their special family expenses 
and to enlarge their holdings and increase their stock, they tided 
them over seasons of scarcity and enabled them to pay their rents. 

The Comniissioners' chief recommendations were, with regard to 
the husbandmen's poverty, to improve agriculture by irrigation and 
to modify the Land Improvement Act so as to make the help which 
Government was ready to give more available to the husbandman j 
with regard to the revenue system, they advised the adjusting of 
the Government demand to the husbandmen's capacity and when 
the assessment was enhanced that the increase should be gradual ; 
with regard to the defects of the law they advised that a Bill 
should be passed to prevent frauds, and to protect husbandmen in 
the first stages of debt before the creditor had gone to the civil 
court. The chief provisions of the proposed Bill were the appoint- 
ment of public notaries and the enforcing of the delivery of receipts 
and accounts by creditors. To meet hardships incurred by the debtor 
through the excessive powers given to the decree-holder, the absence 
of all protection to the insolvent debtor, and the use of decrees as a 
threat, the Commissioners advised the passing of another Bill, the 
chief provisions of which were the abolition of imprisonment for debt; 
the exemption of necessaries from sale in execution, the protection of 
the judgment-debtor from the wrong use of a decree, making the 
decree the end of the suit, and the limitation of decrees. The 
Commissioners also recommended certain changes in the conduct of 
judicial business, the establishment of village courts, and the passing 
of an Insolvency Act. 

Meanwhile the relation of the debtor and the creditor somewhat 
improved. The 1874-75 disturbances had opened the eyes of the 
creditors to the danger of treating their debtors too harshly, and the 
famine of IS 76- 7 7 turned the thoughts both of creditors and debtors 
into other channels. A new Civil Procedure Code (Act X. of 1877) 
came into force in October 1877. Section 266 of the Code made the 



' In the majority of cases it was allet;ed that the reason why the defendant did not 
appear was that he had no defence to make, that he had no money to pay for a 
pleader, that he was unwilling to lose the time involved in defending a suit, or 
that he was afraid of the subsequent vengeance of the creditor whom he had opposed 



Deccan] 



POONA. 



129 



important change of exempting from attachment or sale in execution 
of decrees, tools, implements of husbandry, cattle enough to enable 
a judgment-debtor to earn his livelihood as a husbandman, and the 
materials of houses and other buildings belonging to and occupied by- 
agriculturists. Under section 326 the Collector of the district is 
empowered to represent to the court that the public sale of land which 
has been attached in execution of a decree is objectionable and that 
satisfaction of the decree may be made by the temporary alienation or 
management of the land ; that, therefore, the court may authorize the 
Collector to provide for the satisfaction of the decree in the manner 
which he recommends. Section 320 enables the local Government, 
with the sanction of the Grovernor General in Council, to declare that 
in any local area the execution of decrees of any particular kind in 
which the sale of land is involved, shall be transferred to the Collector, 
and sections 321 to 325 invest the Collector with powers to manage 
or to deal with the land as if it were his own and to adopt one or 
more of several modes of satisfying the decree without selling the 
land except in the last resort.^ By section 336, the local Govern- 
ment may direct that every judgment-debtor brought before a court 
in arrest in execution of a decree for money shall be informed by 
the court that he may apply to be declared insolvent. Section 358 
shows special consideration to the debtor if the debt is less than 
£20 (Rs. 200). Thus in several respects the new code improved 
the debtor's position. To place the relations of the debtor and the 
creditor on a better footing it was deemed necessary. To provide 
some safeguard against the moneylenders committing frauds in 
■their accounts and obtaining from ignorant peasants bonds for larger 
amounts than were actually paid to or due from them ; As far as 
possible to arrange disputes by conciliation, to increase the number 
of courts, and so to simplify and cheapen justice that husbandmen 
might defend suits; To insist that in suits against landholders the 
court shall in certain cases of its own motion investigate the entire 
history of the transactions between the parties and do substantial 
justice between them ; and To restrict the sale of the debtors' 
land in execution of a decree and to provide an insolvency proce- 
dure more liberal to the debtor than that of the Code of Civil Proce- 
dure. To secure these objects the Deccan Agriculturists' Relief Act 
(Act XVII. of 1879) was passed by the Governor- General's Council. 
The principal object of legislation was to restore the dealings 
between lender and borrower to an equitable basis. The aid of the 
Government is withheld in the case of demands manifestly unfair 
and extortionate, and is rendered more speedy and effective in the 
recovery of just dues. As far as possible, credit is restricted within 
the limits set by the prospects of the certain recovery of the value 
of the amount lent. The first considerable change introduced by 
the Act was the appointment of village registrars before whom every 
instrument to which a landholder is a party must be registered before 
it can be used against him as evidence of his indebtedness. At first 



Chapter V 

Capital. 

Borrowers. 
Husbandmen 



Deccan 

Agriculturists' 

Belief Act. 



' Poona was one of four districts to which this section was immediately applied. 
The other districts were Ahmadnagar, ShoMpur, and SAtdra. 

B 1327—17 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



130 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter V. 
Capital- 

BORKOWEBS. 

Husbandmen. 



most of tlie persons appointed as village registrars were the hereditary 
village accountants of the larger villages, but, as their work was not 
satisfactory, special registrars have been substituted each being in 
charge of a circle of about twenty villages. The second notable 
point in the Act is the appointment of sixty-two conciliators, men of 
influence before whom the creditor must bring his claim before he 
can file a suit in the regular courts, and whose duty it is to assist in 
or bring about the compromise of money disputes. To compel 
litigants to have recourse to these conciliators it is enacted that a 
claim for money against a landholder is not to be entertained by the 
Civil Courts unless accompanied by a conciliator's certificate that he 
has attempted to eifect a compromise. Such compromises are filed 
in the records of the Civil Courts and have the force of decrees. The 
next measure by increasing their number brought the courts more 
within reach of the people and made them less technical and less 
costly. The result is that only a few villages are more than ten miles 
distant from a civil court. Village munsiiis were also appointed 
and invested with summary powers extending to suits for the 
recovery of amounts not exceeding £1 (Rs. 10). Twenty-three 
village munsiffs' appointments were made, and the individuals are 
pronounced fairly competent. The office was purely honorary. They 
disposed of a large number of suits, but as few of these were brought 
by or against landholders their institution afforded little or no relief 
to the cultivating classes. A special Judge and assistant judge and 
special subordinate judges have been appointed for the Poena, S^t^ra, 
SholApur, and Ahmadnagar districts to inspect and revise the work 
'of the subordinate establishments instead of the ordinary right of 
appeal which has been withdrawn. Professional legal advisers have 
been excluded from the courts of the conciliators and village munsiffs 
and also from the courts of the subordinate judges when the subject- 
miatter of a suit is less than £10 (Rs. 100) in value, unless for special 
reasons professional assistance seems to the subordinate judge to be 
necessary. This provision does not seen to have proved popular. In 
the absence of the agent or vakil frequent personal attendance is 
required of the parties, and the waste of time and money is said to 
be greater than the cost of retaining counsel. A very important 
section makes it binding on the court to inquire into the history 
and merits of every claim brought before it with a view to testing 
its good faith. This provision is unpopular with the lender 
and is believed to have greatly influenced the number of suits 
instituted since the Act came into operatioi;. Interest, too, is not 
to be awarded to an a;mount exceeding that of the capital debt 
as ascertained on taking the account. The person of the 
agriculturist is exempted from arrest and imprisonment, nor can his 
land be attached or sold unless it has been specially mortgaged for 
the repayment of the debt in question. If the court so directs, 
the land may be made over for a period to the management of the 
chief authority of the district with a view to the liquidation of the . 
debt. Again the limitation in respect of money suits has been 
extended, payment of amounts decreed may be ordered by instal- 
ments, and a landholder can now be declared insolvent and be dis- 
charged summarily when his debts do not exceed £5 (Rs. 50), and 



Deccan] 



POONA. 



131 



in other cases after a procedare specified in the Act. The insolvency: 
chapter continues wholly inoperative. The indifference of the 
debtor cannot he altogether explained on the ground of religioua 
scruples or the fear of the loss of credit and social status. The 
Relief Act has conferred so many other privileges and immunities 
on the indebted landholders that the necessity of having resort to 
the extreme measure of seeking relief by insolvency has not made 
itself so much felt as might have been expected. The debtor's 
freedom from arrest and imprisonment, the exemption of his im- 
movable unmortgaged property from attachment and sale, the large 
reductions in the amount of his debt effected by conciliation and 
the procedure under the. Act, the privilege of paying the balance by 
easy instalments, and the consequent cessation fi'om the perpetual 
worrying of his creditors, have given such real and substantial relief 
that the husbandmen sometimes declare that they want no more. 
They regard the resort to insolvency as a step into the unknown. 
No provision of the Act is more valued by the people than the 
rule which admits of a decree being paid by instalments. Whe- 
ther a claim is admitted or contested the landholder rarely fails 
to put in a plea praying that the amount found due may be made 
payable by instalments. At the same time the circumstances of the 
debtor are inquired into, and instalments are not allowed indis- 
criminately. 

The Special Judge believes (1882-83) that the Eelief Act has 
done, and is doing, a vast amount of good. It has succeeded in 
effecting many of its principal objects. It has checked the downward 
progress of the landholders, and given them, what they so sorely 
needed, an interval of repose after a trying period of distress and 
famine. The landholding classes have never been so contented 
as they are at present (1882-83). They can reap the fruit of their 
labour ; they are protected from the constant harassing to which they 
were formerly subject ; they no longer live in ceaseless terror of 
rack-renting eviction and imprisonment. When, the worst comes 
they are sure of obtaining a fair and patient hearing in the courts, 
and, if they have a good defence, they are in a better position to 
prove it. They are allowed to pay what is justly due by them in 
instalments, and this privilege they seem to value more highly than 
any other granted by the Act. The courts are now more accessible, 
more absolute, less technical, less slow, and less costly. The pro- 
visions of the Act have tended to soften the extreme severity with 
which the law pressed on debtors, and the judges are able to modify 
the contracts in an equitable spirit. The moneylenders complain 
of the Act, and middlemen lenders have suffered and are likely to 
suffer ; nor can it be denied that to some extent the Act has checked 
the old system of agricultliral loans. The husbandman's credit has 
been greatly curtailed. Still this is a gain as the system under 
which the husbandman used to obtain advances had no elements of 
soundness. The husbandman was not an independent borrower; 
borrowing was a necessity to him arising from the very faults of the 
system. The change has been wrought, not by the power given to 
the courts of going behind the bond, or of granting instalments, but 
by the provisions which exempt the landholder's person from arrest. 



Chapter V. 
Capital. 

BOBKOWEKS. 

Husbandmen 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



132 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter V. 
Capital- 

BOBBOWEKS. 

Husbandmen. 



and his necessaries and his immovable property from attachment. 
The powers which the creditor enjoyed under the old law were used, 
not to realize his loan, but to prolong indefinitely a state of indebt- 
edness which enabled him to turn his debtor and his debtors' de- 
scendants into his family serfs. A debt was a lasting and in the 
long run a safe and paying investment. The security on which the 
greedy middleman used to lend was the knowledge, that, with the 
aid of the rigid mechanism of the civil courts, he could gain and 
keep an hereditary hold upon the labour of his debtor and his 
debtor's family and grind them at his will. Hence it was that 
the creditors used to pay their debtors' assessment and help to keep 
them alive by doles of food during times of distress. They were 
actuated by self-interest not by benevolence. They could not suffer 
their investments to perish. The Relief Act has caused a great 
change. By withdrawing the special facilities which creditors 
enjoyed for putting all kinds of pressure on the debtor it has 
made the debtors more independent and self-reliant and the creditor 
less ready to make advances. As the husbandman can no longer 
depend on the moneylender he has for the necessaries of life 
adopted a new rule of conduct, the consequence of which is that not 
only are moneylenders more disinclined to lend, but that the same 
necessity for borrowing no longer exists. Formerly the husband- 
man when his crops were reaped thrashed and garnered, carted them 
in lump to his creditor's house or shop. The creditor took them 
over and entered in his books very much what value he pleased, 
generally in satisfaction of arrears of interest. As he had parted 
with all his crop, the husbandman had to borrow fresh sums in cash 
or grain to meet the instalments of land revenue, for his own 
support, and for seed. For each fresh advance he had to execute 
a fresh bond. Now the husbandman carries the produce of his field 
to his own house, and, keeping what he thinks sufficient for his 
household purposes, sells the rest in the best market he can find. 
He has learnt in a measure to be thrifty and provident. He is no 
longer beset by the necessity of borrowing at every turn. For 
months beforehand the husbandman now begins to make prepara- 
tions for the payment of the assessment by selling grass, butter, 
goats and cows, and last of all their grain. This seems to be 
the chief reason why loans to the poorer classes of landholders have 
so greatly diminished. This is the class who were formerly wholly 
dependent on the moneylenders. Now they are obliged, and some- 
how manage, to shift for themselves. The solvent and independent 
landholders form a class by themselves ; the Act has improved their 
condition without in the least impairing their credit. Men of this 
class, if they have a character for honesty, can borrow money for 
necessary purposes at reasonable interest, and their borrowing 
powers have not been injuriously afEected. To this class, unfor- 
tunately, but a small proportion of the people belong. The bulk of 
the landholders consists of men who have not, and who long have 
ceased to have, any credit in the true sense of the word. Though 
nominally perhaps owners of their land, they have actually been the 
rack-rented tenants of the village moneylender to whom belonged 
the fruits of their toil. If the moneylender can no longer squeeze 



Deccaii] 



POONA. 



133 



them, he will no longer help them. Hence the dislocation of the 
old relations, and the fall in loans to husbandmen. The change is 
a change for the better. The question arises whether the general 
body of landholders can get on without borrowing. Experience 
seems to show that they can and do get on. Since 1879, there have 
been no unusual diflSculties in realizing the Government land 
revenue ; there has been no large or sudden throwing up of land ; 
there have been no extensive transfers, either by revenue, judicial, 
or private sales. The landholders seem to be better off than they 
were before the Eelief Act was passed. The decrease in fresh loans 
has led to a diminution of indebtedness ; old debts are being gradually 
worked off, compromised, or barred by time ; a good beginning has 
been made towards clearing off the load of debt ; the people as a 
rule, are sensible of the change, and in consequence show a growing 
desire to practise thrift and to combine for pui-poses of mutual help. 
Many experienced revenue and judicial officers hold that, if the 
present conditions remain unchanged, a few more years will see the 
landholders to a great extent free from debt and able to stand on 
their own legs. At the same time it is to be remembered that the 
last three seasons have been seasons of average prosperity and that 
the Act has not yet stood the test of a failure of crops. Matters 
are still in a transition state, and during a transition period it would 
be unreasonable to expect the Act to endure a severe strain. Once 
freed from debt the landholder will be able to get on without 
borrowing in ordinary years. In periods of scarcity or distress he 
will have to look to Government for help, unless in the meantime the 
relations of the lending and the borrowing classes are placed on a 
more rational footing than that on which they rested in times past. 
The Relief Act has done much to restore solvency to the most im- 
portant class in the district with the least possible disturbance of 
the relations between capital and labour. 

Under the Peshwds slavery was an acknowledged institution. In 
1819 in the township of Loni in a population of 557 Dr. Coats 
found eighteen slaves, eight men seven women and three girls. ^ One 
of the families though not formally free had practically been set 
free by its master in reward for good conduct. This family lived in 
a separate house and tilled on their own account. The other slaves 
lived in their masters' houses. All were well treated. They were 
clad and fed in the same way as the members of their masters' 
families ; almost the only difference was that they ate by themselves. 
If they behaved well, they had pocket-money given them on holidays, 
and their masters paid £5 to £6 (Rs. 50-60) to meet their wedding 
expenses. The men worked in the fields and the women helped their 
mistresses. Some of the girls were their master's concubines. All of 
the eighteen slaves were home-born ; the mothers of some had been 
brought from Hindustdn and the Karndtak. Slaves were sometimes 
set free as a religious act, sometimes in reward for good conduct, 
sometimes because they were burdensome. A freed slave was called 
a Shinda ; they were looked down on, and, people did not marry with 



Chapter V. 
CapitaL 

BOREOWERS. 

Husbandmen, 



Slaves. 



1 Trans. Bombay Lit. Soo. III. 194, 239. S.ee also Steele's Hindus Laws and 
Customs. 



134 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter V. 
Capital. 

Slaves. 



Wages. 



them. Traffic in slaves was thought disreputable and was uncom- 
mon. Boys were rarely brought to market. Sales of girls were' 
less uncommon. If beautiful they were bought as mistresses or by 
courtezans, the price varying from £10 to £50 (Rs. 100- 500). 
Plain girls were bought as servants in Brahman houses. 

In 1821, the Collector Captain Eobertson, reported that the only 
form of slavery in Poena was domestic slavery. A person became 
a slave who was sold in infancy by his parents, or who was 
kidnapped by Lamans and thieves. Pew slaves knew their 
kinspeople or were related to the people of the surrounding country. 
Children kidnapped in distant provinces were brought to Poena for 
sale and Poena children stolen or sold by their parents in times of 
famine were carried to other parts of India.^ A man also became a 
slave to his creditor* when he could not pay his debt, but this hap- 
pened only when the debtor was a Kunbi or a Dhangar and the 
creditor a Brahman. Only three instancescameto Captain Robertson's 
knowledge in which creditors had chosen to enslave their debtors.* 
Slaves were treated with great kindness. The general feeling was 
that no one should ill use a slave. Cases sometimes happened in which 
slaves were severely beaten by their masters or had their powers of 
work overtaxed. In such cases the Hindu law officers generally 
recommended that the slaves should be set free. When male slaves 
grew to manhood their' masters often set them free, but female 
slaves were seldom freed, and their children were also slaves. The 
slaves, especially the females, when they lost their freedom in infancy, 
became attached to their mode of life and had no wish to be free. 
They were generally fond of their master's family, or of some members 
of the family, and would have felt more pain in being separated from 
them than pleasure in gaining their liberty. Instances occurred in 
which female slaves complained of the cruelty of one member of the 
family, but when offered their liberty refused to leave the family 
either because of their love for other members of it or because they 
feared to be set adrift in the world. 

Fifty years ago the daily wages of adult male city labourers ranged 
from 2|c?. to"6d. (1^-2 as.), of field labourers from l^d. to 2id, 
(1-lf as.), and of the artisan classes from 4^d. to 9d. (3-6 as). 
The wages of women were two-thirds and of children one-half 
of men's wages. Between 1862 and 1869, owing to the American 
war and the construction of the railway and large Government and 
private buildings in Poena, wages considerably rose, being half as 
much again as at present. At present (1883) the daily wages of town 
and city labourers range from 4^d. to 6d. (3-4 as.) ; of field labourers 
from 3d. to i^d. (2-3 as.) ; and of skilled artisans from 9d. to Is. 3d. 
(6-10 as.) for bricklayers, Is. to Is. 6d. (8-12 as.) for carpenters and 
masons, and 6d. to Is. (4-8 as.) for tailors. Cart-hire is Is. 9c?. 



1 East India Papers, IV. 589-90. In a country like India subject to severe famines 
the relief which was afforded by the inhabitants of a neighbouring province purchasing 
the children of famished parents, greatly counterbalanced the loss of freedom, 
especially as the state of slavery was soothed by kind treatment and regard. 

2 In 1821 many debtors could not discharge their obligations but the creditors 
almost never wanted to make their debtors slaves. East India Papers, IV, 589-90. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



135 



(14 as.) and camel hire Is. (8 as.) a day. Field labour is partly paid 
in kind and partly in coin ; town labourers are paid wholly in coin. 
In villages, wages are paid daily, and in towns by the week, fortnight, 
or month. Except field labour whicb is chiefly required from August 
to March, labour, both skilled and unskilled, is in greatest demand 
daring the fair seasou, tbat is from January to June. The demand 
for unskilled or cooly labour in Poena city is greater than it used 
to be. 

The oldest available produce prices are for twenty-nine years of 
scarcity which happened during the forty-eight years ending 1810.^ 
During these twenty -nine years of high prices tbe rupee price of rice 
varied from forty pounds in 1 788 to five pounds in 1804, of bdjri 
from fifty-six in 1788 to nine in 1804, and oijvdri from fifty-six in 
1788 to seven in 1804. The details are : 







Poona Produce Prices Pound the Supee, 


1763 


1810. 












Article. 


1763. 


1766. 


1770. 


1772. 


1J73. 


1776. 


1777. 


1778. 


1879. 


1781. 


1786. 


1787. 


1788. 


1789 


1791. 


Rice 


36 


20 


20 


34 


23 


34 


32 


32 


30 


32 




23 


40 


36 


26 


Bdjn 


40 


28 


32 


35 


44 


40 


44 


44 


36 


54 


60 


48 


66 


44 


32 


Jvdri 










i)2 


48 


48 


48 


44 


6« 


.•iS 


48 


66 


.64 


48 


Wheat ... 


21 


23 


66 


22 


2« 


36 


40 


32 


37 


60 


42 


22 


48 


2S 


22 


Tur 


16 


30 


16 




40 


32 


32 


38 


40 


4« 


52 


24 


26 


32 


24 


Gram 


21 


24 


16- 


37i 


33 




24 


24 


i'i 


38 


44 


48 


20 


18 




1792. 


1793. 


1798. 


1799. 


1800. 


1802. 


1803. 


1804. 


1806. 


1806. 


1807. 


1808. 


1809. 


1810. 


Rice 


a 


9 


36 


40 


24 


20 


8 


.1 


14 


14 


14 


32 


32 


32 


BdJri 


7 








36 


28 


12 


9 


20 


44 










Jvdri 


8 








48 


29 


12 


7 


12 


20 










Wheat ... 




8 


20 


24 


18 


19 


8 


S 


12 


19* 


26 


32 


32 


44 


IW 


6 


9 


17 


20 


24 




8 


3* 


10 


16 


20 


32 


24 


18 


Gram 




8 


16 


16 


•2i 


32 


10 


94 


13 


20 


26 


28 


29 


20 



During the twenty-nine years ending 1837 the prices oijvdri and 
hdjri are available only for Indapur. During this period, except a 
slight rise in 1811 and 1816, prices gradually fell from 48 pounds of 
jvdri and 59 pounds of bdjri in 1809 to 97 pounds oijvdri and 80 
pounds of bdjri in 1817. In 1818 there was a considerable and 
in 1819 there was a still greater rise in produce prices to thirty- 
four pounds for jvdri and thirty-one pounds for bdjri, from an 
average of fifty-six pounds for jvdri and fifty-five pounds for bdjri 
during the ten years ending 1817. In 1820 the spread of tillage 
which followed the establishment of order, again brought down 
prices till in 1824 jvdri was sold at 73J pounds the rupee and bdjri 
at forty-six pounds. In the famine year of 1824-25 /wri rose to 
twenty-five pounds. In 1826 and 1827 prices fell to eighty-eight 
and 128 pounds for jvdri and sixty-eight and sixty-four pounds for 
Idjri. They rose slightly in 1828, and in 1829 again fell to 130 
pounds ior jvdri and 136 for Idjri. In 1830 and 1831 prices rose 
slightly and in 1832 once more fell to 120 pounds for jvar* and 
to seventy for bdjri. This terrible cbeapness of grain reduced the 



Chapter V 
Capital. 
Wages. 



Prices. 



' Lieiit.-Col. A. T. Ethoridge'a Report on Past Famines (1868). Appendix D. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



Chapter V. 
Capital- 

Prices. 



136 



DISTRICTS. 



hasbandmen to poverty and caused GrOTernment very great loss of 
revenue. Though the year 1833 is remembered as a year of scarcity 
jvdri did not rise above forty-six pounds. The details are : 
Inddpur Prices in Pounds the Rupee. 1809-1837. 



Abticle. 


1809. 


1810. 


1811. 


1812. 


1813. 


1814. 


1816. 


1816. 


1817. 


AVER- 
ASE. 


Jvdri 
BdjH ... 

Jvdri ... 
Bdfri ... 

Jvdri ... 
Edjri ... 


48 
69 


48 
40 


44 
37i 


61 

m 


54 
46 


66 
64 


67 
61 


62 
72 


97 
80 


56 
55 


1818. 1819. 

1 


1820. 


1821. 


1822. 


1823. 


1824. 


1825. 
Fa- 
mine. 


1826. 


1827. 


43 
32 


34 
31 


39 

25 


64 

32 


64 


64 

48 


1? 


26 


88 
68 


128 
,64 


1828. 


1829. 


1830. 


1831. 


1832. 


1833. 
Scar- 
city. 


1834. 


1835. 


1836. 


1837. 


64 


160 
136 


92 


80 

77 


120 
70 


46 
72 


92 
68 


96 
88 


76 


132 
98 



From 1838-39 to 1882 prices are available for several places in the 
district. 

The forty-six years ending 1882 may be divided into four periods. 
The first period includes the twelve years ending 1849-50. This 
was a time of low and stationary prices without any more marked 
changes than were due to the succession of comparatively good and 
bad harvests. The average rupee price oi jvdri was 108 pounds, almost 
the same as in 1837-38, a price too low to allow of any increase of 
wealth in the landholding classes. The second period, the eleven 
years ending 1860-61, especially the latter part of the period, is one 
of advancing prices probably due to the opening of roads and in the 
last years to the beginning of expenditure on railways. During the 
eleven years ending 1860-61 the average rupee price of jvdri was 
seventy-eight pounds and during the last five years seventy pounds. 
The third period is the ten years ending 1870-71. The first five 
years of this period was a time of extremely high prices, jvdri averag- 
ing thirty-six pounds the rupee. These high prices were due partly 
to the abundance of money caused by the inflow of capital during 
the American war, partly to a succession of bad years. With 
the close of the American war in 1865 part of the inflow of 
capital ceased. After 1865, though the inflow of capital connect- 
ed with the American war ceased, until 1871 the district con- 
tinued to be enriched by the construction of great public works. 
To this increase of wealth was added a scarcity of grain caused by 
the severe drought of 1866-67, and the partial failures of 1867-68 and 
of 1870-71. During the five years ending 1870-'? 1 jvdri varied in 
rupee price from twenty-seven to sixty-eight and averaged thirty-five 
pounds. The thirteen years since 1871 may be described as a time of 
falling prices checked by the famine of 1876-77. The five seasons 
ending 1876 were years of good harvests and this together with the 
great reduction in the local expenditure on public works combined to 
cheapen grain. During the famine of 1876-77, that is from about 
November 1876 to the close of 1877, jvdri varied from thirteen to 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



137 



twenty-five and averaged twenty pounds. Since 1877 large sums 
have again been spent in or near the district in public works, and 
the great increase in the trade and prosperity of Bombay have drawn 
large numbers of workers to Bombay and done much to replace the 
loss of capital caused by the famine. The seasons have been fair. 
The price of jvdri has varied from eighteen to seventy-six and 
averaged forty-two pounds. The details are : 



Chapter V j 
Capital. 
Fbices, 





Poova Produce Prices 


in Pounds the Rupee, 1838-39 to 1883-83 


■ 




Articlb. 


1 


1 


J 


1 


1 


1 


%■ 


1 


Si 


1 


1 


eg 


(4 

1 


J 


cs 


1 


1 


1 


JvdH ... 
BdjH ... 

Jvdri ... 
Bdjri ... 

Jvdri ... 
Bdjri ... 

Jvdri ... 
Bdjri ... 

Jvdri ... 
Bdjri ... 

Jvdri ... 
Bdjri ... 

Jvdri ... 
Bdjri ... 

Jvdri ... 
Bdjri ... 

Jvdri ... 
Bdjri ... 

Jvdri ... 
Bdjri ... 


1838-39. 


1839-40. 


1840-41. 


134 
60 












88 
60 












1281 ... 
88| ... 




88 
62 






1841-42. 


1842-43. 


1843-44. 


112 

80 


95 

72 


60 
48 


92 
68 


88 
70 


92 

84 


136 
84 


110 
69 


64 
56 


92 
70 


106 

76 


96 
68 


144 

88 


128 
96 


60 
60 


128 
80 


134 

78 


120 
86 


1844-45. 


1845-46. 


1846-47. 


120 

72 


100 
76 


54 
46 


89 
73 


68 
60 


92 

84 


72 
50 


60 
46 


42 
36 


^ 


64 
46 


56 
46 


30 
26 


31 
30 


32 

28 


31 
30' 


48 
46 


66 
62 


1847-48. 


1848-49. 


1849-50. 


96 
64 


74 
60 


62 
54 


71i 
60 


134 
110 


110 

88 


144 
112 


137 
106 


110 

82 


121 
lOOJ 


186 
132 


144 
116 


144 
113 


128 
104 


94 

74 


128 
104 


186 
106 


116 

84 


1850-51. 


1851-62. 


1852-53. 


76 
68 


72 
76 


60 
50 


64 68 
69 54 


68 
56 


80 
64 


72 
51 


66 
60 


72 
68J 


80 
68 


68 
60 


112 
80 


74 
58 


74 
58 


79 
76 


104 

78 


88 
84 


1853-54. 


1854-66. 


1866-66. 


112 

72 


114 

89 


84 
72 


107 70 
80 52 


60 
64 


68 
52 


66 
46 


50 

44 


60 
47 


46 
44 


52 
46 


64 
68 


80 
62 


66 
50 


«1J 
66 


78 
70 


48 

44 


1856-57. 1 


1867-68. 


1868-69. 


64 
56 


52 
48 


60 
42 


45 
40 


62 1 68 
52 60 


78 
74 


66 
53 


62 
46 


57 
48J 


62 
64 


60 
52 


64 
36 


53 

42 


64 
46 


52 
42 


74 
68 


70 
62 


1859-60. 


1860-61. 


1861-62. 


78 
62 


80 
66 


68 
60 


77 
64 


114 
80 


88 
68 


66 
46 


73 
56 


52 
42 


72 
53 


86 
62 


68 
64 


64 
38 


60 

47 


52 
38 


67 
44 


56 
46 


68 
46 


1862-63. 


1863-64. 


1864-66. 


32 
32 


42 
36 


40 
30 


38 
30 


30 
26 


34 
30 


26 
24 


31 

20 


22 
18 


27 
20 


30 
26 


32 
28 


32 

28 


22 
21 


24 
20 


24 

20J 


24 
20 


26 
20 


1865-86. 1 


1866-67. 


1867-68. 1 


36 
30 


32 
24 


26 
22 


35 
234 


64 
40 


46 
34 


... 


44 
39 


36 
32 


27i 
28 


32 
30 


43 
38 




28 
24 


26 
22 


28 
26 


40 
32 


38 
24 



B 1327—18 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



188 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter V. 
Capital. 

TSICES. 



Weights asb 
MsAsnjsES. 



Poona Produce Pricet 


in Pounds the Rupee, 1838-S9 to 188Z-83 


— continneo 




ARTICLE. 


a 


1 




1 


1 


1 


1 


1 


cs 

1 


1 


1 




1 




1 


f 


1 


j 


Jvdfi ... 
BdjH ... 

Jvdri ... 
Bdjn ... 

Jvdri ... 
BAjri ... 

Jvdri ... 
Bdjri ... 

Jvdri ... 
Bdjri ... 


1868-69. 


1869-70. 


1870-71. 




65 
39 


46 
32 


64 
43 


40 
44 


68 
42 


... 


30 

27 


32 

26 


27 

27 


44 
34 


38 
28 




36 
30 


34 
28 


S7 
31i 


38 
SO 


42 
32 


1871-72. 


1872-73. 


1873-74. 


30 

24 


24 
20 


22 
19 


20 
12 


32 

24 


47 
43 


34 
24 


48 
40 


28 
20 


44 
38 


60 
60 


67 
52 


60 
60 


68 
44 


48 
34 


64 

48 


70 
CS 


74 
66 


1874-75. 


1876-76. 


1876-77. 


92 
70 


72 
66 


60 
44 


64 
64 


80 
60 


67 
47 


76 
68 


64 
52 


66 
42 


56 
44 


60 
45 


24 
22 


46 
40 


18 
IS 


38 
30 


11 
10 


30 
25 


13 
12 


1877-78. 


1878-79. 


1879-80. 


18 
18 


22 
20 


18 
18 


14 
13 


85 
30 


36 
24 


20 
20 


22 
24 


20 
18 


18 
16 


40 
35 


36 
24 


18 
18 


22 
20 


18 
18 


IS 
22 


60 
40 


47 
31 


1880-81. 


1881-82. 


1882-83. 


28 
20 


26 

20 


28 
24 


24 
18 


60 60 

60 60 


76 

48 


66 
42 


60 

38 


62 
40 


60 
45 


66 
47 


62 
46 


62 
40 


64 
46 


62 
40 


56 
46 


62 
43 



Articles are sold by weight, by measure, and by number. Pearls, 
precious stones, cotton, tobacco, raw and clarified butter, oil, 
spices, groceries, firewood in Poona city, opium, sweetmeats, and 
some vegetables and fruits are sold by weight. In the case of pearls 
and precious stones the weights used are grains of barley jav, rice 
idndul, wheat gahu, and rati. Rati, originally the seed of the 
Abrus precatorius, is now generally a small piece of copper or flint 
weighing 2\ to 2| grains. The price of pearls is not fixed at so 
much the rati but at so much the chav a measure or standard obtain- 
ed from a calculation based on the number and weight of the 
pearls, and divided into 100 dokdds or parts.^ The table observed 
in the case of gold is eight gunjs one masa; 2^ gunjs one vdl; six 
mdsds one sahdmdsa; two sahdmdsds or twelve mdsds or forty 
vdls, one tola. The gunj is red and about the size of a small pea is 
the seed of a wild creeper and the vdl which is also red and a 
little larger is the seed of the chilhdri tree. The mdsa, sahdmdsa, 
and tola are square, eight-cornered, or oblong pieces of brass and 
sometimes of China or of delf . The tola weighs a little more than the 
average Imperial rupee in use which is equal to 11^ mdsds. In 
weighing silver and fragrant oils and essences the Imperial rupee is 
always used. But as owing to wear it is not always of uniform weight 



' To reduce raiis to chcpos the square of the number of ratis is multiplied by 

£5 and theg; product divided by 96 times the number of pearls. Thus if 11 

pearls weiring 24 ratU are to be bought at Bs. 8 the chav, the price would be 

24 X 24 X 55 „ B^«An „,r.^^, 
■ X 8 = 240 rupees. 



96 X II 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



139 



discount at the rate of eight per cent is allowed in wholesale purchases 
of silver. For cheaper metals and other articles sold by weight the 
unit of weight is a sher weighing seventy-six rupees, with its fractions 
the ncwtdk or one-eighth, pdvsher or one-fourth, and achher or one- 
half. For quantities of over a sher the table for metals and other 
articles sold by weight is four shers one dhadi and sixteen shers one 
man. In the case of oils, raw and clarified butter, spices, raw sugar 
gul, groceries, and tobacco the table is forty shers one man, and 
three mans one palla. For firewood where sold by weight the 
table used is eighty pounds one ma» and twenty mans one khandi. 
Except in the case of firewood and similar heavy substances, 
where stone weights are used, all the weights are made of iron, 
generally English-made avoirdupois weights with the pound unit 
scooped out at the back to bring them to the exact weight. Grain 
is measured by wooden cylinders with narrow necks in the middle 
to admit of their being held in the hand with ease. The unit of 
measurement is also a sher having the same fractions as the weight 
unit. The contents of a sher measure, which is equal to 2| pints, 
weigh seventy-six to ninety-eight rupees. The table observed is four 
shers one pdyli, twelve pdylis one man, 2^ mans one palla, and 
eight pallets one khandi.^ Standard weights and measures are 
kept in every mdmlatdar's office, and, once a year, all weights and 
measures are tested and stamped by the police. Brass and copper 
pots serving as a quarter, a half, and a whole 76- rupee sher are 
used for measuring milk and small quantities of oil. Clarified butter 
when brought for sale in small quantities by the people of the 
western hills is also sold by these capacity measures. Leaf vegetables 
are sold by the bundle, grass and. jvdri stalks are sold by the pdchunda 
or five bundles, firewood is sold by the headload or the cartload, 
and cowdung-cakes by number. Mangoes are sold wholesale by a 
hundred or shekda equal to 312. Betel leaves are sold by the hundred 
or the thousand. In measuring cloth either the gaj or the yard is 
used. In the case of the gaj the table used is eight yavs one anguU 
or thumb breadth ; two angulis one tasu of 1^ inches ; twelve tasus 
one hat or cubit of eighteen inches, and two hats one gaj of three feet. 
Ready-made clothes, waistcloths or dhotars, and scarfs or uparnds are 
sold in pairs ; other articles of clothing are sold singly except shoes 
and stockings which are sold by the pair. Bricks and tiles are sold 
by the thousand, rafters and bamboos by the hundred, squared timber 
by its cubic contents, and unsquared timber by the piece. Heaps 
of gravel or murum, of road-metal or khadi, and of sand earth and 
stone are measured by their cubic contents, the usual unit of mea- 



Chapter V. 

Capital. 
Wbigmts and 

M&AStTBES, 



' In 1821 there were three tables of grain measures. The sher was the same in all 
three and, taking the average of the whole, the weight of one measured sher of bdjri, 
math, mug, sdva, jvdri, udid, vdtdna, wheat, and masur, was one-fourteenth of a 
pound more than 2J pounds avoirdupois. The first table was four shers one pdyli, 
twelve pdylis one man, and twenty mans one khandi. This bdroli or ty/elve-pdyli 
man was the common man and the one in use in the town of Poona. The second 
table was four shers one pdyli, sixteen pdylis one man, and twenty mans one 
Khandi. This sololi or suiteen-pdyli man was used in the village group of Sandns in 
Pitas and to the southward. The third table was 3J shers one pdyli, forty-two 
shsrs or twelve pdylis one man, and twenty mans one hhandi. This was used in tha 
Milvals or hilly west. Captain H. D. Robertson, East India Papers, IV. 572. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



140 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter V. 

Capital. 

Weights and 
Measures. 



surement being a hards of 100 cubic feet. Cut stone is sold by the 
square gaj equal to eight square feet. Before the revenue survey 
the land measure was three rrmsMis or fists one vit, two vits one hM, 
h^ hats one Mthi, twenty kdthis one pdnd, twenty pdnds one bigha, 
and five bighds one rukka, six ruhkds one kliandi, twenty-four rmkds 
one chdhur^ or takka ; and two chdhurs or tcJckds one pakka. The 
survey measurements are a chain of thirty feet one anna, sixteen 
annas one guntha, and forty gunthds one acre of 4840 square yards. 
Thirty gunthds are equal to one higha or 1^ highds are equal to one 
acre.^ " Partdn meaning two or four bighds is a word often used by 
Kunbis speaking among themselves. Twenty partdns make one aut. 
The old table for measuring time is sixty vipals or winks one pal, 
sixty pals .one ghadi of twenty-four minutes, 2^ ghadis one hora, 
3f ghadis one chdughadi, 7J ghadis one prahar, eight prahars one 
divas or day, seven divas one dthavda or week, two dthavdds one 
paksha or fortnight, two pakshas one mas or month, twelve mas one 
rarsS. or year. In former times the Hindus had neither watches 
nor sun-dials. Their time measure was the water-clock a copper pot- 
filled with water in which floated a brass cup with a small hole 
in the bottom which took an hour to fill and sink. The water-clock, 
though never referred to in ordinary life, is still used at marriage and 
thread ceremonies. Besides by the water-clock time was calculated 
by the length of shadows. To tell the time of day from a shadow one 
plan is, in an open sunlit spot, to measure in feet the length of one's 
shadow, to add six to the number of feet, and divide 121 by the sum. 
The quotient gives the time in ghadis of twenty-four minutes after 
sunrise if the sun has not crossed the meridian, and before sunset if 
the sun has crossed the meridian . Another plan is to hold upright 
a thin rod eighteen dnglis or finger-breadths long, bend it so that 
its shadow will touch the other end of the rod on the ground and 
measure in dnglis the perpendicular height of the rod. This like 
the other plan shows the number of ghadis either after sunrise or 
before sunset. 



' The area of the chdhur depended in many cases on the quality of the land. 

' The Mthi five cubits long by one cubit broad is said to have been carved in 
stone in the late Shanvir Vdda at Poena. It was based on the length of the hand of 
Peshwa MidhavrAv II. (1774-1796). After a time the length of the Peshwa's hand 
became exaggerated and the hand was taken to mean the length of a man's arm 
from the elbow to the tip of the middle finger with an additional span. Hence arose 
some variations in the size of a bigha. Mr. J. Pollen, C. S. 



Deccau.] 



CHAPTEE VI. 

TRADE. 

COMMUNICATIONS. 

The history of Cheul, Kalyan, SupAra, and Thana in the Konkan, 
and of Junnar, Ndsik, and Paithan in the Deccan shows that from 
early times several important trade routes passed through the 
Poona district. From at least as far back as the first century 
before Christ, Junnar, about a hundred miles west of Paithan sixty 
south of Ndsik and fifty north of Poona, had two main routes to the 
coa^t through the Mdlsej and through the Ndna passes. In the 
Nana pass, inscriptions, steps, rock-cut rest-houses, and cisterns 
show that as far back as the first century before Christ much was 
done to make the route easy and safe. The fine Buddhist caves at 
Bedsa, Bhdja, and Kdrla, the large but plain caves of doubtful date on 
Lohogad hill, the rock-hewn Shiv temple at Bhdmburda and the 
small Graneshkhind caves of uncertain date near Poona, and the 
groups of Buddhist caves at Ambivli, Jdmbrug, and Konddne in 
Thana make it probable that the Bor pass was a highway of trade 
between B.C. 100 and A.D. 60p. Of Poona trade routes and trade 
centres under the Hindu dynasties which flourished between A.D, 700 
and A.D. 1300 few traces remain. Two great rock-hewn reservoirs 
on the top of Shivner show that the hill was held as a fort by the 
Devgiri Yddavs and make it probable that Junnar was a place of 
trade. Under the Bahmanis in the fourteenth and fifteenth 
centuries Junnar and ChAkan were strong military posts and 
probably local trade centres. In 1499, after a brief stay at Junnar, 
Malik Ahmad, the founder of the Nizdm Shdhi dynasty, moved his 
capital from Junnar to Ahmadnagar. During the sixteenth century, 
when the wealth of the Bombay Deccan was divided between the 
rulers of Ahmadnagar and Bijdpur, probably no main line of traffic 
passed through the Poona district. About 1636, when it was made 
part of Bijdpur, Poona probably rose in importance as a centre of 
trade, and at the same time Junnar gained in consequence as the 
southmost post of Moghal power. Shivaji's disturbances soon 
followed, and little trade can have centred in Poona till 1750, when 
it became the capital of the Mardtha empire. After the country 
passed to the British, traces of pavement, steps, and water-cisterns 
showed that the Peshwas had attempted to improve the Nana, 
Malsej, Bhimd,shankar, and Kusur passes/ 



Chapter VI. 
Trade. 

RouTBa. 
a.c.lOO •A.D. 1818 



' Bom. Rev. Ileo, 144 of 1819, 3317. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



142 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter TI. 

Trade- 

Routes. 
1779-1826. 



The first road made by the British was the PooNA-PANVEii road, from 
Panvelin Thdna through the Bor pass to Poona. In the close of 1 779 
the leaders of the unfortunate expedition that ended in the Vadgaon 
Convention spent four weeks (23rd November- 25th December) in 
making a path fit for Artillery up the Bor pass.^ In 1804, General 
Wellesley constructed a good military road from the head of the Bor 
pass to Poona. The massive stone ramps or pavings, which in 1864 
were visible in places for the entire distance a little to the south of the 
line which is now the old post road,^ and traces of which may still 
be seen at the eastern foot of the Isapur hills, belong to General 
Wellesley's road. After the fall of the Peshwds in 1817, owing to 
its importance in joining Bombay and Poona, one of the first cares 
of the Bombay Government was to improve the road from 
Poona to Panvel in Thdna. In 1819 it was proposed that the 
Nd,na and Kusur passes should be repaired.^ In 1825, though 
still steep. Bishop Heber considered that the Bor pass' road 
was probably sufficient for the intercourse that either was or was 
likely to be between the Konkan and the Deccau.* In 1826, 
according to Captain Clunes, the chief lines of communication in 
Poona lay through Poona and Junnar.^ The Bombat-Ahmadnagae 
road of 148 miles from Panvel through Chauk, Khalapur, and 
Khopivli in Thdna ascended the Bor pass and entered Poona near 
Khandalaj and stretching through Londvla, Kdrla, Khadkdla. 
Vadgaon, Kuvla, Tathavade Aund, Poona,* Vdgholi, Loni, Koregaon, 
Ganpati's Rd,njangaon, and Kardalvddi, left it near Sirur and 
continued its course to Ahmadnagar through Hingni, Kadus, 
Eanjangaon, Sarole, Akulner, and Kedgaon. Besides the stone 
bridge over the Indrdyani between Kdila and KhadkAla, which had 
seventeen arches and a total length of about 400 feet, there were on 
this road two flying bridges one across the Mula near Poona, the 
other across the Bhima near Koregaon. From this road a new 
excellent military road branched to the right near Vadgaon and 
passed by the villages of SheldrvMi, Kinai, Ghinchuli, Nigri, Akurdi, 
Chinchvad, Bhosri, and Dapuri. This was the shortest road to 
Poona if the traveller had no wheel carriages. It continued from 
near Bhosri, passing Kalas, and crossing the Kirkee bridge, 
making a difference of about two miles between Bhosri and the 
Sangam. The Kaltau-Aueangabad road of 185 miles, passing 
iJirough EAhata, Murbdd, Umbarpdda, the Taloli pass, and 
Kumbalpada in Thana, and ascending the Milsej pass, entered the 
district near Karanjdle, and stretching through Pimpalgaon and 
Junnar left it near Otur and oontimued its course through 
BrahmanvMe, the Savarchur pass, Sangamner, RahAta, BI,mangaon> 
BhArgaon, and Tisgaon. This road had two branches from Junnar, 



' Account of Bombay, 176-7. ^ Deccan Scenes (1864), 330. 

' Mr. Marriott, 29tli September 1819, Gov. Eev. Keo. 144 of 1819, 3317. 

* Heber'a Narrative, II. 200. " Itinerary, 18-46. 

' From the travellers' bungalow near the entrance of the cantonment to the church 
was 1^ miles and the contmnation of the road to the ruins of Sindia's palace near 
which the cantonments ended was IJ miles farther, Clunes' Itinerary, 10, 



Beccau.l 



POONA. 



143 



one of sixty -four miles through Ojhar,Pimpalvandi, and Belhe, leaving 
the district near Alkuti, and continuing its course through Pd,rner, 
Supa, and Kedgaon to Ahmadnagar ; the other branch forty-five 
miles through Ndrdyangaon, Hivra, the Utti pass, Pargaon, and 
Annapur to Sirur. The PoONA-SuRAT road of 254 miles through 
Chdkan, Nardyangaon, and Hivra, leaving the district near Otur 
continued its course through the Vdshera pass, Devthan, the 
Sinnar pass, Nasik, Dindori, the Rahud pass, Umbarthdna, the 
Nirpan pass, the Vdgh pass, Gandevi, and Navsdri. In the fair 
season this was a good cart road throughout except at the 
Vashera and Sinnar passes in Ahmadnagar and Ndsik. The 
Rahud pass in Nasik offered no obstacles to carts. Another road 
of 290 miles, the usual line of march for troops from Poona to Surat, 
was through Rdvet, Vadgaon, Karla, and B3ianddla on the district 
border, and Khopivli, Ohauk, Panvel, Ambagaund, Kalydn, Titvala, 
Lap, Vajrabdi, Arna, Butna, Daisar, Mahagaon, Tdrdpur, Saunta, 
Jahye-Burdi, Umbargaon, Daruti, Bagvdda, Pdrnera, Rola, 
Gandevi, Navsdri, Lanchpur, and Sachin. From Panvel in 
Thdna there was another road to Surat by sea and land of about 
256 miles. The Poona-KaltAn road of seventy-five miles 
through Rdvet and Vadgaon, by the Kusur pass, continued 
its course through Neral, Badldpur, Beluli, and Kansa. The 
PoONA-ElHANDiLA road of forty miles passed through Banera, 
Kasarsai, Dhaman Khind, and Londvla. The Poona-Junnar road of 
fifty miles passed through Chdkan, Peth, Ndrdyangaon,and Khdndpur. 
This road, though in places difficult for carts, was a fair road for 
pack-cattle. The Poona-Dhulia road of 201 miles through Chakan, 
Peth, Nardyangaon, Pimpalvandi, and Ale^ left the district near 
Bota and continued its course through the Abora pass, Kikangaon, 
Korbdla, Kopargaon, Yeola, Sdvargaon, Manmdd, Mdlegaon, the 
Dardgaon pass, Arvi, and Laling. The PoonA-Aubangabad road 
of 144 miles, through Lom,Koregaon, and Ganpati's Rdnjangaon, left 
the district near Sirur and continued its course through Ndrdyan- 
gaon, Supa, Ahmadnagar, Imdmpur, Kevra, Toke, Dahigaon, 
and Jalgaon. From Ahmadnagar another road went through the 
Nimba-Dhera pass, Vdmbori, and Kevra. From Aurangabad 
a branch led forty miles to Jdlna, and a line of 105 
miles went direct from Ahmadnagar through Paithan. The 
Poona-Sholdpur road of 157 miles, through Hadapsar, Loni, 
Urali, Yevat, Pdtas, Chicholi, and Indapur, left the district 
near Tembhumi, and continued its course through Savaleshvar 
and Kundi. Another road of 157 miles to Sholdpur, through Urali, 
the Diva pass, Belsar, and Jejuri, and leaving the district near 
Nimbat, continued its course through Baneya, Nataputa, Yalldpur, 
Pandharpur, Dehgaon, Babhulgaon, and Singoli. From Pdtas 
a road of 136 miles branched towards Mominabad or Ambejogdi, 
passing through Pedgaon, Pimpalvddi, Khurda, Beh, and Savargaon. 
Near the Diva pass the road branched five or six miles to 
Sasvad, and, from Chincholi, a branch led to Sholdpur through 
Tuljdpur, making the whole distance from Poona 343 miles. 
From Sholdpur the road was continued to Sikandarabad by 



Chapter VI. 
Trade. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



144 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VI. 
Trade. 

Routes, 

18S6. 



18S6-I836. 



Naldurg, a distance of 192 miles. The PooNA-BELaAUM road of 
241 miles, through Jejuri, left the district near Nimbat and 
continued its course through Rahimatpur, Pusesavli, Tdsgaon, and 
Edur where was a flying bridge and boat across the Krishna, 
Ghotgiri, Marehal, Ashti, and Kanbargi. From Edur a road led 
to Dhdrwar through Padshdpur, Nesargi, Shidapur, and Gadag. 
Another road of 213 miles through the Kiitraj pass continued its 
course through Kikvi, Shirval, Khandala, Surul, Bhuinj, Sd.t^ra, 
Miraj, Kardd, Isldmpur, Ichalkaranji, Sandalgi, Chikodi, Hukeri, and 
Yamkanmardi. From Kardd a branch went to Malvan through 
Malkd.pur, the Anaskura pass, and Khdrepdtan, and another through 
Battis-shirdla, KoHidpur, the Phonda pass, and Janavti. The Poona- 
Dapoli road of ninety-seven miles went through Vadgaon, 
Khadakvdsla, Kh^ndpur, the Panba pass, and Torna-peth, left the 
district by the Dhoni pass and the Shevti pass, and continued its 
course through Mahad, Pdli, and Mdhlunga. A branch from Birvadi, 
seventeen miles from the Shevati pass, went to Ratndgiri through 
the Ghogra pass, Chiplun, and M^khjan. The Poona-Goeegaon road, 
sixty-six miles through Kliadakvdsla, Gorha, and the Kuran pass, 
continued its course through the Kumbha pass. Another road 
fifty-seven miles branched from Kuran and went by the Devi pass. 
The PooNA-NiPANi road of 211 miles, through Loni, the Khor pass, 
Morgaon (Chinch vad), and Gulunche, left the district near the 
Nira and continued its course through T^mgaon, Rahimatpur, 
Hingangaon, and Edur-Mdnjri. The Poona-NAgothna road of 
sixty-four miles through Chande-Nande and Akola, left the district 
by the Sai pass and continued its course through V^unda, 
Jdmbulpdda, Rahubgaon, and Chikni. 

Since 1826 all of these leading routes have been taken up and 
made into fair or good roads. In 1830 the Poona-Panvel road 
was greatly improved and was opened in state by Sir John 
Malcolm, the Governor of Bombay. At that time the mail cart to 
Poona on this road was the only mail cart in India. Some years passed 
before the road was generally used for carriages. In 1830 hardly 
a single cart was met between Khanddla and Poona, and long 
droves of pack-bullocks had possession of the road.^ In spite of 
the improvements the Bor pass, though it did credit to the time in 
which it was built, was far from easy of ascent. The gradients 
were steep and the curves sharp and numerous. In 1832 
M. Jacquemout described the road as makadamised and kept by 
Pioneers in such order as would have been considered good in 
France.^ In 1836 the opening of roads and the improving of 
transit were among the points which received most attention from 
the early survey officers.* A marked change in the number of 



1 Deooan Scenes, 33. ' Voyages, HI. 583. 

'Among the improvements planned by the revenue survey o£Scers the making of 
a new li^t cart was one of the greatest importance. In 1865, in a speech in one of 
the debates on the Survey Bill, Sir Bartle Frere, then Governor of Bombay, said 
that carts in 1836 were rarely seen beyond Poona. In five months he remembered 
seeing only three carts in the country between Poona and SheUpur, and these were 
brought from some Madras station. At that time the only local cart wheels were 



Deccan.l 



POONA. 



U5 



roads took place in some parts of the district during the thirty years 
of the first survey (1835-1866).^ In 1836 when the survey was 
introduced there was not a mile of road in Inddpur. The construction 
of the Imperial line of road from Poona to ShoMpur passing by 
the town of IndApur was the first great improvement. By 1850, five 
lines of made road pa.ssed through the district. The chief roads were 
the old Poona-Panvel road through the Bor pass about seventy 
miles, the Poona- Ahmadnagar road also about seventy miles, the 
Poona-Junnar road about fifty miles, the Poona-Inddpur road ninety 
miles, and the Poona-S^tara road seventy-six miles. The Poona- 
Panvel road, the chief road- work of the Bombay Government, was 
well metalled throughout. It had many long and some fairly steep 
slopes down which the superfluous surface water would have rushed 
with destructive violence but for a simple contrivance which broke 
its force and made it comparatively harmless. At about one 
hundred feet apart ridges of earth, three to four inches high 
and about a foot wide, were drawn slanting across the road. 
The ridges were formed by loosening the stones and earth with 
a pickaxe. Their object was, before it gained force or volume, to 
turn the surface water into one of the side ditches. This the ridges 
did very effectually when they were properly watched, so as to 
repair the breaches made in them by cart wheels. When they 
were kept in order no more water could rush down any portion of 
the slope than fell between two of the little ridges. When little 
rain fell, the spaces between the ridges were kept comparatively dry 
and firm, for the small quantity of water which was then to be 
disposed of soaked quietly into the ditch, along the loose stones and 
earth of which the ridges were made. Towards the close of the rainy 
season the ridges were allowed to be worn by the traffic to the level 
of the road. In this way the road escaped the perils of the rainy 
season with comparatively little damage.^ Within Poona limits the 
road was well bridged. The great obstacle to traffic was the Bor 



Chapter VI. 
Trade. 

ROUTBS. 

18S6-18B0. 



disc3 of stone, and carts were large lumbering contrivances which remained as heirlooms 
in families for generations. Lieutenant Gaisford applied himself to improve the 
country cart and the ordinary Deecan cart was the result of his labours. The new 
cart was to be as light and cheap as possible, and yet strong enough to be used in a 
stony country where roads were almost unknown, and where workmen able to repair 
the most simple wheeled vehicle were often not to be found within fifty miles. He 
set up a factory for these carts at Tembhurni in Sholdpur, and not only made carts 
but traiued workmen from the villages round to repair them. At first it was difficult 
to find any one who would buy the carts even at cost price, but in time their number 
considerably increased. In Indipur alone they rose from 291 in 1836 to 1165 in 1856. 
The carts which replaced the old stonewheel carts and the Vanjiri bullocks have 
in their turn helped to improve old roads and open new lines of communication. 
Bom. Gov. Sel. OLI. 33-34. 

' Lieutenants Wingate and Gaisford applied them.selves to increase the facilities 
of transit in the Decoan. At first they had very small means at their disposal. 
Government gave small sums often as low as Rs. 5 a mile for the improvement of 
roads. Little could be done for such an amount beyond removing the most serious 
impediments to wheeled traffic along existing tracks. Sir Bartle Frere, Gov. Sel. 
CLI. 33. 

2 Mackay's Western India, 379. Mr. Mackay adds : For about half its course the 
road runs through one of the wettest districts of Western India. The quantity of 
rain which falls during the south-west monsoon between Panvel and the Sahyidris, 
and, for about twelve miles to the east of KhandAla at the top of the Bor pass, is 
about 50 per cent more than the average fall at Bombay. 

B 1327—19 



[Bombay Gazetteer. 
146 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter VI. pass, where the ascent from the low land to the high land, was a rise 
i£^Q of 2000 feet by a zigzag and frequently precipitous course of about 

four miles. This was one of two points at which the Sahyddris 
RouTBs. , could be ascended or descended by wheeled Vehicles with anything 
1850. ijjj^g safety along a course of about 500 miles. Still so difficult of 

ascent or descent was the Bor pass that no one thought of driving 
up or down it in a carriage. Passengers travelling by the public 
conveyances were carried up and down in palanquins, there being 
different sets of coaches for the high and low portions of the road. 
Private carriages were pulled up or let down by numerous bodies of 
workmen, or they were carried up and down swung from a number 
of poles which rested on men's shoulders. Empty carriages 
had been pulled up by horses, but this was generally considered 
a good day's work for the animals. A man who had any regard 
for his horse would not even ride him up or down the pass, prefer- 
ring to have him led, and betaking himself either to a pony or a 
palanquin. In the Konkan the road crossed a rich rice country ; 
but its chief traffic came from above the Sahyadris. It was princi- 
pally owing to the traffic of districts beyond Poona turning to this 
route, because there was no other means of easy communication with 
the coast. The country from the Sahyddris to Poona was generally 
of a poor, thin, light soil, which of itself could sustain no great traffic. 
The Poona- Ahmadnagar road started almost at right angles to the 
Poona-Panvel road from which it differed simply in not being metal- 
led. It was bridged and fairly ditched, the surface being covered not 
with broken stone but in some places with loose round stones or 
coarse gravel, and in others with small fragments of hardened clay. 
Occasionallythe gravel and clay were combined and there the road 
was generally in the best condition. During the dry season it was 
practicable enough and could be driven over without difficulty; 
during the rains it was indifferent throughout and at many points 
bad. It was designed as a military road as Ahmadnagar was the 
head-quarters of the Bombay artillery. Like the Poona-Panvel 
road it had proved of advantage to the general traffic. Al- 
though it crossed a comparatively poor country it was the chief 
feeder of the Poona road. With its continuation through 
the Nizam's territory to Aurangabad, it drew to Poona much 
of the traffic of Berar out of what would have been its natural 
course had communications been open between that important 
valley and the coast. To gain this circuitous line 'of made road, 
much of that traffic turned south to Ajanta from which it could 
reach Bombay only by the made road, which it sought by traversing 
nearly three-quarters of the circumference of an enormous circle, 
The next of the made roads was the Poona- Junnar road. It 
was designed either to proceed by the Ale pass across several 
streams and several spurs of the Sahyadris, to Sinnar and Nasik, 
with the view of uniting Poona with Malegaon the great military 
station in the north Deccan; or to take the more direct route 
from the Ale pass to Malegaon, avoiding Ndsik and flanking 
the spurs of the hills. The Poona-IndXpur road led south-east 
from Poona to Inddpur about half-way to Sholapur. Of all the roads 
that converged on Poona this IndApur road was most in the -direct 



DeccanJ 



POONA. 



147 



line of the Poona-Panvel metalled road, so that traffic directed by 
it upon the Poona-Panvel road with a view to reaching Bombay- 
could scarcely be said, so far at least as the district between Poona 
and Inddpur was concerned, to have been taken out of its course, as 
it must have been from other districts by any of the roads leading 
through Poona. The road was by no means as perfect a road as that 
leading to Ahmadnagar. Even the Poona end of it, after a little 
rain, was little more than passable for a carriage. It crossed a very 
practicable line of country, as nearly its whole course to Indapur 
lay along the right bank of the Bhima. If the traffic was not at 
first great it was because the country was poor. At Inddpur the 
road crossed the Bhima and proceeded through a richer country 
almost in a straight line to ShoMpur. The Poona-SItaba road 
was the best specimen of a made road in the Deccan. It was not 
bridged throughout^ the only completed bridges had been built by 
native chiefs. The road surmounted two passes, one of them, the 
Bd,bdev pass about eight miles south of Poona, being one of the 
worst specimens of a pass in Western India. Its angles and 
gradients were frightful, its sharp turns being in some places flanked 
by low walls which afforded but a slight bulwark against the preci- 
pices which they crowned. The road in the steepest parts was con- 
stantly rough, being covered to some depth with loose round stones. 
This to some extent served to check, the impetus of a descending load, 
but greatly increased the toil of dragging a load up. Beyond the 
crest of the pass the road entered a broad plain bounded on the south 
by the Sdlpa range and watered by many streams. The first stream 
was at the village of Hivra past which it brawled over a somewhat 
wide and rocky channel ; it was unbridged. The next was beyond 
Sdsvad, a narrower but deeper stream with a fierce current during the 
rains; it was also unbridged. There was no other stream of conse- 
quence until the Nira was reached, one of the largest tributaries of the 
Bhima. The Nira bridge was a well-known point on the road. The 
bridge which was a long wooden one, resting on stone piers springing 
to some height from the rocky channel of the river, had been built 
by the Peshw^s. There were several bridges within Sdtdra limits. 
Besides these main routes, as in the rest of the country, were several 
fair-weather roads practicable for carts, frequented tracks, and 
postal tracks. The fair-weather roads were natural tracks, merely 
showing the course taken by an irregular traffic over the open 
surface of the country. The best of them were practicable during 
the fair weather for carts, simply because at that time carts could 
pass over much of the surface of the country. The frequented 
tracks were numerous in every thickly peopled part of the country 
and were a grade lower than the fair-weather cart-tracks. The 
lines laid down as post tracks were no better, the mail being 
generally carried by foot-runners. All these roads were useful as 
showing the natural lines of traffic. Of the roads the Poona-Panvel 
and the Poona- Ahmadnagar roads were alone thoroughly bridged 
and available for traffic throughout the year. On the other roads, 
during the greater part of the rainy season, traffic was stopped by 
the streams which crossed them. The suddenness with which the 
streams stopped traffic was sometimes startling. A stream which 
at a place less than a quarter of a mile distant, was known to be 



Chapter VT- 
Trade. 

EOUTES. 

1850. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 
148 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter VI. practicable^ by the time required to reach its banks, became a 
Trade foaming and impassable torrent and remained impassable for days. 

To such interruptions even most of the made roads were liable. 
Routes. Since 1863 when local funds were created the work of opening 

1863-1884. roads has been steadily pressed on and the district is now well pro- 

vided with lines of communication. At present (1884) in the 
Poona and Kirkee cantonments and in the civil limits of the two 
stations, forty-two miles of Imperial roads and twenty-eight miles of 
provincial roads, all metalled and bridged, are kept in repair at a 
yearly cost of £1700 (Rs. 17,000) to Imperial and £1700 (Rs. 17,000) 
to provincial funds. Of district roads there are seventy miles 
bridged and metalled, 104 miles partly bridged and metalled, and 
493 miles partly bridged and muruvied. The old Poona-Panvel 
road, entering the district at Khandala and passing south-east by 
Lonavla, Talegaon, Kirkee, Poona, Patas, and Indapur, is a well 
made road metalled as far as Patas and then murumed. The cross- 
ing of the Bhima at Hingangaon, where a ferry-boat is worked 
during the south-west rains, and the crossing of the Dalaj are serious 
obstacles to traffic during the rains. This road was of immense 
advantage to the district till the opening of the railway in 1862. 
It brought Poona, which is the great grain market of this part of 
the Deccan, within easy reach of grain and brought most villages 
in the neighbourhood of Poona in direct communication with 
Indapur which is midway between Poona and ShoMpur. Dealers 
exporting produce to Poona and ShoMpur naturally tried the half- 
way market of Indd.pur. Many cartloads of merchandise intended 
for Poona or Sholapur were often disposed of in transit at Indapur 
and the return carts were laden with produce which would command 
a better price in the respective markets. The opening of the railway 
in 1862 drove the cartmen from this road and considerably affected 
the importance of the Indapur market. Though the number of 
carts making use of the road has diminished those that have been 
driven off the line are probably such as came from long distances 
and the local traffic by the road is still considerable. The road is 
still of local importance in supplying the Indapur market with the 
produce of the sub-division. The Poona-Aueangabad road is 
metalled forty-one miles as far as Sirur and, except at Koregaon on 
the Bhima and two or three unimportant streams, is bridged and 
drained throughout. The old Poona-Satara road, thirty-nine miles 
as far as the Nira, through the Diva pass, SAsvad, and Jejuri, is 
a fair road partly bridged and drained. It is at present kept as a 
local fund road. The new Poona-SatIba road of thirty miles, 
passing through the Kdtraj pass and Shirval, is a first class metalled 
and bridged road kept in good order. The Poona-Nasik road, 
sixty-two miles through Khed, Manchar, Ndrayangaon, and Ambe- 
ghargaon, is a murumed unbridged road. As the principal rivers 
are unbridged flying bridges are worked in the monsoon at Moshi 
on the Indrayani, at Khed on the Bhima, at Kalamb on the Ghod, 
and at Pimpalvandi on the Kukdi, and at Ambeghargaon on the 
Mula ; an ordinary ferry-boat plies at Vdki on the Bhama. A branch 
from this road goes from Nd,rayangaon to Junnar. The local fund 
roads besides the already mentioned old S^tara road are, the 
Sirub-Sataba road fifty-four miles as far as the Nira bridge, 



Deccan] 



POONA. 



149 



passing through the railway station of Kedgaon and crossing the 
Bhima at Pdrgaon by a flying bridge. The twenty-eight miles of 
this road from Sirur to Kedgaon are kept as a mail pony cart road. 
The PoONA-SlNHGAD road extends over twelve miles ; the PooNA- 
alandi road of thirteen miles runs parallel and close to the Nasik 
road ; the SAsvad-IndIptje road of fifty -four miles east and west 
passes through Bdrdmati, Lasurna, and Nimbgaon ; the Vadgaon- 
ShikrIpur road of thirty-three miles through ChAkan joins the 
Bombay- Ahmadnagar road at Shikrdpur ; the Khed-Bhimashankar 
road thirty-one miles joins the Ndsik road at Khed ; the Khed- 
SiRUR road through P^bal extends over thirty-two miles; the 
Poona-Paud road extends over twenty-one miles ; and the Diksal- 
Baramati road over seventeen miles. All these local fund roads 
are murumed and are more or less bridged, crossing some of the rivers 
by flying bridges. During the rains when the groimd is wet many 
of the roads are difficult for wheels. Yearly repairs are made and 
improvements are being gradually introduced. 

^As in the rest of the Deccan the local hill passes or ghats belong 
to two leading systems, those that cross the Sahyddris and those 
that cross the spurs that stretch east and south-east from the 
Sahyddris. Down the Mdlsej pass about sixty-six miles north of 
Poona, a line for a cart road has been surveyed, and it is expected 
that in a few years the road will be begun. At present the only 
road down the Poona Sahy^dris fit for wheels is the Bor pass. 
Except this and the Malsej and N^na passes the rest of the openings 
in the Poona Sahyd,dris are foot-paths and have no considerable 
traffic.^ The Mdlsej and Nana passes have considerable Vanjdri 
traffic carried on pack-bullocks. Of the SahyMri passes, beginning 
from the north, the first is NiSNl or the Ladder, a steep and difficult 
route from Td,lemachi in Junnar to DivapAnda in the Murbdd sub- 
division of Tbana ; it is impassable for cattle and is little used by foot 
travellers. Ma'lsej at the head of the Madner valley, 2062 feet 
above the level of the sea, is the straight route between Ahmadnagar 
and Kalyan. It descends about five miles from Khubi in Junnar 
to Thidbi in Murbad. In 1826 it was passable by camels and 
elephants, but was steep and in some places narrow with a precipice 
on one side.^ The descent, in which there is an excavation 
containing carved images of the Hindu gods Ganesh and IIanumd,n 
and a cistern of fine water, is paved with large stones. In 1850, 
when the engineers of the Peninsula Railway came to India, the 
Mdlsej pass first engaged their attention. On examination the route 
presented such formidable difficulties that it had to be abandoned, and 
with it the general system of line of which it was a feature. In 1882 
in connection with the proposal to open a cart road down the pass, 
toll-bars were established for six months to ascertain the traffic. The 



Chapter VI. 
Trade. 

EOUTBS. 

1884. 



Passes. 



1 Mr. John McLeod Campbell, O.S. 

' These foot-paths are very intricate. It is with the greatest difficulty that people 
travel along them when loaded with the produce of their fields for the local markets. 
Where the rook is very steep they use a simple bamboo ladder with the help of which 
they can travel by the most direct routes. The ladder consists of a substantial bamboo 
shorn of its branches with a small stump at each joint or division to be used as a step. 
Captain A. Mackintosh (1839) in Trans, Bom, Geog. Soc. I, 290-291. 

' Clunes' Itinerary, 16. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



150 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VI. 
Trade. 

Passes. 



returns showed a considerable Vanjdri bullock traffic outwards 
in wheat, Indian milletj tur, gram, myrobalans, butter, oil, raw sugar, 
chiUies, betel leaves, coriander seed, pulse, turmeric, plantains, 
cattle including sheep, and country blankets ; and inwards in rice, 
salt, ndgli, vari, cocoanuts, dates, sesamum, metal, cloth, bangles, 
betel, fish, rags, paper, and timber. The export and import trade is 
with Junnar and other large villages in the Junnar sub- division. 
Besides the goods traffic there is a large passenger traffic chiefly 
husbandmen from Junnar and the neighbouring parts of the district 
on their way to and from the great labour market of Bombay. 
Six miles south-west of the Mdlsej pass at the head of the Kukdi 
valley are two passes Nangar-dara and BhorIndicha-dara or 
RithtIcha-dara from Anjanvel in Junnar to Bhordnde in MurbM, 
These are steep and difficult, and are used only by Kolis. About a mile 
further south at the head of the same valley, is the NXna pass six 
miles in descent from Ghdtgar to Vaisagre and Dhasai in Murbad. 
Next to the -Bor pass this is the most used route between the 
Deccan and the Konkan within Poona limits.^ At the top the 
road runs through a narrow gorge between two steep rocks, the 
rock on the north being known as N ana's Angtha or thumb. The 
entrance to the pass is by a staircase cut deep through the 
rock and descending fifty to a hundred feet from the level 
of the plateau to a narrow terrace. Flanking the artificial 
staircase, in the precipitous rock which falls from the Deccan level 
to the terrace, are rock-cut caves which apparently were originally 
made, and which still serve, as travellers' rest-houses. The walls 
of the chief cave are covered with a famous inscription of the third 
Andhr^bhritya king Vedishri Shatakami, whose probable date is 
B.C. 90. From the terrace a stair, partly built partly rock-hewn, 
descends through heavily wooded slopes into the Konkan. The 
lower portion is easy and runs along rounded hills.. At 
several places in the pass are rock-hewn cisterns with excellent 
water whose PAli inscriptions show that they were cut about a 
hundred years before Christ. In 1675 the English physician 
Fryer, who had been asked to Junnar by the Moghal governor, 
returned by the N^na pass and found it shorter and easier than the 
Avdpa track up which he had been taken by mistake. At the 
top he was kept waiting by 300 oxen laden with salt, then so 
precious that the saying was whose salt we eat, not whose bread 
we eat. After standing for an hour he persuaded the bullock- 
men to stop and let him pass. Once past the salt bullocks, the road 
was feasible, supplied at distances with charitable cisterns of good 
water, and towards the bottom adorned with beautiful woods.^ In 



1 Near the NAna pass the Poona boundary runs far into the Konkan. The story 
is that in a dispute between the neighbouring Thdna and Poona villages the Mh^ 
of the Poona village pointed out from the top of the Sahyidris a line a long way 
west of the base of the cliff. The Th^na villagers jeered at him telling him to go 
over the precipice and show the line. The Poona MhAr tied winnowing fans under 
his arms and to his legs, and throwing himself over the cliff floated down unhurt. 
On reaching the ground he began to run west to what he called the Poona boundary. 
The Konkan villagers seeing their lands passing away mobbed him to death, and 
fixed the boundary where his body lay. Mr. W. B. Mulock, C,S., Collector of Th^na 
(1882). ' Fryer's East India and Persia, 128-129. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



151 



1826 the pass was frequented by Vanjdris in the dry season, but in 
the rains the steps into which the rock had been cut were in places 
dangerous for cattle. Though this route saved a considerable distance 
in going from Ahmadnagar to Kalydn, people with baggage and 
followers preferred to go round by the Bor pass.^ At present (1884) 
the pass is much used in the fair weather by market gardeners and 
oilmen from Junnar. These men loading their bullocks with packs 
of chillies, onions, and garlic, march from Junnar to Ghdtgar at the 
top of the pass. Here they stop a night and next day their own 
pack-bullocks go down the pass unloaded and the packs are carried 
down the pass by special pass buffaloes belonging to the Ghd.tgar 
villagers. The buffaloes are paid 4^d. (3 as.) a trip. Besides this there 
is a considerable Vanjari traffic in grain from Junnar to Murbad and 
Kalyan. StiU the pass can never be more than a foot and cattle path. 
About ten miles south-west at the head of the Mina valley is 
Ambuli a small rugged pass leading from Ambuli to Palu, not a trade 
route. This though only a footpath is much used as it is the most 
direct route from Junnar to Kalyan. Kute-dara and Tirgun-dara, 
footpaths leading from Hatvij in Junnar to Sondvle in Murbad are 
used only by Kolis, and are so steep that in places steps are cut in the 
rock. GovELi, also a footpath, leads from Khed to Ubrole in MurbM. 
It is steep and little used, Avape, a descent of four miles from 
Av^pe in Khed to Khopivli in Murbad, is passable only for men, 
but is used to carry headloads of clarified butter into the Deccan 
and myrobalans from the Deccan coastwards. In 1675 the English 
physician Fryer on his way to Junnar being misguided had to 
climb the Sahy^dris apparently by this path. The ascent was very 
difficult. There was no path and the breathless bearers threaded 
their way amid hanging trees, the roots of which were laid bare by 
the falling earth. To look down made the brain turn, and over- 
head pendulous rocks threatened to entomb the traveller. Intense 
labour drew tears of anguish from the servants' eyes and with 
much difficulty they carried their load to the top by a narrow 
cavern cut through rock.^ Fryer returned by the Ndna pass. Shidgad 
descendingfrom Kondanvalin Khed to Narivli,is impassable for cattle, 
but is much used by foot-passengers. Three paths, Ghar, Umbra, and 
GXJNAR lead from the Shidgad fort. About one mile west of the 
temple of Bhimashankar are two passes one to the village of Balhiner 
called Ranshil and the other to the village of Khd,ndas called BhimI- 
SHANKAR. In 1826 the Bhimd,shankar paths had much traffic in 
spices, oil, and raw-sugar from the Deccan to Panvel and a return of 
salt from Panvel to the Deccan. Along much of their length old 
curbing and in many places old paving remain. The paths are 
now out of repair and are used only by a few laden bullocks, horses, 
and travellers who are carried in litters from Khdndas. Two other 
footpaths close to the Bhimdshankar pass are called HAtkaevat and 
Sakhartaki. Ambanali two miles south of Bhimashankar is not pass- 
able for cattle . Vajantra a mile further is passable for unloaded 



Chapter VI 
Trade. 

Passes, 



Clunes' Itinerary, 145, 



' Fryer's East India and Persia, 128-129. 



Passes, 



[Bombay Gaietteer, 
152 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter VI. cattle; NiSNl, which is difficult even for men, is the continuation of 
Trade VIjantea. At the head of the Bhima valley is Kolamb also called 

BhatIj two miles south of Kotelgad, now out of repair and fit only 
for foot passengers and unladen cattle. It had formerly much 
traffic in rice and salt from Kalydn. Close to Kolamb is a steep foot- 
path by which a detachment of the 4th Regiment climbed to Englad 
in February 1818 and surprised a party of Kolis.^ About five 
miles south-west, at the head of the A'ndhra valley, three passes 
PhenIdevi, Adki, and SIvle lead from Savle the first to Mdlegaon 
and the last two to Pimpalpada. Sdvle pass, which is paved but is 
in bad repair, was formerly used for dragging wood. In 1826 the 
yearly value of the timber dragged up this pass was estimated at 
£5000 (Rs. 50,000).2 Four miles further south, and also at the head 
of the Andhra valley, is KUSUR 2149 feet above the sea, a winding 
path leading 2 J miles from the village of Kusurgaon to Bhivpuri, 
and -in good repair. The descent is at first easy passing under 
fine shady trees. After some distance it is a steep zigzag down 
the hill-side. Most of it is roughly paved with large stones which 
are said to have been laid by one of the Peshwas. At Bhivpuri 
there is a fine stone reservoir built at a cost of £7500 (Rs. 75,000) 
by Pdrvatibai widow of Sadashiv Chimndji of the Peshwa's family. 
The road is passable for mounted horsemen or laden bullocks, but 
not for carts. It is a great line of traffic from Talegaon to Karjat, 
Neral, Kaly^n, and Panvel. The yearly toll revenue of about £20 
(Rs. 200) is spent on repairing the pass. Galdevicha Rasta leading 
from Jamba vli to Ddk in Karjat and Valvandi Darcha Mal leading 
from Valvandi to Khadvd,i are used by foot-passengers and unloaded 
animals. Nine miles south-west of Kusur, winding close under the 
slopes of Rajmachi, is the footpath of RIjmIchi known in Thdna as 
the Konkan Darvaja or Konkan Gate, leading about five miles to the 
village of Kharvandi on the Ulhas river in Karjat. It was formerly 
passable by laden cattle, but is now out of repair and is used only 
by foot travellers. HiNDOL and Mirra, both of them footpaths, 
lead from Ndndgaon and K\ane in Mdval toKondane inKarjat. Eight 
miles south of Konkan Darvdja, at the top of the Indr^yani valley 
about 2000 feet above the level of the sea is the BoR pass, a winding 
made road from Lond,vla eight miles to Khopivli. At the close of 1779 
the leaders of the unfortunate expedition which ended in the Vad- 
gaon Convention spent four weeks (23rd November-23rd December) 
in making a path fit for artillery up the Bor pass. The track was 
improved in 1804 by General Wellesley. From its importance in 
joining Bombay and Poona the improvement of the Bor pass road 
was one of the first cares of the Bombay Government after the 
fall of the Peshwa. In 1825, according to Bishop Heberwho passed 
through it, the road through the Bor pass though broad and good was 
so steep that a loaded carriage or palanquin could with difficulty be 
taken up. Every one either walked or rode and all merchandise 
was conveyed on bullocks or horses. To have carried a road over 
these hills at all was. Bishop Heber thought, highly creditable to 

1 Clunes' Itinerary, 146. ^ Clunes' Itinerary, 146. 



Deccan ] 



POONA. 



153 



• the Bombay Government, and the road as it stood was probably- 
sufficient for the intercourse that either was or was likely to 
be between the Deccan and Konkan.^ A few years later the pass 
road was greatly improved, and in 1830 it was opened in state by 
Sir John Malcolm, the Governor of Bombay. In 1840 the pass 
road was metalled throughout and completed with bridges and 
drains so as to be passable for carts during the rains. In this year 
the traffic yielded a toll revenue of £2774 (Rs. 27,740) .= In spite 
of the improvement, in 1850 it was so difficult of ascent and descent 
that no one ever thought of driving up or down in a carriage. 
Passengers travelling by the public conveyances were carried up 
and down in palanquins, there being different sets of coaches for the 
high and low portions of the road. Private carriages were pulled 
up or let down by numerous bodies of workmen or else they were 
carried up and down swung from a number of poles resting on men's 
shoulders.' At present (1884) it is a first class metalled and curbed 
road twenty-two feet wide with masonry bridges, culverts, drains, 
dry stone retaining walls, and an easy gradient. It has considerable 
cart traffic from Poona to Panvel and Pen. Wheat, raw sugar, 
oil, clarified butter, millet, and cotton pass westwards, and salt 
passes inland. In 1881 the Bor pass toll yielded £790 (Rs. 7900). 
In 1860 the Peninsula Railway line to Poona was taken across 
the Sahyfidris at the Bor pass.* South of Khanddla Nagphani or 
Cobra's Hood leading from Kurvanda in Maval to Chavri in Karjat 
is used by foot passengers and unloaded animals. Two miles south, 
at the head of the Indr^yani river, KoEONDi passable for laden cattle, 
also leads west to Chavri in Pen. Further south are Kevni five miles 
between Yekoli and Pdchapur, Derya four miles between Ghulka 
and Nenavli, AvLi five miles between Pimpri and Alvane used by 
foot passengers carrying no loads, and Pimpei six miles between 
Pimpri and Patnus used by pack-bullocks carrying myrobalans 
salt and coals. Further south in the Mulshi petty division are 
NiSNi Ambone four miles from Maluste to Md.ngaon ; Ambavne or 
Kalambya five miles from Ambavne to Kalamb ; VIeasdar four 
miles from Saltar to Kondgaon ; Telbeja Savasni four miles from 
Telbela to Dhondse ; NiVE or Savatya four miles from Nive to 
Patnus ; Tamni or Sathpayei three miles from Tamni to Vile, all used 
by foot passengers who often carry head-loads of myrobalans, butter, 
coals, salt, and rice; Gadlot on the direct road from Poena- to 
Ndgothna leading into the Pant Sachiv's state of Bhor ; Lendh or 
Ling, Nisni, and Tamhana, in the extreme south and fit only for 
men, lead into Kolaba. South of these connecting the Bhor state 
and KoMba are several passes Dev, Kxjmbhe, Thibthabe, Kavlya, 
Shevtya, Madhya, Amboval, Gopya, Vaeandha, and Shevta, all 
of which are useful for Poona traffic. 

Of the passes over the spurs that run east from the Sahyddris 
the chief are in the Sinhgad-Bholeshvar range. Four cart roads 



Chapter VI. 
Trade. 
Passes. 



1 Heber's Travels, 200. " Maokay's Western India, 379. 

' Trade Reports, 1840-41, 380-81. 

*■ Details of the Bor pass railway are given below pp. 159-161. 

B 1327—20 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



154 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VI, 
Trade. 

Passes. 



Beidgbs, 



cross the Sinhgad-Bholeshvar range at the Edtraj, Bdbdev, Diva, and 
Bor passes. The Katraj pass is on the new Satd,ra road, a fine 
piece of modern engineering, crossing the crest of the range in a 
tumneL The BAbdev, about ten miles from Sd,svad and between 
Bhivari and Kondhve Budrukh, is on the old Satara road through 
Haveli and Purandhar. In 1803 Holkar brought his plundering 
bands up this pass. It was put in order about the year 1824, and 
for years afterwards was in a prosperous condition. Until 1853 it 
was used for wheeled carriages, but since the opening of the Diva 
and Bor passes in the same range of hills, it has been abandoned. 
In 1853, it was one of the worst specimens of a pass in Western 
India. Its angles and gradients were frightful to contemplate, its 
sharp turns being in some places flanked by low walls which aflForded 
but a slight bulwark against the precipices which they crowned. 
The road in the steepest parts was constantly rough, being covered 
with loose round stones. This ±o some extent served to check the 
impetus of a descending load but greatly increased the toil of draw- 
ing a load up. At present it is impracticable for laden carts and 
is used by pack-bullocks and foot passengers carrying headloads 
of mangoes, figs, and vegetables to Poona from Supa and the neigh- 
bouring villages. The outward traffic is estimated to be worth 
about £200 (Rs. 2000) a year. The Diva pass, between Diva and 
Vadki, seven miles further east and six miles north of Sisvad was 
made in 1853 at a cost of £8500 (Rs. 85,000) from Imperial funds 
to supersede the Babdev pass. The pass is kept in good order 
by yearly repairs, and wheeled carriages can easily go over it. 
Considerable traffic, consisting of grain of every sort, fruit, especially 
mangoes and figs, vegetables, raw sugar, firewood, butter^ oil, cloth 
and other articles of foreign manufacture, metal work, timber, sugar, 
and spices, passes by this route. The inward traffic is worth about 
£20,000 (Rs. 2,00,000) and the outward about £10,000 (Rs. 1,00,000). 
The Bor or Sindavne pass, nine miles further east, near the end of 
the spur, between Vaghapur and Sindavne, is the oldest route across 
the Sinhgad-Bholeshvar range. It was crossed by the Duke of 
Wellington in his famous forced march in 1803,^ and by Peshwa 
Bdjirdv when he fled from Poona in 1 817, Though superseded by the 
Bdbdev pass for traffic with Poona, the road is still kept in repair 
as it is a line of communication between the Urali railway station 
and Sasvad, Jejuri, and other places on the old Sdtara road. It was 
made in 1862 at a cost of about £100 (Rs. 1000) from local funds. 
At present the road is in good order and fit for wheeled carriages. 
The pass is chiefly used by pilgrims from the Urali railway station 
to Jejuri. The traffic chiefly in corn and other articles of daily 
use is worth about £2500 (Rs. 25,000) a year. 

Besides four large bridges and one dam or dharan and several 
minor bridges in the town and cantonment of Poona and Kirkee, 
the district hg,s forty-two bridges of not less than fifty feet long. 
Of the Poona and Kirkee bridges, the Wellesley Bridge 



1 The Duke's famous march of sixty miles iu thirty-two hours was from BArAmati 
to Poona on the 19th and 20th of April 1803. Grant Duff's MarAthAs, 568. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 155 



Bridges. 



called after the Marquis of Wellesley over the Mutha river Chapter VI. 
at the Sangam, 498 feet long, of stone and lime masonry Trade, 

throughout, with eight 52^ feet span segmental arches and cut- 
stone parapet walls, including a roadway 28 1 feet wide and 
forty-five feet above the foundation or river-bed, was built in 
1874 at a cost of £11,093 6s. (Rs. 1,10,933). The original bridge 
which was entirely of wood was built in 1828 and was removed in 

1839. A stone bridge was then built which continued in use till it was 
removed in 1874. The new bridge keeps the name of the former 
bridge, the people changing the word Wellesley into Vasli. Not far 
from this bridge to the west is the railway bridge over the Mutha. 
The Lakdipux on the Mutha river at the north-west end of 
the city was built in 1847, at a cost of £2697 10s. (Rs. 26,975). 
Though of stone it is called the Lakdi Pul or Wooden Bridge, because 
it is on the site of a wooden bridge which was built by one of the 
Peshwds and gave way in the floods of 1840. The present bridge 
is 523 feet long, with nine forty-eight feet span segmental arches 
of stone and lime and parapets of coursed stone and lime masonry 
including a roadway 18j feet wide and 34| feet above the foundation 
or river-bed. The Fitzgerald Bridge over the Mula-Mutha river 
below the Bund Gardens, 1002 feet long, of stone and lime masonry 
throughout, with thirteen sixty feet span semi-elliptical arches and 
stone parapet walls, including a roadway 28^ feet wide and 47 J feet 
above the foundation or fiver-bed, was built in 1869, at a cost of 
£24,153 2s. (Rs. 2,41,531). Holkae's Bridge over the Mula river 
at Kirkee, 548 feet long, is built of stone and lime masonry 
throughout, with nineteen seventeen-feet segmental arches, and a 
parapet of cut teak wood railing, including a roadway fifteen feet 
wide and twenty-eight feet above the foundation or river-bed. The 
KuMBHAE Ves or" Potters' Gate dhara/n or causeway is the oldest 
crossing over the Mutha river near Kasba Peth to the north of Poona. 
The old causeway gave way in the beginning of British rule, and the 
present causeway was built between 1835 and 1840 at a cost of 
about £3000 (Rs. 30,000), paid partly by Government and partly 
by the people. It is built of sdid stone masonry, and is 235 yards 
long and seven yards broad. It has twelve nine-feet wide sluices. 
During the monsoon floods it is under water and impassable. 
The other bridges in the town of Poona are: the HalIlkhoi^ 
or Sweepers' bridge over the Mdnik Nala. sixty-eight yards^ 
long, a massive structure of cut-stone masonry with three, 
five-feet broad vents or waterways leading to the HaMlkhor. 
quarters in Mangalvdr Peth ; it was built between 1835 and 

1840. The Jakat or Toll Bridge, connecting the Mangalvdr and 
Shanvdr Peths, with three twelve-feet vents, was built, between 1836 
and 1840. Here the tolls were levied in the Pesh-vyds' time, 
GoslviPURA Bridge on the Manik stream was built in 1870 at a cost 
of £300 (Rs. 3000). It is a double bridge at a point where the 
main road branches. The arches are single of twenty-two feet 
span. The DAeuvAla or Fireworkers' Bridge on the Ndgzari stream, 
joining the RavivAr with the Nyahdl, Rastia, and Somvdr Peths, was 
built in 1870 at a cost of £1500 (Rs. 15,000). It is fifty-eight yards 
long and. has four twelve-feet side vents. The BgATTl or Brick. 



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DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VI. 
Trade. 

Bbisoes. 



Kiln Gate Bridge on the Mdnik stream joining Rdstia's Peth with 
the Civil Lines was built in 1845. It is a small culvert of 
two seven-feet vents. The Pdrsi bridge or causeway on the 
Nagjhari stream joining Ganesh Peth with R^stia's Peth was built 
in 1830 by a Poona Parsi. It has three five-feet wide vents, and 
is occasionally under water during the rains when it becomes 
impassable. The Ganesh Peth Bridge, joining the Ganesh and 
Nana's Peths, was built in 1835. It is a cut-stone bridge with three 
sixteen-f eet arches. The Burud or Basket-makers' Bridge near the 
Buruds' quarters, joining the Ravivdr and Bhavdni Peths, was built 
between 1840 and 1845 of solid cut-stone masonry. It has four 
nine-feet arches. The GhAsheti Bridge, joining Ganj and Vetal 
Peth with Bhav^ni Peth, was built in 1845 at a cost of £180 
(Rs. 1800). It is of solid cut-stone masonry and has three 
eighteen-feet arches. 

Of the forty-two other bridges in the district, twenty-three are on 
the Poona-ShoMpur road, six on the Poona- Ahmadnagar road, three 
on the Poona-Nasik road, six on the Poona-Panvel road, and four 
on the Poona-Satara road. The bridges on the Poona-ShoMpur 
road were built about the year 1836-37. Most are of coursed, one 
is of uncoursed, and four are of partly coursed rubble masonry. They 
are fifty to 175 feet long, with one to five ten to fifty feet segmental 
arches and eighteen to twenty feet wide roadway from nine to 
twenty-one feet above the foundation or river-bed. The bridges on 
the new Sdtdra road which were built in 1856 are ninety to 162 
feet long, of coursed rubble with three or four twenty to forty feet 
span segmental arches and twenty-four feet wide roadway from 
twelve to twenty-one feet above the foundation or river-bed. Of 
the three bridges on the Poona-Ndsik road, which were built between 
1854 and 1856, two are sixty-five feet, and one over the Mina at 
Ndrdyangaon is 320 feet long of stone and mortar masonry. They 
have from one to nine, fifteen to fifty feet span segmental arches, 
and a roadway twenty to twenty-five feet broad and 10| to twenty- 
five feet above the foundation or river-bed. The six bridges on 
the Poona- Ahmadnagar road, with the exception of the Ghod bridge, 
were built in 1842-43. Four are fifty-five to sixty-three feet long, 
one on the Vel river is fifty-two feet long, and one on the Ghod, 
which was built in 1868, is 800 feet long. They are built of stone 
and mortar masonry with two to sixteen eight to fifty feet span 
segmental or semicircular arches and a roadway sixteen to twenty 
feet wide and 7| to 37 J feet above the foundation or river-bed. The 
Vel bridge cost £2205 (Rs. 22,050) and the Ghod bridge £10,359 16«. 
(Rs. 1,03,598). Of the six bridges on the Poona-Panvel road, the 
Indrdyani bridge which is built of stone and lime masonry, has 
seventeen twenty-feet span two-centre arches and a roadway fourteen 
feet wide and fourteen feet above the foundation or river-bed. 
The Dapuri bridge, which was built in 1842 at a cost of £6858 
(Rs. 68,580), is 994 feet long, partly wooden and partly of stone 
and lime masonry, with thirteen thirty -five feet span arches and a 
roadway twenty feet wide and twenty-six feet above the foundation 
or river-bed. The other bridges are fifty-seven to eighty -fotir feet 
long, of stone, or stone and brick and lime masonry, with two to 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



157 



five ten to twenty-two feet span segmental arches and a roadway 17 J 
feet wide and nine to 13| feet above the foundation or river-bed. 

Of thirteen public ferries, one is a second class, one is a third 
class, and eleven fourth class ferries.^ Two, one across the Ghod 
at Kalamb and the other across the Kukdi at Pimpalvandi on the 
Poona-Ndsik road, are in Junnar ; two, one across the Bhima at Khed 
and the other across the Ehdma at Vdki on the Poona-NAsik road, 
are in Khed ; one, across the Indr^yani at Induri on the Talegaon 
Station road, is in Mdval ; one, across the Bhima at Koregaon on 
the Poena- Ahmadnagar road, is in Sirur ; two, one across the 
Indrdyani at Moshi on the Poona-N^sik road, and the other across 
the Mutha lake at Sangrun are in Haveli ; one across the Nira at 
Pimpri Khurd on the Poona-Satara road is in Purandhar; two 
across the Bhimaj one a third class ferry at Khdnote and the 
other at Pargaon on the Sirur-Sdtdra road are in Bhimthadi ; and 
the remaining two, also across the Bhima, one a second class ferry at 
Hingangaon on the Poona-Sholdpur road and the other at Chandgaon 
on the road to the Pomalvddi railway station, are in Inddpur. 
Except the Sangrun and Induri ferries, which were established in 
1877-78, at a cost of £116 (Ks. 1160) and £356 (Rs. 3560), all these 
ferries were established before 1 875. The two ferries at Sangrun in 
Haveli and Ohandgaon in Inddpur work throughout the year, as the 
water there is always unfordable; the rest work during the rainy 
season only. In 1881-82, the thirteen public ferries yielded a revenue 
of about £388 (Rs. 3880) against £437 (Rs. 4370) in 1874-75. 
During the current year (1884-85) they have been farmed for £555 
(Rs. 5550). Rules framed under the Ferry Act (II. of 1878) fix the 
fares for passengers, animals, carriages, and cradles.^ Besides these 
there is one ferry at Netva in Junnar across the Pushpavati. It is 
maintained by local funds and passengers are carried free of charge. 
There are several private ferries, which, except the ferry across the 
Mula-Mutha below the Sangam bridge near Poona, work during the 
rains only. The ferry boats are generally built in Bombay or in 
Thdna, but some have been made by men brought from Bombay 
in the public works workshops in Poona. They are built on the 
lines of ordinary boats, of wood brought from Kalikat, and at a cost 
varying from £100 (Rs. 1000) for a small boat to carry about fifty 
passengers to £330 (Rs. 3300) for a large ferry boat to carry horses 
and cattle as well as passengers. The most successful form of ferry 



Chapter VI. 
Trade. 

Ferries. 



1 There are four classes of public ferries : I. those that do not make more than six 
trips in a day of fourteen hours ; II. those that do not make more than ten trips; III, 
those that do not make more than fifteen trips ; IV. and those that make more than 
fifteen trips. 

*The sanctioned charges are : Passengers exclusive of children in arms ^d. (J a.) in 
second and f d. (J a. ) in third and fourth class ferries ; four-wheeled carriages, Is. 
(8 cts,)in second, and 9d, (6 as.) in third anpl fourth class ferries ; two-wheeled carriages, 
Sd. (6 as.) in second, 6d. (4 as. ) in third, and i^d. (3 as. ) in fourth class ferrips ; laden 
ponies, horned cattle, and mules, 3d. (2 as.) in second, and l^d. (1 a.) in third and 
fourth class ferries ; unladen ponies, horned cattle, and mules, and asses, IJcJ. (1 a.) in 
second, and |d. (J a.) in third and fourth class ferries ; camels, i^d. (3 as.) in second and 
3ii. (2 as.) in third and fourth class ferries; sheep and goats, 4Jd (3 as.) in second and 
lid. (1 a.) in third and fourth class ferries ; palanquin with bearers Is. (8 as.) in second 
and third and 6d. (4 as.) in fourth class ferries ; and litters or pdlnds with bearers, 
6d. (4 as.) in second and third and 3d. (2 as.) in fourth class ferries. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



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DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VI. 
Trade. 

FEKE3E3. 



Rest-Houses. 



boat is two boats, each twenty-two feet to thirty-seven feet long 
by 5J to ten feet broad joined together by a top frame. The 
boat -men are Kolis by caste. Ferry boats are in many cases worked 
by flying bridges. A wire rope is hung fi'om bank to bank above 
water level with a puUy working on it to which the boat is 
attached, and, being kept at an angle to the run of the stream, goes 
across by the pressure of the stream water against the boat, the 
pulley sliding along the iron rope and so bringing the boat straight 
across the river. 

Besides five European travellers' bungalows, ten district revenue 
officers' bungalows, and nine public works bungalows^ there 
are 156 rest-houses or dharmshdlds, for the use of native 
travellers, and five for the use of troops. Of the five European 
travellers' bungalows, four, at Lonikand, Kondhapuri, Sirur or 
Ghodnadi, and Dhond, are on the Poona-Ahmadnagar road, and 
one at Khandd,la is on the Poona-Panvel road. Of the ten district 
revenue officers' bungalows, one is at Otur in Junnar, one at 
Chdkan in Khed, one at Sfevad in Purandhar, one at Loni Kalbhar 
in Haveli, three at Ravangaon Supa and Yevat in Bhimthadi, and 
three at Inddpur Kumbhdrgaon and Loni in Inddpur. Of the 
nine public works bungalows, two at Kdrla and Vadgaon are on the 
Poona-Bombay road ; one near the Nira bridge is on the old Poona- 
Sdtara road ; one at Pargaon on the Sirur-Nira bridge road ; one at 
Baramati on the Indapur-Nimbat road; one at Vir on the Nira 
canal head-works road ; one at Nardyangaon on the Poona-Nasik 
road ; and two at Pdtas and Bhigvan on the Poona-ShoMpur road. 
Of the 156 rest-houses or dharmshdlds for the use of native 
passengers, all of which are not situated on high roads, 
nine are in Junnar, four at Khubi, Dingora, Rljuri, and 
Belhe on the Mdlsej-Ana pass road, and three at Kalamb, 
Ndrayangaon, and Junnar on the Poona-NAsik road ; thirty are in 
Elhed, none on any highroad ; eleven are in Maval, five at Talegaon, 
Vadgaon, Khadkala, Valavhan, and Khanddla on the Poona- 
Bombay road ; eighteen are in Sirur, four at KoregaoU; Shikrdpur, 
Kondhapuri, and Ganpati's Ranjangaon on the Poona-Ahmadnagar 
road ; twenty-six are in Haveli, two at Vagholi and Lonikhand on 
the Poona-Ahmadnagar road, one at ShivApur on the new Poona- 
Sdt^ra road, one at Bhosri on the Poona-Ndsik road, one at Dapuri 
on the Poona-Panvel road, and one at Urali Kanchan on the Poona- 
Sholapur road ; seventeen are in Purandhar, two at Sdsvad and 
Jejuri on the old and one at Kikvi on the new Poona-Satara road ; 
thirty-two are in Bhimthadi, five of them at Yevat, Kedgaon, Pd,tas, 
Dhond, and Ravangaon on the Poona-Sholapur road ; and thirteen 
are in Inddpur, five of them at Bhigvan, Daij, Loni, and Ind^pur, on 
the Poona-ShoMpur road, and three at Nimbgaon-Ketki, Lasurna, 
and Sansar, on the Indd,pur-Bd,rd,mati road. There are also 354> 
village offices or chdvdis which are used by native travellers as rest- 
houses in villages which have no other resting places. Of the five 
rest-houses for the use of troops, two, at Vadgaon and Khanddla,. 
are on the Poona-Bombay road, one at Lonikand is on the Poona- 
Nasik road, and two at Kondhapuri and Sirur (Ghodnadi) are on 
the Poona-Ahmadnagar road. 



Deccau-l 



POONA. 



159 



The district roads have nineteen toll-bars, thirteen of them on 
provincial roads and six on local fund roads. Of the thirteen 
provincial toll-bars, six at Khadk^la with a sub-toll at Tikvi, 
Dd,puri, Hadapsar, Yevat, Kumbhdrgaon, and Indapur, are on the 
Poona-ShoMpur road ; two, at K^traj and Kikvi, are on the new 
Sd,td,ra road ; two, at Lonikand with a sub-toll at Vdgholi and 
Ranjangaon, are on the Poona-Sirur road ; and three, at Kurali, 
Peth, and NSrayangaon, are on the Poona-N^sik road. Of the six 
local fund toll-bars one isat the Nira Bridge on the old Satara road, 
one at Hingne-Khurd on the Poona-Sinhgad road, one at Bhugaon 
on the Poona-Paud road, one at Shetphal-gadhe on the Bdramati- 
Khinoti road, one at Khalumba on the Vadgaon-Shikrapur road, and 
one at Aund with a sub-toll at Banera on the Aund-Sheld,rvadi road. 
All the toll-bars, both on provincial and local fund roads, are sold 
every year by auction to contractors. In 1884-85 the auction bids 
amounted to £7430 (Rs. 74,300) for tolls on provincial roads and 
£2344 (Rs. 23,440) for tolls on local fund roads, or £9774 (Rs. 97,740) 
in all. 

During the last quarter of a century communications have been 
greatly improved not only by making roads, but also by opening 
the Great Indian Peninsula Railway which for 106 miles passes 
through the district from west to east. It enters the district at 
Khandala near the crest of the Sahyadris which is about 2000 
feet above the level of the sea. For about twenty miles the 
line runs through a rough and hilly country. It next passes 
through the fertile plain lying between the Indrayani and Pauna 
rivers twenty-one miles south-east to Poena. Prom Poena its 
course is east along the valleys of the Mula-Mutha and Bhima, 
forty-eight miles to Dhond, and then south-east, seventeen miles to 
Diksd,l, where it enters ShoMpur. It has eighteen stations : Khandala 
seventy-seven miles from Bombay, Lonavla 79^ miles, Kdrla 84|- 
miles, -Khadkdla 89^ miles, Vadgaon ninety-six miles, Talegaon- 
Dabhdde ninety-eight miles, Shelarvadi 104 miles, Chinchvad 109 
miles, Kirkee 115^ miles, Poonall9 miles, Loni 129J miles, Urali 137 
miles, Yevat 145 miles, Kedgaon 152^ miles, Pdtas 159 miles, Dhond 
165i miles, Boribyal 172t miles, and Diksd.1 183 j miles. The line 
was begun in 1856 and the section from Khandd,la to Poena was 
opened for traffic on the 14th of June 1858 and from Poena to Diksal 
on the 15th December of the same year. From Dhond, which is on the 
Poena frontier, runs the Dhond and Manmdd State Railway, the chord 
line which joins the north-east and south-east sections of the Great 
Indian Peninsula Railway. This line from Dhond to Ahnladnagar 
was opened on the 16th March 1878. Dhond is the only station on 
the line within Poena limits. Throughout the district the Peninsula 
railway line was easily made. Khanddla, which is provided with a 
safety siding, is the fourth and Lonavla is the fifth station on the Bor 
pass incline.^ Besides ordinary buildings costing £250 to £1500 



Chapter VI. 
Trade. 

TOI-LS. 



Railway. 



* The Bor incline begins at Karjat station near the village of Palasdhari, sixty-two 
miles from Bombay and 206 feet above mean sea level. As the crest of the ascent is 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



160 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VI. 

Trade- 

Railway. 



(Rs. 2500 - 15j000) with quarters for a station-master and a booking 
ofl&ce and waiting rooms, at Khanddla, Khadkdila, Talegaon, Kirkee, 
Poona, TJrali, Kedgaon, Patas, and Dhond, and refreshment-rooms 



2027 feet, the height of the incline is 1831 feet and the distance fifteen miles, or an 
average gradient of one in forty-six. At ThikurvAda the first station, about six 
miles from the bottom, safety sidings are provided, into which any train can be 
turned and stopped. The next station is at the Battery hill and the third is at the 
reversing station at the eleventh mile, where, by means of a siding, the train leaves 
the station in the opposite direction to which it entered. This change is very ad- 
vantageous at this particular point. It allows the line to be laid in the best direction 
as regards gradients and works, and raises its level at the steepest part of the preci- 
pice. The fourth station is at KhandAla at the thirteenth mile, where also a safety 
siding is provided, and the fifth is at Lon^vla on the crest. KhandAla and LonAvla are 
within Poona limits. On leaving Palasdhari or Karjat the line keeps to the western 
flank of the great Songiri spur. In the first four miles are very heavy works, which a 
second survey showed to be necessary to reduce the gradients that were first laid out. 
Some heavy embankments bring the line through the first mile. It then keeps round 
the Songiri hill, passing on its course through six tunnels of 66, 132, 121, 29, 136, and 
143 yards. Then bending north with very heavy works the line climbs round the 
Mihukimalli and Khami hills to the station at Thdkurvdda, 6J miles. In the last 
two miles there are eight tunnels of 286, 291, 282, 49, 140, 50, 437, and 105 yards, 
and five viaducts which though not very long are very lofty All except the last are 
of masonry, with fifty-feet arches, one viaduct having eight, one six, and two four 
openings. The fifth viaduct, originally of eight fifty-feet arches, was replaced by two 
Warren girders of 202 feet span. The least height of pier is seventy-seven feet, two 
are ninety -eight, one 129, and one 143. Leaving this section of tunnels, for two 
miles beyond the Khami hill, the line runs along a natural terrace or case in the rook, 
without any obstacle, as far as Gambhirnith where the terrace is cut by two sheer 
rocky ravines. Crossing these ravines by two small viaducts, one with six forty-feet 
and the other with four thirty-feet arches, with jjiers forty-eight and eighty-eight 
feet high, the line keeps along the same cess for two mUes to the bold outstanding 
rock called NAthAcha Dongar. In the last two miles are heavy works, nine tunnels 
of 81, 198, 55, 63, 126, 79, 71, 280, and 121 yards. Beyond this the railway enters 
on the long and fairly level neck that forms the link between the Songiri spur and 
the main range of the Sahyd,dris. At the end of this neck, llj miles from the foot, is 
the reversing station, which was considered the best arrangement for surmounting 
the last great difficulty on the incline, the ascent of the scarp of the SahyAdri face. 
By means of the reversing station the line is taken up the remaining five miles by 
gradients of one in thirty-seven, one in forty, and one in fifty, with two tunnels of 
346 and of sixty-two yards, and with a viaduct of one sixty-feet and eleven forty-feet 
arches. The line leaves the reversing station by a curve of fifteen chains on a gradient 
of one in seventy-five, pierces Elphinstone Point by a long tunnel of 346 yards, 
keeps along the edge of the great KhandAla ravine, reaches the hoUow where'is 
Khanddla station, and then, following the course of the Khandila ravine, crests the 
Sahyddris at the village of Lon^vla. Besides the leading viaducts the incline has 
twenty-two bridges of seven to thirty -feet span ; and eighty- one culverts two to six 
feet wide. The total cutting, chiefly through rock, is two millions of cubic yards ; 
and the greatest depth is, on the central line, seventy-six feet, and, on the faces of 
the tunnel through Elphinstone Point, 150 feet. The cubic contents of the embank- 
ments are 2J millions of yards, the greatest height of bank on the central line being 
seventy -five feet, though many of the outer slopes are 150 and some of them are as 
much as 300 feet. There are in all twenty-six tunnels, of a total length of 3986 yards, 
or more than 2J miles, six of them being more or less lined with masonry for a total 
length of 312 yards. There are eight viaducts. The length of the incline is fifteen 
miles and sixty-eight chains, of which five miles and thirty -four chains are straight and 
ten miles and thirty- four chains curved. The sharpest curves are one of fifteen chains 
radius for a length of twenty- two chains, and another of twenty chains radius for 
twenty -eight chains. Between a radius of twenty and of thirty chains there are curves 
of a total length of one mile and forty-eight chains, and the rest have a radius of be- 
tween thirty-three and eighty chains. The steepest gradients are one in thirty-seven 
for one mile and thirty-eight chains, and one in forty for eight miles and four chains, 
the remainder being between one in forty-two and one in_seventy-five. The only excep- 
tions are one in 330 for twenty- three chains and a level of one mile and fifteen chains. 
The line is double throughout. It cost £68,750 (Ks. 6,87,500) a mile or about 



Deccan] 



POONA. 



161 



at Poona and Dhond, a large station has been built at Londvla at a 
cost of £30j000 (Rs. 3,00,000) witli large waiting and refreshment 
rooms. Workshops have also been constructed at Lonavla, as well 
as a church, a school, a library, and quarters for the engine-drivers 
and other servants of the company. As the water of the Indrayani, 
which runs outside the Lonavla station-yard, was insufficient during 
the hot weather, a reservoir was built at a considerable cost at 
Bhushi about two miles to the south of Londvla from which an 
abundant supply of fresh water is now available. The water is 
carried by cast-iron pipes to Londvla, Khanddla, and to the reversing 
station. The company has lately agreed to supply the village of 
Lonavla with water, the cost of the connection being borne by 
Municipal and Local Funds. 

Since it was opened large quantities of goods have been drawn to 
the railway. Much traffic which used to go down the rough tracks 
of the Sahyddris from Junnar and Khed now finds its way by the 
Ndsik highroad to the Talegaon railway station. Much of the export 
trade which used to go to Bombay along the old Satdra, SholApur, 
and Ahmadnagar roads through Poona is now attracted to the nearest 
railway station. At the same time the ordinary roads are by no 
means abandoned. Bdrdmati and IndApur, the large markets in the 
east of the district, though only seventeen and twelve miles from 
the railway, have a direct road trade with Bombay and keep up the 
relatively high position they enjoyed before the railway. The 
railway has increased competition by throwing open the local trade 
as it were to the whole of India and has almost defeated combi- 
nations to keep up the price of grain or other articles of general 



Chapter VI. 
Trade. 

Eailway. 



fl, 100,000 (Rs. 1,10,00,000) in all. The tunnels were the most difficult part of the 
work. Nearly all were of very hard trap. The steep forms of the hUls prevented 
shafts being sunk, and, as the drifts had to be made solely from the ends, much skill 
and care were required in setting out the work on the sharply- curved inclines, so as 
to ensure perfectly true junctions. The viaducts are partly of block in coarse masonry, 
as abundance of admirable building stone was everywhere at hand. But the masonry 
work was not good, and there have been some failures, chiefly the MAhukimalli viaduct 
which had to be rebuilt. Another cause of danger and trouble is the slipping of rain- 
loosened boulders. To ensure its safety all boulders had to be moved from the hill 
sides above the line. The land slips were particularly troublesome in the lower part 
of the incline. Shortly after the first engine passed, on the 30th March- 1862, the 
whole of one of the open cuttings, near the foot of the incline, was filled and had to 
be pierced by a tunnel of arched masonry. 

The incline took seven years and a quarter to complete. It was carried out entirely 
bj' contract. The contract was first let to Mr. Faviell in the autumn of 1855, and the 
works were begun on the 24th January 1856. In June 1858, two miles of the upper part 
of the incline, from Khandila to LonAvla were opened for traffic. In March 1859, 
Mr. Faviell gave up his contract ;• and, for a short time, the Company's engineers 
carried on the works. In the same year the contract was relet to Mr. Tredwell. But 
he died within fifteen days of landing in India, and the work was completed by Messrs. 
Adamson and Clowser, managers for the contractor Mrs. Tredwell. These gentlemen 
carried on the work with the greatest zeal and ability. Their good and liberal 
management collected and kept on the work a force of 25,000 men during two seasons, 
and in 1861 of more than 42,000 men. 

The rails used on the incline weigh eighty-five pounds to the yard, and were made 
with special care so as to secure hardness and flexibility. Under the fish-joints a 
eaat-iron chair, spiked to longitudinal timber bearers, is fixed so as to support the 
bottom of the rail and to give additional strength and security to the joint. The 
incline is worked by pairs of double-tank engines of great strength and power. 
Thdna Statistical Account, Bombay Gazetteer, XIII. 326-9, 



B 1327-21 



[Bombay Gazetteeis 



162 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VI. 
Trade. 

Railway. 



Post Offices. 



local use. - The mercliaiits complain that though trade has greatly 
increased^ profits have greatly fallen. 

The making of the "Western Deccan section of the Southern 

Marditha railway was sanctioned in December 1883, and the Work 

was begun in March 1884. Of the whole length of 242 miles, 45 1 

mileslie within Poena limits. The line starts from Poena, 119f miles 

from Bombay, and for about ten miles runs almost parallel to the 

Peninsula railway at a distance of about three miles to the south. 

Near Loni, ten miles east of Poena, the line turns more to the south, 

and skirts the Sinhgad-Bholeshvar range,rising with a ruling gradient 

of one in a hundred till it crests the Bhor incline about twenty-one 

miles south-east of and about 675 feet above the Poena railway" 

station. From the top of the pass the line turns south, and, leaving 

Sasvad about eight miles to the west, passes almost straight south to 

Jejuri thirty-two miles south-east of Poona. At Jejuri it crosses 

the Purandhar hills, and runs generally southwards till near Nimbat, 

45i miles from Poona, it crosses the Nira river about three miles 

west of the Poona-Tasgaon road and enters Satd,ra. The country 

over which the line passes is a series of parallel hills, running east 

and west, and divided by more or less wide valleys which slope 

from west to east. This section of the line will be difficult and 

costly. The great length of hill line involves heavy gradients, 

many curves and tunnels, and much bridging and walling. Not 

counting the terminus at Poona there will be four third class stations, 

Phursangi ten miles from Poona, Vdghpur twenty-four miles, 

Jejuri 32 miles, and V^a' forty-one miles. The ruling gradient 

will be one in a hundred throughout and the sharpest curve will be 

above 500 feet radius. As good stone is plentiful, all the bridges 

are intended to be arched. The important bridges will be the 

Karha bridge, twenty-nine miles from Poona, with five fifty-foot 

arches and an estimated cost of £7300 (Es. 73,000), and the Nira 

bridge, 46^ miles from Poona, with eight fifty-foot arches, at an 

estimated cost of £87u0 (Rs. 87,000). There will be two tunnels in 

the Bhor incline, one 600 feet long estimated to cost £11,400 

(Rs. 1,14,000) and the other 600 feet long estimated to cost £13,700 

(Rs. 1,37,000). There will be about 63,832 cubic feet of retaining 

wall on the Bhor pass, costing about £2820 (Rs. 28,200). The 

permanent way will cost about £1890 (Rs. 18,900) a mile. The 

estimated cost of the whole Western Deccan section is £8300 

(Rs. 83,000) a mile. 

The district of Poona forms a part of the Poona postal division. 
Besides the chief receiving and disbursing office at Poona, the 
district contains thirty sub-offices, two of them in Poona, and 
twenty-four village post offices. The chief disbursing office at 
Poona is in charge of a post-master, who draws a yearly salary of 
£300 (Rs. 3000) rising to £360 (Rs. 3600). The two Poona sub- 
offices, one in the city and another in the New Bi,zir, and the 
twenty-eight sub-offices, at Dhond, Bdramati, Ohdkan, Chinchvad, 
Diksd,l, Ghoda, Ind^pur, Jejuri, Junnar, Kedgaon, Khadkdla> 
Khandala, Khed, Kirkee, Lonavala, Mah^lunga, Manchar, Nd,r%an- 
gaon, Pd,ta8, Purandhar, Sasvad, Sirur, Supa, Talegaon-Dabhdde, 



Deccau] 



POONA. 



163 



Talegaon-Damdhera.Otur, Vadgaon^and Kirkee Bazdr, are in charge 
of sub-postmasters drawing yearly salaries varying from £18 
(Rs. 180) to £72 (Rs. 720). The twenty-four village post offices, 
at Ale, Alandi, Alegaon, Avsari, Avsari Budrukh, Belhe, Chas, 
Davdi, Kadus, Kalamb, Kikvi, Malthan, Morgaon, Narsingpur, 
Nimbgaon, Pabal, Parincha, Paud, Peth, Pimpalvandi, R4juri, 
Vada, Valha, and V^phgaon are in charge of village schoolmasters 
who receive yearly allowances varying from £3 (Rs. 30) to £6 
(E,s. 60). There are fifty-six postmen for delivery of correspon- 
dence. Of these, one receives £18 (Rs. 180) a year, eleven receive 
£14 8s. (Rs. 144) a year, and the remainder £9 12s. (Rs. 96) a year. 
Gratuities to runners for delivering letters at some of the villages 
vary from £1 4s. to £2 8s. (Rs. 12-24) a year. Seventy-one village 
postmen deliver letters at small villages. Of these twenty-four, 
receiving yearly salaries of £10 16s. (Rs. 108) each and thirteen of 
£12 (Rs. 120), are paid from Imperial, and eighteen receiving 
yearly salaries of £12 (Rs. 120) and sixteen of £10 16s. (Rs. 108) 
are paid from provincial funds. At the village post offices only 
money-orders are issued aad at the other post offices both money 
order and savings' bank business is carried on. Mails for the 
district of Poena to and from Bombay are carried by the Peninsula 
railway. A ponycart post runs between Sirur and Kedgaon and 
another from Poena to S^t4ra, KolhSpur, and Belgaum. The dis- 
bursing post office and the town sub-offices ai-e directly subordinate to 
the disbursing postmaster of Poena. The sub-office at Dhond and 
the village post office at Narsingpur are under the supervision of the 
superintendent of post offices Ahmadnagar division, and the village 
post office at Kikvi is' under the superintendent of the Deccan 
division. The remaining offices are sujjervised by the superintendent 
of post offices Poona division whose head-quarters are at Poona, 
and who is paid a yearly salary of £480 (Rs. 4800) rising to £600 
(Rs. 6000) in five years. He is helped in the Poona district by an 
inspector whose head-quarters are at Poena and whose yearly salary 
is £120 (Rs. 1200) paid from provincial funds. 

Besides the Peninsula railway telegraph offices there is one 
Government telegraph office at Poona. 

SECTION II.— TEADE. 

Of late years, except the development caused by cheap and rapid 
carriage, there has been no marked change in trade. Among the 
people there is a growing fondness for foreign articles of dress and 
comfort. Husbandmen also show more intelligence in meeting the 
demand for particular produce. Of late years the great increase in 
the demand for oilseeds and raw sugar has led to a large increase in 
their production and export. This increase has been made possible 
by the opening of canals and other water-works. The oilseeds go 
chiefly to Bombay and the raw sugar to Bombay and Gujarat. 

Traffic passes from and to the Sirur sub-division by the Poona- 
Ahmadnagar road to Poona or - to Kedgaon and so by rail to 
Bombay; it passes from and to the Indapur sub-division by the 
Poona- Sholapur road to Poona or by rail from Chandgaon or 
Diksal to Bombay; it passes from and to the B.hinithadi snb-. 



Chapter VI. 
Trade 

Post Offices. 



ClIANGIiS. 



Trade Coubsjs 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



164 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VI. 
Trade. 

TuADE Course. 



Trade Centbbs, 



division by the Bdrdmati-Nira bridge on the Jejuri road to Poona,, 
by the Sholapnr road to Poonaj or by rail to Bombay from Dhond 
or Patas ; it passes from and to the Purandhar sub-division by the 
old Satara road to Poona and thence by rail to Bombay, or by the 
new Satara road to Poona and thence by rail to Bombay ; it passes 
from and to the Haveli sub-division by the Poona- Sholapur road, 
by the Poona-Ahmadnagar road, by the new Sdtara road to Poona, 
by the Poona-Panvel road and by the Paud road to Poona, and 
thence by rail to Bombay ; it passes from and to the Maval sub- 
division by rail at Talegaon, Londvla, or Khanddla to Bombay ; it 
passes from and to the Khed and Junnar sub-divisions by the 
Poona-NAsik road to Poona or by the branch from the Nasik road to 
Talegaon and thence by rail to Bombay. 

The chief agencie&for spreading imports and gathering exports are 
trade centres, markets, fairs, village shops, and peddler's packs. The 
chief trade centres are : Junnar, Ndrayangaon, and Ale in Junnar ; 
Khed, Manchar, Ghoda, Ambegaon, Avsari, Vaphgaon, Pimpalgaon, 
and Mahalunga in Khed; Sirur and Talegaon-Dhamdhere in 
Sirur ; Khandala and Talegaon-Dabhdde in M^val ; Poona, Chdrholi- 
Budruk, Phulgaon, Paud, V^gholi, and Loni K^lbhar in Haveli ; 
Sasvad and Jejuri in Purandhar j Supa, Bar^mati, and Patas in 
Bhimthadi ; and Inddpur. Of these Khandala, Talegaon-Dabhade, 
Poona, Loni Kdlbhar, and Patas are on the Peninsula railway. 

The leading merchants are Marwdr VAnis, Grujardt Vd.nis, Bohords, 
Parsis, and Brahmans, with capitals of £100 to £16,000 (Rs. 1000 - 
1,50,000). Except Junnar, Ambegaon, Talegaon-Dabhade, Poona, 
Charholi-Budruk, Sasvad, Bardmati, and Inddpur, which trade 
direct with Bombay and other large markets, the trade of the other 
centres is mostly local, not passing to places outside of the district. 
The merchants that deal direct with Bombay and other large 
markets are generally Marwar Vdnis and Bohoras. They export 
grain and other produce, principally garden crops, and import hard- 
ware, country and European piece-goods, haberdashery, stationery, 
dried fish, salt, rice, and oocoanuts. The same merchants deal 
both in imports and exports. Though every branch of trade is 
open to all classes, Bohords have practically a monopoly of the 
hardware trade, and most of the larger grain-dealers are either 
Marwar or Gujarat Vanis. In the different local trade centres, 
though they do business only on a small scale, the traders are 
independent. Regular trading is not generally carried on through 
agents, but large traders occasionally make use of the services of 
agents when they are unable themselves to make purchases either 
in the villages or in Poona and Bombay, Field produce passes 
through sevetal hands before it leaves the district. It goes to 
market generally through the village shopkeeper, who passes it on 
to a dealer in some large town, who sends it direct to Bombay or to 
some export merchant in Poona. Some rich landholders, but these 
are exceptions, themselves bring their produce to the large markets 
of Poona and Junnar, Tirgal Brahmans and Mdlia, who generally 
grow betel leaves vegetables and fruit, send the produce of their 
gardens to Poona or to Bombay. The village shopkeeper generally 
gathers articles of export in exchange for money advanced ox lent, 



Deccanl 



POONA. 



165 



Like exports, imported articles pass through several hands, the 
wholesale merchant in Bombay, the importer in Poena or other local 
centre, the dealer who buys from the importer, and the petty 
retailer who buys from the dealer and sells at his village shop or at 
some fair or market. In Poona itself imported articles sometimes 
pass through two hands only, the wholesale merchant in Bombay 
and the importer if he is also a retail merchant. The consumer, 
rarely buys from the importer. Occasionally another middleman the 
wandering peddler, comes between the consumer and the importer. 

The brokers are mostly Lingayats but a few are Gujarat and 
Marwdr Vanis, Mar^thas, Kdchhis, and Muhammadans. Their 
number is small, perhaps about a hundred. They are usually paid 
three per cent. (^ a.) in bill transactions and l^d. to 3d. (1-2 as.) on 
the palla of 120 shers in com transactions. In cloth purchases their 
brokerage is as much as two per cent, and in dealings in gold and silver 
ornaments it is a quarter per cent. As a rule brokers carry on no 
other business, but there is no rule or custom to prevent their engag- 
ing in other business, nor are their transactions limited to any one 
branch of trade. 

Next to the chief trade centres in the spreading and gathering 
of goods come the market towns, where a market is held on a fixed 
day in the week. Of forty -four villages where weekly markets are 
held, six. Ale, Anne, Junnar, Madh, N^rayangaon, and Otur, are in 
Junnar ; nine, Ahire, Ambegaon, Chdkan, Ghode, Khed, Mahdlunge, 
Manchar, Vdde, and Vaphgaon, are in Khed; ten, Ambegaon, 
Chandkhed, Kdrla, Nd,na, Nilshi, Shivane, Tdkvi-Budrukh, Tale- 
gaon-Dabh^de, Umbre, and Vadgaon, are in Mdval ; five, Bhdmburda, 
Bhorkas, Ghotavde, Mulshi, and Paud are in Haveli ; six, Ghodnadi, 
Kavthe, Kendur, Malthan, Pdbal, and Talegaon-Dhamdhere are in 
Sirur ; four, Kikvi, Parinche, Sasvad, and Valhe are in Parandhar ; 
five, Bardmati and Dhond, and Patas, Karkamb and Yevat on the 
Poona- Sholapur road, are in Bhimthadi ; and four, Bhigvan, Indapur, 
Nimbgaon-Ketki, and Palasdev are in Indapur. Of these the most 
important are Bd.rd.mati, Bhd.mburde, Dhond, Ghodnadi, Ghotavde, 
Junnar, Manchar, Sasvad, and Talegaon-Dhamdhere, with an 
attendance of 150 to 700 sellers and 500 to 2500 buyers. In the 
rest the attendance varies from twenty-five to 150 sellers and from 
forty to 200 buyers. All these markets are distributing centres, and 
about one-sixth, Bardmati, Ghodnadi, Inddpur, Junnar, Khed, 
Sasvad, and Talegaon-Dhamdhere are also gathering centres. The 
chief articles brought for sale are grain of all sorts, cloth, vege- 
table and fruit, groceries, spices, and other articles of daily use. 
Besides these articles, shoes, ropes, brooms, baskets, and blankets 
are offered for sale at Bdrd,mati and Sdsvad, and cotton at Indapur. 
The sellers are Vanis, Malis, Momins, Kachhis, Tambats, Tdmbolis, 
confectioners, Mangs, Kolis, and others, some of them producers and 
others either dealers or dealers' agents, belonging to the market town 
or to some neighbouring village. The buyers are people of all castes 
in the market town and in the neighbouring villages. There is no 
barter except that small landholders and others, including Mhdrs, 
Mdngs, Chambhars, Ild.moBhis, Kolis, and Musalmdns, who have no 



Chapter VI. 
Trade. 

Trade Cbntkes. 



Market Towns. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



166 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VI. 
Trade. 



Fairs. 



Village 
Shopkeepers. 



money, receive oil, tobacco, vegetables, chillies, and fish in exchange 
for grain. Cattle markets are held at Ghodnadi, Manchar, Indapur, 
Bdrdmati, and Junnar once a week, and at Bhdmburde near Poona 
a half-weekly cattle market is held on Wednesdays and Sundays. 
Horses, ponies, cows, buffaloes, sheep, and goats are brought for sale • 
by Kunbis and others. The chief buyers are Kunbi and other 
landholders, and butchers at the Bhamburde market. 

Of sixty-five yearly fairs, seven, at Ale, Otur, Nimdari, Ojhar, and 
Ndrayangaon, Belhe and Hivre, are held in Junnar ; eight, at 
Nimbgaon-Ketki (twice), Kharpadi, Kelgaon, Ch^kan, Kadadhe, 
Dhamne, and Bhovai-giri (Bhimdshankar) in Khed ; two at Vehergaon 
and Vadgaon in Maval ; eighteen at Bhdmburde (twice), Pashan, 
Parvati (twice), Higne Khurd, Kondhanpur, Vadi, Bolhai, Dehu, 
Chinchvad, Ravet, Paud, Grhotavde, Shera, Tamanhi-Budruk, 
Vadgaon, Aksai, and Niva in Haveli; eleven, at Shirasgaon, Vadgaon, 
Mandavgan, Rdnjangaon, Malthan, Mukhai, Pimple, Jambut; 
Kavthe, Talegaon-Dhamdhere, and Kanhur in Sirur; ten, at S^svad 
(twice), Jejuri (Pour times). Pur, Vir, Malshiras, and Diva in 
Purandhar ; eight, at Valki, Pd,rgaon, Nangaon, Varvand, Supa, 
Dhond, and Morgaon (twice) in Bhimthadi ; and one at Narsingpur 
in Indapur. All of these, except those at Belhe and Hivre in 
Junnar which are chiefly attended by Musalmans, are Hindu fairs 
held in honour of some local deity. The attendance varies from 
200 to 25,000. Large dealers do not attend and there is not much 
trade, the estimated value of articles sold generally varying from 
£1 to £40 (Rs. 10-400). At Dhond, Morgaon, Jejuri, 'Vir, 
Malshiras, Nimbgaon-Ketki, Bhovargiri, Vehargaon, Kondhanpur, 
Vadgaon, and Aksai, the transactions amount to not less than 
£100 (Rs. 1000), and sometimes to as much as £2500 (Rs. 25,000). 
The usual salesmen are sweetmeat-makers, gardeners, and grain- 
parchers, but coppersmiths, weavers, tailors, grocers, tassel-makers, 
and betel-leaf growers generally attend some of the larger fairs 
with stocks of metal vessel?, cloth, bangles, blankets, groceries, oil, 
and clarified butter and spices. The buyers are consumers, villagers 
from the neighbourhood, and pilgrims. Occasionally Mhars, Kolis, 
and some Kunbis exchange grain and fuel for oil, salt, and chillies. 
Otherwise there is no barter. 

Except small groups of huts in the hills every village has its 
shopkeeper. The village shopkeeper is usually a Gujarat or a 
Marwar Vdni, but sometimes a Lingayat Vani, a Teli,and occasionally 
a Kunbi or Musalmd,n. Except grain which he buys from local 
owners, the village shopkeeper draws his stock in trade from the large 
towns with which he has business relations, and where probably the 
moneylender, on whom he is often dependent, lives. His stock in trade 
generally includes grain, groceries, raw and refined sugar, salt, oil, and 
clarified butter tup, spices, cocoanuts, and all other articles required 
for daily use by the people. Though every shopkeeper does not 
keep a store of cloth, it is not necessary to go to the sub-divisional 
centre to buy cloth. In each sub-division ten or twelve villages have 
cloth shops. Except in the western hills cloth can be bought in 
one village out of every ten. Cloth can also be bought at all 



Ddccan] 



POONA. 



1G7 



weekly markets. Besides robes or lugdds, waistcloths or dhotai-s, 
and strong dongri cloth woven in the district at Bdrdmati, Junnar, 
Sd,svad, Kavthe, and Indapur, the cloth-merchants have stocks of 
Bombay and European cloth which they generally buy in Bombay. 
Cloth is bought by people o£ all castes from the village in which 
the shop is as well as from villages near which have no shop. Shop- 
keepers sometimes exchange their wares for grain to Kunbis and 
other poor people who have no ready money. The village shop- 
keepers have usually moneylending dealings with people of all 
castes, except Brdhmans, in the village as well as in the neighbour- 
hood. They have no connection with large trading firms. They 
themselves or sometimes their agents or relations go to fairs and 
market towns. 

Below the village shopkeepers come the travelling peddlers, 
who are generally Gujarat Mdrwar or Ling^yat Vdnis, Shimpis, 
Mails, Bdgvdns, Kas^rs, Sonars, Sangars, Tdmbolis, Telis, Atars, 
BairAgis, and Komtis. They have their head-quarters at Poona 
or some other large town where they buy or prepare the contents 
of their packs. They carry their goods on horse or bullock back 
and sometimes on their own shoulders. They go from village to 
village and visit the market towns and fairs within their circuit, 
and are known to their customers. Vanis take groceries and spices ; 
Shimpis cloth and ready made clothes ; Malis fruit and vegetables ; 
' Bagvdns groceries, spices, and vegetables; Kdsars, Bairagis, and 
Komtis metal vessels and dishes, and the other K^sars bangles; Sonars 
cheap ornaments ; Sangars blankets ; Tdmbolis betel leaves and nuts ; 
and Telis oil. Cloth is also hawked about by Musalman peddlers 
who of late have been hawking perfumes and pearls. All these 
except the last sell their goods on credit or for cash to Kunbis, 
Musalmdns, Mhars, Mangs, and others. The sale of perfumes and 
pearls is restricted to the higher classes and to cash payments 
only. MAlis, Bagvans, and sometimes Vdnis barter their goods with 
Kunbis and others for grain. Baird,gis and Komtis sometimes 
exchange their goods for old clothes, lace borders of turbans, and 
other clothes. Except Mdlis and Bagvdns, who travel throughout 
the year, the peddlers set out on their tour at the end of September 
or the beginning of October, and return before the rains. 

Decrease in cost both of making and of carrying, and a larger 
margin of earnings among the bulk of the lower classes, have of 
late years led to a great increase in the amount of imports. The 
importers are chiefly Gujarat and Mdrwar Vanis. The. chief 
imports are, grain including rice, hdjrij'vdri, wheat, pulses including 
gram tur hulga math udid and mug, oilseeds including earthnuts 
and khurdsni, cotton seeds, moha Bassia latifolia flowers, salt, fish, 
metals, raw and refined sugar, tobacco, timber, hardware, indigo, 
twist, piece-goods and silk, matches, kerosine oil, haberdashery, 
porcelain, and European liquor. Kice, which is used in small 
quantities only by the upper classes of Hindus, is brought from 
Ahmadnagar and Thdna. Bdjri is brought from Ahmadnagar and 
Sholapur, and )vdri, hulga, math, udid, mug, tur, and gram are 
brought from Sholapur. Wheat, especially the excellent bakshi or 
garden wheat, comes from the Nizam's country, Sholapur, Khdndesh, 



Chapter IV. 
Trade. 

Village 
Shopkeepers. 



Peddlers. 



Imports. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, , , 



168 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter IV. 
Trade. 

Imports. 



and Gujarat. Oilseeds areb rought into Purandhar and the eastern 
subdivisions by Telis and the usual import traders, from Ahmad- 
nagar and Sholapur, and by Mardthas, Musalmans, and Lingdyat 
Vdnis from Phaltan and Sd,tdra. Cotton seeds which are used for 
feeding milch-cows are brought from Ahmadnagar, Khdndesh, and 
ShoUpur, Moha flowers come from Thana, Eatnagiri, Gujardtj and 
Jabalpur, and are sold to liquor contractors. Salt, which was 
formerly brought by pack-bullocks, now comes mostly by rail, and 
a little by the Ndna and Mdlsej passes from Thdna- Dry fish are 
brought from Bombay and Thdna by rail, and by the Nana pass by 
Musalmdns, Bhois, and butchers. Under imported metals come 
gold, silver, copper, brass, iron, lead, zinc, and tin. During the' 
American war large quantities of gold and silver found their way 
into the district. Most of the gold and silver were made into 
ornaments ; the rest was hoarded. During the 1876-77 famine a 
large quantity of gold and silver ornaments left the district chiefly 
to Bombay. Since the famine year better harvests have again 
started the import of silver and gold. Copper and brass were 
formerly imported in blocks and worked first into sheets and then 
into vessels. Of late years ready made sheets have been largely 
imported from Bombay and considerably lowered the price of 
brassware. Copper and brass ready-made cooking arid drinking 
cups, of which there is a growing manufacture in the city of Poona, 
are also brought from Nasik. They are used by all but the poorest 
classes. The import of iron has of late greatly increased and it is 
made in considerable quantities into water pails and butter and oil 
Iron is also much used for cart tires and axles. All of it 



cans. 



comes from Bombay, brought chiefly by Bohora Musalmdns. 
Imported groceries, chiefly dates cocoanuts and spices, are largely 
used by all classes. They are brought by rail as well as on pack- 
bullocks by the NAna and Malsej passes, from Bombay, and by rail 
from ShoMpur. Refined sugar comes from Bombay, and raw sugar, 
of which since the opening of the Mutha Canals a large quantity 
is produced in Haveli, is brought into Poona from Phaltan, Satdra, 
Kolhd,pur, and the Bombay Karndtak. In Poona city there is a 
large trade in raw sugar. During 1875-76 nearly 3750 tons (5260 
hhandis) valued at £45,236 (Rs. 4,52,360) were imported. A large 
proportion of the imports are exported chiefly to Ahmadabad. Tea 
and coffee which are used only by a few classes are brought from 
Bombay in small quantities. Tobacco is brought by Lingdyat Vdnis 
and Tdmbolis from Sd,tdra, Sholapur, Miraj, Sdngli, and Kolhapur. 
Malabdr teak comes from Ratnagiri and Thana. Other timber 
also comes from Bhor, Ndsik, and Thd,na. Indigo and silk are 
imported from Bombay bj rail. English and Bombay cotton twist 
i3 brought by Bohoras and Gujardt Vdnis and distributed over the 
district to handloom weavers. Of late the outturn of the Bombay 
factories has to a great extent taken the place of English yarn. Piece- 
goods are of two chief kinds, hand-made and steam-made. The 
hand-made goods, waistcloths, turbans, and women's robes, which 
are prepared in considerable quantities in the district at Sdsvad, 
are also brought from Burhanpur, Yeola, Ahmadnagar, Paithan, 
Ahmadabad, and N%pur. The machine-made piece-goods are 



Deccau] 



POONA. 



169 



Bombay coarse strong cloth, chiefly for waistcloths, sheets, and 
towels from Bombay, and European finer fabrics and prints 
brought by Bohords and Gujarat V^nis from Bombay. Of late 
yearSj except during the 1876-77 famine, the import of stea.m-made 
piece-goods has rapidly increased, the cheapness both of Manchester 
and of Bombay goods stimulating the trade. Silks, like piece- 
goods, are of two kinds, machine and hand made. There is little 
local demand for steam-made European silks, but the produce of 
the Bombay silk mills is gradually taking the place of hand- 
made silks. Hand-made silks, chiefly turbans, scarfs, and bodice- 
cloths, from Burhdnpur, Yeola, and Paithan, and brocades from 
Surat and Ahmadabad, are brought into the district by Mdrwar 
and Gujarat VAnis, Bohords, and tailors. The chief dealers in silks 
are Mdrwdr and Gujardt Vdnis, Bohoras, Momins, and Patvegars. 
No class of merchants deals exclusively in silks, but almost all 
rich merchants keep silk fabrics in stock. Carpets or satranjis 
are brought from Agra, Ahmadnagar, and Khandesh. Glassware 
chiefly China bangles are brought by Kasdrs and other glass articles 
by Bohor^ and other Musalmdns. European liquor comes from 
Bombay. Of late the import of matches and of kerosine oil has 
greatly increased ; they are now found even in small villages. Well- 
to-do Musalmans and Pdrsis have taken to use English furniture 
and China ware. The use of tea, coffee, and European liquor by 
wealthy Hindus has also become common. 

Of Exports the chief are, of vegetable products, grain, cotton, 
raw sugar, vegetables, betel leaves, myrobalans, and roots and barks 
for dyeing ; of animal products, honey, hides, and horns ; and of 
manufactured articles, clarified butter, brassware, shoes, silk cloth, 
home-spun cotton cloth, ivory and wooden toys, and perfumes. 
Under grain, besides hdjri and jvari, come wheat and gram. 
Since the opening of the railway the export of perishable produce 
has greatly increased. Among the chief branches of this trade are 
the export of betel leaves, vegetables, and fresh fruit from the 
Haveli and Purandhar sub-divisions, and of potatoes from Junnar 
and Khed. The trade is rapidly growing on account of the 
impetus given to market -gardening by irrigation from Lake Fife. 
Plantains are sent from Ale, Otur, and Junnar to Bombay by 
Talegaon, also from Valha in Purandhar by the old Satdra road 
to Poona. Grapes are sent from Vadgaon, Kanddli, Rdjuri in 
Junnar, and from Pdbal and Kendur in Sirur. Figs are sent from 
Diva, Parincha,^ Sondvri, Gurholi, Mahur in Purandhar, and from 
Gogalvddi and Alandi-Chordchi in Haveli. Pomegranates are sent 
from Supa, Devalgaon, Gadag, Vadgaon in Bhimthadi, and from 
Alandi-Chordchi and Urali-Kdnchan in Haveli. Mangoes are grown 
extensively at Khed Shivdpur in Haveli, also at Sdsvad, Chambli, 
Supa Khurd, Bhivri, and Bapgaon in Purandhar, and Ausari-Khurd 
and Kadus in Khed. In ordinary years small quantities find their 
way to Bombay. Oranges and guavas are grown at Kothrud, 
Yerandavna, Mundhva, Parbati, Mali, and Munjeri, and sent for 
sale to Poona. Limes are grown at Kurli, Parbati, Yerandavna, 
Vdnavdi, and Mundhva. Potatoes are largely grown in the Khed 
sub-division, and from Khed as ^from Junnar they are sent by 
Talegaon. They are also sent from Talegaon-Dhamdhere and Pd,bal. 

B 1327-22 



Chapter VI. 
Trade. 

IMPOKT.S. 



Exports. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



170 



DISTEICTS. 



Chapter VI. 
Trade. 

Exports. 



Eauwat 
Teafpio. 



Onions are sent from the Talegaon-Ddbhade station. Chillies are 
sent by the same route from Kahu, Gulani, Vdphgaon, Chdkan, 
Bhos in Khed, and from Khodad, N^rayangaon, and Arvi in Juanar. 
Cabbages and other fresh vegetables, as gTeenchiWies, ghevda Dolichos 
lablab and govdri Cyamopsis psoraliodes pods, and the young shoots 
of coriander or kothimhir go in considerable quantities to Bombay. 
In the village of Chdrholi-Budrukh on the Indrdyani, upwards of 
£4000 (Rs. 40,000) are said to be invested in growing betel leaves. 
Betel leaves are also produced, principally by Marathds and M^lis, 
in Belhe in Junnar, Parincha Mahur and Diva in Purandhar, Alandi 
and Uondi in Khed, Mahamadvd,di and Vtoavdi in Haveli, Nimbgaon- 
Ketki and Vihali in Inddpur, and Vapanda in Bhimthadi. The trade 
in betel leaves is rapidly growing on account of the impetus given to 
market-gardening by irrigation from Lake Life. From the north of 
the district there is a considerable export of myrobalans to Bombay. 

Colouring roots are prepared by Mhdrs, Mangs, Chambdrs^ and 
Musalmd.ns, and sold to Parsis, Dhors, and Musalmans who send 
them by rail to Bombay, Poona, Ahmadnagar, and other places. 
Bdjri is sent from Haveli, Purandhar, Khed, and Junnar 
by cart to Poona by Mar war and Gujard,t Vdnis and cultivators. 
Jvdri is sent from Indapur, Bhimthadi, and Sirur by rail and 
cart to Poona. Nearly three-fourths of the cotton grown is 
sent by rail from the eastern sub-divisions to Bombay by 
Bhdtias and Marwar and Gujarat Vanis. Raw sugar, which 
is imported in large quantities, is also exported to Ahmadabad. 
Junnar hand-made paper was formerly largely exported, but of late 
the trade has much fallen. In Haveli metal-ware is made in large 
quantities in the city of Poona by coppersmiths and others who 
send the articles by rail to Bombay and ShoMpur, and by road to 
Sdtara, Kolhdpur, and other places. In Junnar the metal-ware 
suffices only for local use. Inddpur, Sirur, MAval, Bhimthadi, 
Purandhar, and Haveli export hides, horns, and bones chiefly to 
Bombay and Poona, and Junnar, and Khed export hides and horns 
only. The dealers are generally Mdngs, Mhars, MusalmAns, and 
butchers. About 200 cartloads, each containing twenty hides, go 
every year from Junnar, and 100 cartloads from Khed each contain- 
ing twenty-five to thirty hides. Inddpur sends about 500 mans 
of these articles, Purandhar about 500 to 1000 hides and 200 to 500 
horns, and Haveli five to seven thousand hides. A Parsi has started 
a bone store at Bhdmburde near Poona. In Juimar, the export of 
hides and horns is on the increase. 

A comparison of the Peninsula railway, traffic returns, during the 
eight years ending 1880,^ shows a rise in the number of passengers 
from 767,186 in 1873 to 1,140,136 in 1880, and in goods from 69,290 
tons in 1873 to 112,682 tons in 1880 against 125,245 in 1878. The 
chief passenger station is Poona with an increase from 462,145 in 
1873 to 593,897 in 1880 against 608,089 in 1878. Other important 
passenger stations with a comparatively small goods traffic are 
Dhond, the junction of the Peninsula railway and the Dhond- 
Manmad State railway, with an increase from 24,673 in 1873 to 



' Detailed traffic returns are not available from 18S1 to 1883. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



171 



135,699 in 1880 ; Talegaon with an increase from 63,071 in 1873 to 
98,085 in 1880 against 103,751 in 1878 ; Lonavla with an increase 
from 44,837 in 1873 to 57,209 in 1880 against 66,441 in 1878; 
Chinchvad with a decrease from 44,017 in 1873 to 25,355 in 1880 ; 
Kirkee with an increase from 30,224 in 1873 to 41,309 in 1880 
against 42,739 in 1878 ; Khandala with an increase from 13,115 in 
1873 to 28,925 in 1880 ; and Khadkdla with an increase from 19,127 
in 1873 to 26,921 in 1880 against 26,985 in 1878. In 1880 the 
passenger traffic at the remaining stations varied from 5115 
passengers at Boribyal to 23,138 at Diksdl. Poona is also the chief 
goods station showing an increase from 47,226 tons in 1873 to 
84,345 tons in 1880. Other important goods stations but with a 
comparatively small traffic are Talegaon with an increase from 
5944 tons in 1873 to 10,732 tons in 1880 ; Dhond with an increase 
from 4599 tons in 1873 to 4758 in 1880 against 25,975 in 1878 ; 
Diksdl with an increase from 1532 tons in 1873 to 4062 tons in 
1880 against 4285 in 1878 ; Kirkee with a decrease from 4152 
tons in 1873 to 3414 tons in 1880 ; and Lonavla with a decrease 
from 1530 tons in 1873 to 1252 in 1880. The goods traffic at the 
remaining stations in 1880 varied from 339 tons at Loni to 783 
tons at Urali. There was no goods traffic at Kd,rla, Vadgaon, 
SheMrvadi, Yevat, and Boribyal. 

The following statement shows for each station the changes in 
traffic during the eight years ending 1880 : 



Poona PENmsuLA Railwa 


r, Passsnoer autd Goods Traffic, 1873, 1878, 1880. 


SlATION. 


Miles 

FROM 

Bombay. 


1873. 


1878. 


1880. 


Passen- 


Tone of 


Passen- 


Tons of 


Passen- 


Tons of 






gera. 


Goods. 


gers. 


Goods. 


gers. 


Goods. 


Khand&la 


77 


13,115 


2521 


26,278 


553 


28,925 


730 


Lonavla 


79i 


44,837 


1530 


66,441 


1132 


57,209 


1262 


K&rla 


84J 






8352 




9138 




Khadk&la 


89i 


l'9Jl27' 


"389 


26,935 


"l45 


26,921 


'739 


Vadgaon 


96 










6841 






98 


63i071 


6944 


lo'siTsi 


"4712 


98,085 


lo','732 


Shel&rvfidi 


104 










10,181 




Chinchvad 


109 


4'4ioi7 


"824 


28;474 


"'881 


25,365 


"686 


Kirkee 


116i 


30,224 


4152 


42,739 


3775 


41,309 


3414 


Poona 


119 


462,145 


47,226 


608,039 


81,775 


693,897 


84,345 


Loni 


129i 


6,902 


56 


12,704 


448 


12,621 


339 


Urali 


137 


13,501 


278 


18,164 


483 


20,819 


783 


Tevat 


145 






12,817 




12,014 




Khedffaon ... 


162i 


13,'229 


133 


17,768 


"'560 


17,802 


• "489 


Pitas 


159 


14,3-29 


106 


17,447 


526 


15,067 


463 


Dhond 


165i 


24,673 


4599 


81,044 


26,976 


135,699 


4768 


Boriby&l 

Diks&l 

Total ... 


172i 






4989 




5115 




183i 


I'sioio 


1532 


25,652 


"4286 


23,188 


4062 


767,186 


69,290 


1,101,694 


125,246 


1,140,136 


112,682 



In the goods returns the chief changes are, under exports, an 
increase in fruits and vegetables from 8760 tons in 1873 to 13,736 tons 
in 1880 against 7186 tons in 1878 ; in sugar both raw and refined from 
716 tons in 1873 to 2080 tons in 1878 and to 3595 tons in 1880 ; in 
grain from 1019 tons in 1873 to 7514 tons in 1878 and to 1797 tons in 
1880 ; in metal from 678 in 1873 to 1573 in 1878 and to 1419 tons in 
1880; in firewood from 101 tons in 1873 to 770 tons in 1878 and 
to 1172 tons in 1880; in oil from 213 tons in 1873 to 728 tons in 
1878 and to 630 tons in 1880; in hides and horns from 259 in 
1873 to 506 tons in 1878 and to 587 tons in 1880; in tobacco 



Chapter VI 
Trade. 

Railway 

Traffic. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



172 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VI- 
Trade. 

Railwat 

Tratwc. 



from eighteen tons in 1873 to fifty -two tons in 1878 and 227 tons 
in 1880 ; in linseed and sesamum oilseeds from eighty-two tons 
in 1873 to 126 tons in 1878 and to 104 in 1880; in cotton an 
increase from 1582 tons in 1873 to 2584 tons in 1878 and 
a decrease to 704 in 1880 ; a decrease in salt from 522 tons 
in 1873 to seventy-six tons in 1878 and to twenty-seven tons in 
1880 ; and in timber from 225 tons in 1873 to 100 tons in 1878 
and to thirty-three tons in 1880. The other exports besides 
sundries^ which amounted to 8394 tons, varied in 1880 from two 
tons of Europe twist to seventy-six tons of country piece-goods. 
Under imports there was an increase in grain from 18,077 tons in 
1873 to 41,856 tons in 1878, and to 47,222 tons in 1880; in metal 
from 1902 tons in 1873 to 3774 tons in 1878, and a decrease 
to 3276 tons in 1880 ; in sugar both raw and refined an increase 
from 1146 in 1873 to 1496 tons in 1878, and a decrease to 1224 
tons in 1880 probably due to the large production of raw-sugar 
in the district consequent on the increased cultivation of sugar-^ 
cane along the Khadakvdsla icanals ; an increase in firewood from 
128 tons m 1873 to 734 tons in 1878, and a decrease to 644 in 1880 ; 
in moha flowers from nothing in 1873 to 214 tons in 1878 and 
to 560 tons in 1880. There was only a slight increase in the 
imports of Europe piece-goods " from 685 tons in 1873 to 742 in 
1878 and to 774 tons in 1880 ; and in country piece-goods there 
was an increase from 721 tons in 1873 to 862 tons in 1878 but 
afterwards a decrease to 676 tons in 1880. In Europe twist there 
was a decrease from 364 tons in 1873 to 332 tons in 1878 and to 
198 tons in 1880. In country twist there was an increase from 
234 tons in 1873 to 342 in 1878 but afterwards a decrease to 244 
tons in 1880. Other imports besides sundries, which amounted to 
1 9,419 tons, consisted of cotton eleven tons and of wool ten tons. 
There was a decrease in fruits and vegetables from 1204 tons in 
1873 to 1090 in 1878 and to 789 in 1880 ; in oilseeds from 1094 
in 1873 to 680 in 1878, but afterwards an increase to 750 tons in 
1880 ; in oil there was a decrease from 994 tons in 1873 to 806 
in 1878, but a slight increase to 910 in 1880. The details are : 
PooNA Peninsula Eailwat Goods Tbapivc, 1873, 1878, 1880. 







1873. 


1878. 


1880. 




Outward. 


Inward. 


Outward. 


Inward. 


Outward. 


Inward. 


Ck>tton 

Fruit 

Firewood 

Grain 

Hides and Horns 

Oilseed 

Metal 

Jlfofet Flowers 

Oil 

Piece-goods, Eiirope ... 
„ Country ... 

Salt 

Sugar, Baw and Refined 

Sundries 

Timber 

Twist, Europe 

„ Country 

Tobacco 

Wool 




Tons. 
1682 
8760 
101 
1019 
259 
82 
678 

"ais 

"'l7 
622 
716. 

7824 
225 

'" 2 

18 


Tons. 

14 

1204 

128 

18,077 

59 

1094 

1902 

■994 

685 

721 

1170 

1146 

16,676 

2774 

364 

234 

19 

11 


Tons. 

2584 

7186 

770 

7614 

606 

126 

1673 

88 

72 

2 

33 

76 

2080 

9863 

100 

1 

2 

52 

9 


Tons. 

2 

1090 

7S4 

41,866 

233 

680 

3774 

214 

806 

742 

862 

1304 

1498 

34,625 

2721 

332 

342 

218 

1 


Tons. 

704 

13,736 

1172 

1797 

687 

104 

1419 

8 

630 

3 

76 

27 

359S 

8394 

33 

2 

28 

227 

12 


Tons. 

11 

789 

644 

47,222 

266 

760 

3276 

660 

910 

774 

676 

697 

1224 

19,419 

2102 

198 

244 

66 

10 


T 


otal ... 


22,018 


47,272 


33,213 


92,032 


32,554 


80,128 



Deccan] 



POONA. 



173 



At Dhond, the only station of the Dhond and Manmdd railway 
within Poona limits, the traffic consisted of 29,264 in and 31,977 out 
passengersj and 610 tons of exports and 136 tons of imports in 1879 
against 64,406 in and 61,440 out passengers and 4780 tons of exports 
and 112 tons of imports in 1880. 

There are no trades-unions or mahdjans in the district, nor is there 
any Nagarshet or recognized head in matters of trade. DaydrAm 
Atmdrdm, a Vani, who died fifteen years ago and was the 
recognized head of the banking business, was the last Nagarshet 
of Poona. Disputes between traders are frequently referred to 
the whole body of traders in any one branch of trade. The chief 
members form a committee or panch, and their decisions are always 
accepted. Formerly a few recognized head traders formed the 
panch in each trade, but here as elsewhere the levelling tendency 
of British rule has had its efiect, and, except that petty dealers are 
not consulted and do not expect to be asked to join a trades meeting, 
all the members of a trade have, and exercise, an equal right to 
appear at a meeting of a trade's panch. Kegular strikes are 
unknown, but a falling market or scarcity of labour from time to 
time causes changes in wages. When any change has to be made the 
chief members of the trade meet the artisans and after discussion 
fix a revised rate. In this manner in 1881 a claim by the silk 
weavers for a rise in wages was settled in their favour after the 
matter was discussed with the silk merchants. The decisions of 
these committees have hitherto been accepted as final. At the same 
time there is no recognized means of enforcing them except that if an 
artisan refuses to work at the rate settled he receives no employment. 
So also traders will cease to deal with any member of their 
trade who refuses to abide by the decision of a trade committee or 
panch. 

SECTION III.— CBAFTS.1 

Except cotton hand-loom weaving which to a small extent is carried 
on in thirty-seven towns and villages and some small metal work, 
silk weaving, and paper making at Junnar the industries of the 
district centre in the city of Poona. For Poona city details of 
twelve crafts have been collected. These are, in order of impor- 
tance, the making of copper and brass vessels, the weaving of silk 
and cotton cloth, the making of gold and silver thread, glass bangles, 
ivory combs, clay figures, iron pots, felt and paper, tape weaving and 
wood turning. Of these the making of copper and brass vessels 
and the weaving of silk and cotton cloth with or without gold and 
silver thread are the most important and flourishing. Glass bangles, 
ivory combs, felt and tape are in good local demand. Poona clay 
figures are admired and are bought chiefly by Europeans. On 
account of their cheapness iron pots are taking the place of the large 
brass and copper vessels used for storing water and grain. Paper 



Chapter VI. 

Trade. 

Railway 
TBArric. 



Crafts. 



1 From materials supplied by Mr, B. A, Gupte, Head Clerk Sir J, J. School of Art 
and Industry. 



rBombay Gazetteer, 



174 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VI. 

Crafts. 

Brass Wokk. 

Workmen. 



making is declining and none of the woodturnera' work has more 
than a local sale. 

The Poena brass industry supports (1883) about seventy dealers 
and 2320 workers. This number includes 810 Tdmbats or makers 
of large articles, 500 Jingars or makers of small articles, 50 Otaris 
or casters, and 960 Kdsdrs or brasiers. The hereditary copper 
brass and bellmetal workers of Poena, the Tambats, Jingars, 
Otaris, and Kd^sdrs are quiet easy-going people. All speak incorrect 
MarAthi and live in one-storeyed bouses of which seven belong to 
the Tambats, fifty or sixty to the Jingars, and thirty to the Otd.ris. 
They generally live on vegetable food, but are allowed to eat 
mutton and fish as well as to drink liquor which they take on holidays 
and special feasts. The Kasdrs and Tdmbats dress like Brdhmans 
and the Jingars and Otd,ris like Mardthfis. As the demand 
for brass ware is brisk and growing, no Tdmbats, Jingars, Otaris, 
or Kas^rs have of late given up their hereditary craft. Within 
the last fifteen years their numbers have been more than doubled 
by local Mard.tha Kunbis whom the high profits of brass working 
have drawn from the fields and the labour market but who so far 
confine themselves to the rough parts of the work. The hereditary 
coppersmith classes work from seven to ten or eleven and again 
from two to six. In the busy season, that is between November and 
May, they work extra hours even till midnight. Like other 
local Hindu craftsmen, Kd.sars stop work on the no-moon day or 
amdvdsya at the end of every lunar month, on kar the day after 
the Mahdsankrdnt in January, for five days at Holi or Shimga in 
March- April, for two during Divdli in October- November, and on 
the day after an eclipse either of the sun or of the moon. They also 
rest on Oanpati's Fourth in August and on Gauri's Day about the same 
time, and for ten days at Dasara in October. All rest on any day 
on which one of the community dies. They have no trade guild, 
but join ia paying a half-yearly tax to the goddess Kalika for whom 
they have built a temple in Kasba ward which costs 14s. to 16s. 
(Rs. 7-8) a month to keep up. The Kd.sdir's Kali differs from 
other local Kdlis in having camel supporters on each side of her 
instead of elephant supporters. Also instead of offering her a goat 
or buffalo, on the eighth day of the Navrdtra that is two days before 
Dasara, they offer her the false calabash gourd kohola Cucurbita 
lagenaria, which perhaps from its dark colour, is believed to be a 
transformed giant. Pour pegs are driven into the fruit to represent 
legs and arms and it is cut with a sword, and thrown into the sacred 
fire. A little brass and bellmetal is smelted by the Jingars and Ota- 
ris but the bulk of the copper and brass comes in sheets about three 
feet by four by rail through Bombay chiefly from England and Aus- 
tralia. They are brought from Bombay by Marwir and Gujarat 
Vanis and given to be worked by Tambats. The sheets or brasiers 
are of three kinds, thick middle and thin, which differ little in price 
as they are sold by weight. The copper costs £4 8s. to £4 10s. 
(Rs. 44-45), and the brass £3 8s. to £3 10s. (Rs. 34-35) the hundred- 
weight, with two shillings extra one for brokerage and one for 
carriage. A coppersmith has fifteen chief tools and appliances. 



Deccan.] 

POONA. 175 

A stone or dagad about three feet above and two feet under Chapter VI. 
ground on wbich the copper and brass plates made by melting old Grafts- 

broken pots are beaten. As it baa to stand very rougli usage this 
stone is chosen of flawless black basalt very carefully smoothed. Brass Work. 
One of these stones is said sometimes to cost as much as £10 Tools. 

(Rs. 100). Since the import of metal sheets has grown so common 
the stone has almost fallen into disuse : Five hammers or ghans 
worth 8s. (Rs. 4) each : A pair of bellows or bhdtds worth 12s. (Rs. 6) : 
Four iron hooks or orapnis each worth 6d. (4 as.) : Four pairs of 
tongs or sdndsi worth 10s. (Rs, 5) : An anvil called sandhdn or mekh, 
a long upright iron bar polished at one end on which the pot is 
placed and beaten, worth about 4s. (Rs.,2) : Twenty to twenty- 
five special anvils or kharvais, thick iron bars bent and smoothed at 
one end, together worth £12 to £15 (Rs. 120-150) : Four ordi- 
nary anvils or airans together worth £2 (Rs. 20) : About fifty 
small hammers or hathodds with which the pot is beaten when it 
is placed on the bar anvil together worth about £10 (Rs. 100) : 
Two pairs of scissors for cutting the copper or brass sheets each 
worth 4s. (Rs. 2) : A wooden stand or stool called Ichodve for sup- 
porting the bar anvil. This is a block of wood with two legs about 
60° apart, and, in the angle between the legs, a solid block of 
wood with a pole in the middle. Through the hole in the block the 
bar anvil is passed slanting till its one end rests on the ground and 
the top end remains standing out about a foot from the hole. The 
coppersmith sits on the low end of the bar anvil puts the pot at 
which he is working on the top end of the bar anvil, and, holding 
the pot in his left hand, beats it into shape with a hammer held in 
his right hand : Two files worth 2s. (Re. 1) each which last for only 
a year : Two pairs of compasses or haivars together worth 4s. (Rs, 2) : 
Two hollow stones or uhhals each worth 8s. (Rs. 4) on the top 
of which the sheet is laid and rounded by hammering : Eight 
chisels or chhanis for cutting the metal together worth about 3s. 

(Rs. m. 

Jingars or brass-casters have sixteen chief tools and appliances : 
An anvil or airan worth 10s, (Rs. 5) : Four bar anvils or kharvais 
together worth 16s. (Rs. 8): Four hammers or hathodds together 
worth 8s. (Rs. 4) : A pair of tongs or sdndsi worth Is. (8 as.) : Two 
pairs of scissors together worth 2s. (Re. 1) : Five yearly-renewed files 
or kdnsis each worth 3c?. to 9c?. (2-6 as) : A vice or shagda worth 
8s. (Rs. 4) : A pair of bellows or bhdtds worth Is. (8 as.) : A saw or ' 
karvat worth Is. (8 as): Aniron bar or sawcZAow with oneend smoothed 
to serve as an anvil worth about 4s. (Rs. 2) : A flat iron rasper or 
rdndha, six inches by half an inch with one end bent and sharpened 
used for scraping and polishing pots, worth Is. (8 as) : A borer 
or sdmta worth l^d. (1 an.) : A twenty-four inch foot rule or gaj 
worth 3d, (2 as) : A square iron tray or tds worth 6d. (4 as) : A 
palm leaf fan or hadpana used in fanning the fire worth |d (| a.) : 
And two or three crucible catchers or chydks. The chydk is an iron 
ring about three feet round with two long iron bars fastened at equal 
distances apart. Over the ends of these bars a second ring about 
twenty inches across is passed and moved up and down the bars 
so as to increase or reduce the space above the base ring. In working 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



176 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VI. 

Crafts- 
Brass Work. 

Proctss, 



Articles. 



the chyak the base ring is lowered into the furnace so as to surround 
the crucible, and the movable ring is forced down the bars till the 
crucible is tightly pressed between the bars and can be drawn out of 
the furnace. 

In making brass, bellmetal or hose, and white metal or pancharasi, 
the alloy is smelted in a pit about three feet round and four or five 
feet deep. At the bottom of the pit a bellows' tube is firmly fixed, 
and over the bellows' tube are laid three or four flat-bottomed dome- 
topped crucibles or pots, about eighteen inches high and a foot round. 
The crucible, which is called mus, is made by the brass workers 
themselves of powdered broken China, flint, and ashes. After putting 
some borax or savdgi into the crucibles to serve as a flux, if brass is 
to be made, they are filled with broken pieces of copper and zinc and 
closed by an air-tight plug. Charcoal, dried cowdung-cakes, and wood 
are heaped over the crucibles. The fire is lighted, and, with the help 
of the bellows, is blown to a white heat. The men know the time, gene- 
rally four to five hours, which the alloy takes to form. When the metal 
is ready each crucible is grasped in" the chyak and lifted out of the 
furnace. On taking it out the side of the crucible is bored by the 
point of a nail, and the molten metal flows into shallow clay troughs 
where it is left to cool. When cool the solid mass is dragged from 
the trough by a pair of tongs or sdndsi, laid on the stone or dagad, 
and beaten to the required thinness. To form metal sheets, whether 
local or imported, into the required shapes, the sheet is laid on the 
floor and the workman traces on it with a pair of compasses, the pieces 
required for the upper and the under parts of the vessel to be made 
and cuts out the two pieces with scissors or with a chisel. The metal 
is then softened in the fire and hammered, and again softened and 
again hammered, the alternate hammering and heating being 
repeated three or four times till it is beaten into shape. The two 
pieces are then soldered with brass, borax or savdgi, and- chloride of 
ammonia called navasdgar. The men work in bands of five or six 
dividing the labour. Some make the rough outline of the shape, 
others shape the neck, a third set form the lower piece, a fourth solder 
the shaped pieces, and a fifth polish the whole. All the polishing 
which the Tambats give is a rough scrubbing with a mixture of 
powdered charcoal and tamarind pulp, followed by beating with a 
small hammer till the whole surface is covered with hammer marks 
or facets. 

Poona copper and brass articles may be arranged under fourteen 
groups. Those used in the kitchen, those used in eating and 
drinking, those used in storing and carrying water, articles 
used in serving betel, musical instruments, measures, lamps, dishes 
and vessels used in worship, images, peasant jewelry, toilet requi- 
sites, appliances used in the dining hall but not for eating or drink- 
ing, miscellaneous ware and toys. Twenty pots are used in the 
kitchen. The pdtele (!) a cylindrical copper or brass pot, with slightly 
rounded bottom, varying in size from two inches round to four or 
five feet across and two or three feet high. The tapele (2) a 
somewhat conical pot, with round bottom and narrow neck. 
Tapeles vary from three inches to four feet across the bowl, the 



Deccan.] 

POONA. 177 

small ones being used for boiling rice and holding milk and the Chapter VI 
large ones for storing water. The hahugune (3) a cylindrical pot Crafts 

like the fdtele (1) only with a more bulging bowl and seldom more 
than a foot in diameter. The karanda or modak pdtra (4) a stew-dish ^^'^'^^ ^^'"^'^^ 
for making modaks, shengds, and one or two other native dainties.^ Artkles. 

The karanda is made of three pieces ; underneath a cylinder with 
flat side handles ; in the middle a metal sieve with two hook handles ; 
and at the top fitting the rim of the cylinder a dome with a cup- 
shaped handle. Water is boiled in the cylinder, the sieve is set 
in its place, the dainties are placed either on the sieve or on a 
piece of plantain leaf laid over it, and the lid is fastened down. 
Heat is applied to the lower part, and the steam gathering in the 
cover stews the dainties. The paradi (5) is another sieve or per- 
forated dish used to carry off the surplus grease when karanjis 
or andrsds are fried in clarified butter.^ The rovali (6) is a cylinder 
six to nine inches across and nine to twelve inches high, with a 
sieve at the bottom, used for washing rice before it is boiled. It is 
sometimes shaped like the tapele (2). The jhdra (7) is a long- 
handled sieve used for frying the gram flour paste required for 
bundhis. In making bundhis gram flour mixed with water is 
poured into this sieve which is held over a frying pan with boiling 
clarified butter and shaken. The gram flour paste falls into the 
pan in drops which become solid as soon as they touch the boiling 
clarified butter. The drops are then taken out in another sieve 
called upasni (8) which differs from the jMra (7) chiefly in not 
having a rim. The chahdddni or kitli the English kettle is now in 
much use particularly among English-speaking natives. The 
kadhai (10) or frying pan is a hemispherical pan six inches to six 
feet across and one inch to two feet deep ; it has two handles opposite 
each other and is used for frying. The pardt (11) is a large dish 
two to five feet in diameter with a rim two to four inches high. It 
is used as a cover for a pdtele (1) or other large pot when anything 
is being cooked in it. It also serves for carrying cooked rice 
or vegetables from the kitchen to the dining hall. A small pardt 
about a foot in diameter and made of brass, called pitali is used in 
the same way as the pardt, and in addition among Kunbis and other 
middle-class Hindus serves as a dining dish. The pali (12) is a 
spoon with a rounded body and a long handle. It is used as a 
stirring rod or ladle while vegetables or pulse are being cooked and 
as a distributing spoon in the dining hall. The daba (13) is a 
cylindrical box with a top for storing dainties. The veliii (14) 
is a saucer-shaped dish-like pot, usually one or two feet in 
diameter and sometimes polished in which enough rice for two or 
three guests is taken from the pardt or tray, and poured into the 

' Modaks and sJiengds are made of rice flour and contain cocoa-kernel, sugar, carda- 
mums, almonds, and saffron. Their only difference is in shape. Modaks are shaped 
somewhat like a flat-bottomed lotus bud and shengas are semicircular. 

2 Karanjit like shengas are semicircular and made of flour, cocoa-kernel, sugar, 
cardamums, almonds, and saffron. Karanjis differ from shengas in being made of 
wheat flour instead of rice and in being fried instead of being stewed. Andrsda are 
made of rice flour, raw sugar, and poppy seed. They are round cakes about as big 
as the palm of the hand, 
B 1327—23 



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Chapter VI. plate. This dish also serves as a cover to a pot in which vegetables 
Crafts. or pulse are boiled. The chamcha (15) or spoon made of brass is 

Brass Work. ^^®^ ^°^ pouring liquid butter on rice. The Mtcm (16) or phirdki, 
Articles. ' ^ tooth-edged circular plate fitted in a cleft handle is used for 
cutting the notched borders of haranjis. The Ttisni (17) or cocoa- 
kernel slicer is a sheet of brass about six inches by four on four two 
inch high feet. The surface of the sheet is broken by several rows 
of long narrow hollow ridges with raised sharp-edged openings 
against which the kernel is rubbed and cut into long slices : The 
Idtane (18), a slightly tapering brass rolling-pin a foot to eighteen 
inches long used for flattening poliSj a variety of karanjis and 
andrsds ; The chdlan (19) is a brass sieve : The panchdmrit pdtm 
(20) is a set of seven brass cups, six cups ranged round a central one 
with a handle ; it is used for carrying Icoshimbirs that is pickled 
fruit and vegetables from the kitchen to the dining hall. Fifteen 
eating and drinking pots are made : The already described pardt 
tray (11) and the velni (14) come again in this group as they are 
used in serving rice and vegetables, and so does the ogrdls or 
muddle rice ladle (21) ; the velni is used for the second and later 
courses and the ogrdle for the first course only: The tdt (22), 
a polished brass dining dish with bulging rim six inches to 
two feet across : The vdti (23) a round-bottomed cylindrical 
brass cup one to four inches across is used to hold each man's 
share of curry and broth : The gadiia (24) a polished narrow- 
necked copper or brass dinner pot, used to hold each man's 
supply of drinking wa^er, varies from the size of a pear when it is 
called apkara to the size of a full grown pommelo ; a spout-mouthed 
gadva is called jhdri: The vdlydcha tdmbya (25) also made of 
copper or brass, is flatter than the gadva and like it is used as a 
water cup. The loti (26) is a pear-shaped pot like 25 and 26 in 
use size and material : The hadi (27) is a ring with a handle for the 
gadva, tdmbya and hti : The manakarniha (28) is a small brass 
drinking cup : The chambu (29) is a small water jar : The pa/nchpdtri 

(30) is a cylindrical water cup with a rim : The jdmh or pydla (31 ) is 
a drinking cup set on a round stand : The rdmpdtra (32) is a jamb 

(31) without a stand : The phulpdtra (33) is a cylindrical cup like the 
panchpdtri with a thicker and broader rim. The seven chief vessels 
for storing and carrying water are : The pdtele (1) and tapele (2) 
already described : Thehdnda (34) a short-necked cylindrical pot used 
both for carrying and storing water : The ghdgar longer-necked 
and with a more sharply sloping lower part than the hdnda ; when 
small the ghdgar is called halasi : The ghangdl or gaiigdlaya (36), 
a copper jar ten to fourteen inches across, and four to nine deep, is 
used for holding hot bathing water and for steeping clothes : The 
panchpdtra (37) is a large copper cylinder two to three feet across 
and three to four feet deep with a rounded rim and two handles ; 
some panchpdtrds now have a stop-cork at the bottom and an iron 
stand : The surdi (38) is a globular pot with a long narrow neck 
used by travellers for carrying water. The fifteen articles used in 
serving hetel ov pdn supdri are: The tabak (39) a round dish six 
inches to two feet across, with a rim half an inch to two inches highi 
the whole embossed with lotus flowers and other designs ; it is used 



Deccau] 



POONA. 



179 



for keeping the fourteen smaller articles belonging to the set of 
betelnut dishes : The chauphula (40) is a box with six or eight 
compartments and three or four legs ; each compartment has a 
separate top or lid shaped like the petal of a lotus or like a mango 
and sometimes ornamented with a peacock which serves as a handle ; 
all the lids close inwards where a screw shaped like a loins bud, 
when turned into the central hole, keeps the lids tightly fastened ; 
the chauphula is used for holding the cardamums, cloves, nutmegs, 
mace, saffron, and perfumed catechu pills which are eaten with betel : 
The dabi (41) is a cylindrical box for the slaked lime, catechu, 
and other spices which are eaten with betel : The ddkita, (42) is the 
nut-slitter for slicing the betelnut ; it is of three or four different 
shapes: The pdnpud (43) is a square box for keeping the betel 
leaves : The tambdkuchi dabi (44) or tobacco box, is a cylindrical 
box with a small hole at the top and a lid moving round an axis, 
with a similar hole, through which, when the two holes are brought 
one over the other, tobacco is poured to be chewed with the betel 
and spices : The chundl (45) is a bos for keeping the slaked lime 
which is eaten with betel: The pikddni (46) and the last (47) are 
spittoons : The atar- ddni (48) is a small cup fixed in the centre of a 
little dish for holding the atar or perfumed oil which is served after 
betel : The guldb-ddni (49) or rose-water bottle, is a bottle with a 
long narrow neck perforated at the end and fixed to the body with 
a screw, from which rosewater is sprinkled over the guests after the 
perfumed oil has been served : The mor (50) is a peacock-shaped 
box : The daba (51) is a square box, and the pdndcha ganj (52) is a 
long cylindrical box with compartments used for holding the 
ingredients which are eaten with betel : The Ichal-batta (53) is a 
small brass mortar and piston for pounding betel for the aged or 
toothless. The twelve musical instruments are : The bell ghanta 
(54), either plain or decorated with figures, has a handle either 
plain or shaped like Maruti the monkey god, or garud Vishnu's 
winged charger : The jhdnj (55) a flat and the tdl (56) a rounded 
cymbal, both used as an accompaniment by reciters of psalms or 
drtis, by hymn-singing beggars, and by sermon-and-song or Icirtan 
preachers : The chdl (57) a row of little bells worn round the ankles 
by dancing girls : The ghungurs (58) are bigger bells worn round 
bullocks' necks and round the waist of some low class begging 
devotees of Kdli: The chiplyds (59) are two fish-shaped flat bars 
three to seven inches long and one and half inches broad each 
furnished with a ring ; the ring of the upper bar is passed over the 
thumb and the ring of the lower bar is passed over the second and 
third fingers and the performer clashes the bars together by the 
motion of the thumb and fingers : The kartdl (60) is another pair 
of metal castanets which are sounded by shaking the hand instead 
of by moving the fingers : The tdsha (61) or kettle drum is a hollow 
hemispherical copper pot with a thick rim and a small central hole ; 
which is covered with goat's skin and beaten with a pair of rattan 
canes along with the dhol or wooden drum : The theka (62) is a 
small flowerpot-shaped drum covered with goat's skin : The 
khulkhula (63) is a child's rattle: The karna (64) is the large brass 
bass trumpet : And the sUng (65) is the brass horn. The three 



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Crafts- 
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measures are : The ddholi (66) and the sher (67) copper cylinders 
used in measuring grain : The pdvsher (68) is a small globular 
brass pot used for measuring milk or a cylinder with a small hook- 
shaped handle for measuring oil. The eight lamps are : The 
samai (69) and the Icandil or Idmandiva (70) both flat saucer-like 
brass plates with hollows in the lip for wicks ; the samai is laid 
on a high brass stand and the kandil on a shorter stand and 
has a brass chain by which it is hung from the ceiling or from 
a door lintel : The diva lame (71) is of two varieties, a smaller an 
inch or two inch broad flat-bottomed saucer with a wick-hollow 
in the lip and a larger with a long flat hook-like handle : The 
nirdnjan (72) is a small cup set on a long or a short stand, for 
burning clarified butter before the gods : The pancMrti (73) is a 
crescent-shaped pot on a stand with five wick-openings which is 
sometimes fixed in the hand of a female figure : The divti (74) is 
a hollow conical brass handle in which a roll of oiled rags is fitted 
and burnt as a torch, being fed with oil from a spouted oil flask ; 
it is much used by the devotees of Kali or Bhav^ni : The masJidl 

(75) is a brass cylinder through which a roll of oiled rags is passed 
and burnt as a torch ; the torch has to a great extent given way 
to the lantern, but is still nsed by the gentry in native states and 
it is burnt before Shankdracharya, the Smd,rt Pontiff, when he 
travels during the day time as well as at night : The chimnicha dim 

(76) is the English lamp with a glass chimney. Twenty-six 
worship vessels and appliances are made : The abhishehapdtra (77), 
a narrow-necked copper or brass pot is, somewhat like the ga.dna 
(24) except that its bottom tapers to a point, stands on a tripod 
with a ring at the top, and has a hole in the bottom through which 
water drips on the object of worship : The sampusM (78) a hollow 
cylinder two to six inches across and one to two high is used for 
washing images : The chaukL (79) a low four-footed stool, round, 
square, or six or eight-cornered, is used as an image stand or as 
a support for an image stand : The ddni (80) is a. stand on which 
the conch or shankh is placed ; it is generally tortoise-shaped, and 
is about half an inch in diameter : The ghania (54) is the already 
described long handled bell : The ekdrti or halkdrti (81), is a two to 
four inches long fish-shaped pot for burning camphor before the 
gods: The panchdrti (73) is the already described five-wicked 
lamp for burning clarified butter before the gods : The dhupdrti 
(82), a stand with hemispherical top and bottom, is used for burning 
incense : The nirdnjan (72) is the already described lamp for 
burning clarified butter before the gods : The arghya (83) is a 
narrow cup half an inch to three inches long and a quarter of an 
inch to an inch broad, with a flat handle and long flat snout from 
which sacrificial water is poured. The panchpdle (84) is a box 
with chambers for the various powders, turmeric gvldl, aSir, and 
kunku, with which during the worship the god and the worshipper 
are from time to time marked : The kamal (85) is a round lotns- 
shaped plate, sometimes fixed on the back of a metal bull, on which 
the gods are placed. The tdmhan (86) is a shallow bath, except for 
its slightly bulging rim not unlike the tat or dining dish (22) in 
which images are washed : The simvdsan, literally lion throne, is a 



DeccanJ 



POONA. 



181 



four-footed low stool with plates on two sides and a decorated arched 
back in front of which the gods are kept : The tabakdi (88) is a small 
plate an inch or two broad for holding the brow-marking sandalwood 
paste and red turmeric : The kachole (89), a plate with three oval 
divisions for keeping the white and red sandalwood pastes and the 
moistened rice with which the brows of the gods are marked : The 
sandhechipali (90) is a small ladle-shaped spoon for pouring out the 
sacrificial water : The vdti (23) is the already described small 
cylindrical brass cup with rounded bottom from half an inch to an inch 
across in which sugar or naivedya is offered to the gods : The tulsl- 
vrinddvan (91) is the ornamented square pot in which the holy tulsi 
Ocymum sanctum, the wife of Vishnu is gi*own : The devhdra (92) or 
god shrine, is a dome with a stand on which the gods are arranged 
and worshipped : The pujecha-daba (93) or worship box, is a round 
box with a tapering lid having a hole in the centre in which the 
gods are placed at night and the lid fastened ; while worship is 
going on the lid is used as a sieve from which water is allowed to 
drop over the gods : The gangdjali (94) is a small gadva (24) or 
water pot with a lid ornamented with the bust of a woman to represent 
the Ganges, whose water is kept in it and is worshipped along with 
the house gods : The ghangdli pela (95) is a handleless ghangdl 
shaped (36) cup in which sugar or naivedva is offered to the gods 
at the close of the worship : The tabak (39) the diveldvne (71) and 
the div'ti (74) are also used in worshipping the gods. Twenty 
leading brass images are made : Ganpati (96), the god of knowledge 
and lord of the spirits, a fat four-handed man with the head of an 
elephant ; Shankar or Shiv (97), the destroyer who has a trident 
in his hand and a necklace made of human skulls round his neck, 
with his wife Pdrvati and his son Ganpati on his lap. Maruti (98) 
the monkey god : Edm the deified king of Oudh supposed to be the 
seventh incarnation of Vishnu, with his wife Sita, his two brothers 
Bharat and Shatrughna, and his general Maruti (58) : Vithoba (100) 
with his wife Rakhmdi, supposed in some places to be Baiidhya or 
Budha the ninth incarnation of Vishnu: Bdlkrishna (101) or baby 
Krishna, the eighth incarnation of Vishnu crawling like a child with 
a ball of butter in one hand : Murlidhar (102) or the fluting Krishna : 
Eadha-Krishna (103) or Krishna and his beloved Eadha : Bhavani 
Devi (104) or Kdli, au eight-handed female figure slaying the buffalo 
giant Mahishasur: Dattatraya or Trimurti (105), is the Hindu 
Trinity with three heads and six hands guarded by four dogs which 
mean the Veds and a cow which means the earth: Khandoba (106) 
the guardian of the Deccan is shown on horseback : Parvati (107), a 
seated female figure the wife of Shiv the destroyer is worshipped by 
the bride when the bridegroom is brought to the marriage bower and 
is given to the bridegroom who takes it home and puts it with his 
house gods : Gauri, the head of a woman is the goddess Bhavdni 
which is worshipped during the Ganpati festival in August : Sheshashai, 
or Vishnu (109) the protector sleeping on the coils of the thousand- 
headed snake with his wife Lakshmi shampooing his legs and 
Garud standing in front with folded hands. Other brass 
figures cast in Poena are : A cow and a calf (109) : A woman 
(110) holding ud-battis or incense sticks: A Gosavi or religious 



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Articles, 



beggar (111) holding a fly-whisk or chauri; Riddhi and Sidhhi 
(112) Granpati's female fly- whisk bearers : The Nandi (113) or Shiv's 
bull : A pair of rampant antelopes (114) each holding an ud-batti 
or incense stick : A pair of gands (115) or attendants of Shiv, 
one blowing a conch shell and the other a horn, to be placed on 
each side of Shiv. Thirteen articles of peasant jewelry are made: 
The chandrakor (116), the Jcetak (117), and the phul (118) for the 
head; thusis (119), saris (120), vajratiks (121), and putlis (122) for 
the neck; velds (123), gots {124), and bdngdyds (125) for the arms; 
pdtlyds (126) for the wrists; chhalles or salles (127) for the fingers; 
and todes (128), vales (128), and jaainjans (129) for the ankles. 
Five toilet articles are made : The karanda (130), a dome-shaped 
brass box for keeping red turmeric powder kunku or kunkum : The 
mendcha karanda, slightly different from the karanda is used for 
keeping beeswax which women rub on their brows before they put 
on the red brow mark : The drsi (131) a burnished-brass mirror 
with a lid, is either round, square, oval, or heart-shaped : The kairi 
(132) a mango-shaped phial for keeping the ddtvan or tootliTpowder^ 
which strengthens though it blackens the teeth, and is used by lying- 
in women : The phani (138), a brass comb which has now almost 
entirely given way to ivory and sandal or blackwood combs : The 
chankyds (134), little round studs or spangles applied to the brow below 
the red mark : The gandhdchi dabi (1 35), a cylindrical brass box with 
a looking glass fixed to the lid in which high class Hindu men 
keep the saffron pill which makes the red brow mark or gandh. Three 
articles used in the dining hall for other purposes than eating and 
drinking are made : The rdngole or kandle (136), a hollow cylindrical 
roll pierced with leaves, flowers, animals and other designs in dotted 
lines ; it is filled with powdered calcspar or rdngoli and passed over 
parts of the floor which have been marked with redpowder ; before a 
dinner the seat of each guest is marked off with these lines, and on 
great days the rdngoli is sprinkled on in front of the door step. 
The ud-battichejhdd (137), a tree-shaped brass stand on which 
incense sticks are burnt; the jhdd is generally placed near the 
plate of the bridegroom or other distinguished guest : The phulyas 
(138), circular pieces of brass, shaped like a flower with a hole in the 
centre which are nailed along the edges of the low Hindu dining 
stools. 

Fifteen miscellaneous brass and copper articles are made : The 
c^roi (139), kdsdndi {\4Q), and gundi (141) globular milk pots: 
The tavi (142) an oval brass milk pot : The handle (143)r a spoon 
with a flat handle and a long snout used in giving milk to children : 
The vajri (144) is a metal plate with roughened surface and a handle 
used as a foot scraper : The daut (145) an ink bottle either round, 
square, six-sided, or eight-sided : The square or six-sided box (146) 
containing two ink bottles, one for red and the other for black ink, 
a sand box, and a square gum bottle is also called doMt : Ahddgirdcha 
Icalas (147) a bud-shaped ornament fixed at the top of the ahddgir 



1 The ingredients of the tooth powder or ddtvan are : Harda and hehda 
myrobalans, galls Quercus infectoria, habhul bark Aoacioa arabica, and copperas or 
green vitriol. 



Deccan] 



POONA. 



183 



or state wedding umbrella : The kulup (148) or padlock, the 
UJdgre (149) or hinge, the tardju (150) or scales, the gaj a bar (151) 
or window rail, the bolat (152) the English bolt, and the kadi (153) 
a ring-shaped handle. Except the vessels and appliances used in 
worship the images of the gods and the miscellaneous ware all of these 
brass articles are made small as toys for children. In addition to these 
pots eight special toys are made : The khurchi (154) a small chair; 
the palang (155) a sofa ; the pdlna (156) a cradle ; the English couch 
(158) which has been adopted into Mardthi under that name though 
pronounced more like coach than couch ; the mangdla a single 
fire-place (159) and the chul a double fire-place j the table (160); 
and the bdnk or bench (161). 

The Jingars mostly do the finer kinds of brass work, making false 
jewelry, gilding clocks, turning metal, casting and polishing 
gods, _ making locks, and sharpening swords and knives. The 
Kunbis, who have lately taken to brass work, are of two classes 
Ghadndrs or beaters and Otnars or casters. Of the beaters about 
five hundred are employed in twenty-five establishments and of 
the casters about four hundred are employed in twenty establish- 
ments. The first outsiders or non-hereditary workers who started a 
brass beating establishment in Poena were Khandu a Satara Mali 
and Abdulla Billa an Ahmadnagar Musalman. The present workers 
are all Poena Kunbis. They speak incorrect Marathi, live in one- 
storeyed hired quarters, eat coarse food chiefly vegetable food, dress 
in a cap or coarse Mar^tha turban, a kerchief bound round the 
loins, a jacket and sometimes a scarf round the shoulder. They are 
labourers being paid by the outturn and earning 4Jd. to l^d. 
(3-5 as.) a day. They seldom suffer from want of work. They 
work from sunrise to sunset with only rest enough at noon to take 
a meal. They stop work on the last or no-moon day of each lunar 
month, on the day after Sankrdnt in January, for five days at Shimga 
in March- April, and on the day after an eclipse. They keep these 
days as days of rest from religious motives not from a love of idleness. 

The materials which these Kunbi coppersmiths work up into 
rough pots are odd pieces of braziers left over by the Tambats in 
cutting out vessels ; the remains of copper sheets punched at the 
mint or the cartridge factory ; and broken pots. These materials 
on an average cost b^d. to 7Jd, a pound (Rs. 7J-10 the man of 
32 lbs.). The material is supplied by the owner of the estabhsh- 
ment who is either a Kasdr or a Vania, and sometimes a Kunbi, and 
more often by a dealer. The Kunbi coppersmith's tools and 
appliances differ slightly from those used by the Td,mbats although 
they sometimes go by the same names. Instead of a flint and 
Chinaware crucible the Kunbi brass-smith uses iron cups nine 
inches across and three to four inches deep. An establishment of 
ten workmen use 100 to 125 iron cups in the year as the cups burn 
off and break by constant heating. It is said that about every 
hundred pounds of brass smelted wear out an iron cup (4 cups in 
250 shers). Two or three large tongs or sdndasis about three feet 
long and eight to ten pounds in weight each worth 3s. to 4s. (Es. 1 i - 2). 
Four to six bellows a year each worth 3s. to 5s. (Es. li -2|). Circular 



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wooden moulds or sdchds with a handle each worth 3d. to 4|cZ. 
(2-3 OS.), Four to six iron bars, three to five feet long and an inch 
round, called saiag'as, together worth 2s. to 4s. (Rs.1-2). A large 
strong anvil fixed in an equally strong bdbhul block worth £1 to 
£3 10s. (Rs. 10-35) . Six strong hammers with wooden handles each 
worth 2s. to 3s. Four pairs of strong scissors each worth 2s. to 3s. 
(Rs. 1 - 1^) . Four or five four-inch square anvils each worth 4s. to 
6s. (Rs. 2 - 3) . A second set of twenty to twenty-five hammers or 
hathodds to match the second anvil each worth 6d. to Is. (4-8 «s.). 
Half a dozen bent bar anvils or kharuais five to six feet long, two 
inches square at one end, and four inches square at the other. 
Unlike the TAmbats the Kunbis have no hhodva or triangular 
wooden stand for their bar anvil, a small block is placed below the 
bar anvil and the workmen sits on the bar with his legs on either 
side of it. Four to five hammers to match the bar anvil or hharvai 
each worth Is. to Is. 3d. (8-10 as.). Four to six small anvils two 
inches by three to four feet long called paharai each worth 2s. to 3s. 
(Rs. 1 - IJ) which are fixed in small bdbhul blocks buried in the ground, 
eight to twelve small hammers to match the paharai anvil together 
worth 6s. to 12s. (Rs. 3-6).- A pair of casks four feet high and three 
feet in diameter for holding tamarind pulp mixed with water 
each worth 4s. to 6s. (Rs.2-3). A hollow stone or uhhal worth 
2s. (Re. 1). The small pieces of braziers are gathered together '' 
and shaped into cylindrical lumps. A few pieces of copper 
and zinc are also put in the iron cup or tray and a small qaantity 
of borax is added. The iron cup is set in the furnace which is a 
pit three feet round and two feet deep with the sides raised two 
feet above the floor. Dried cowdung cakes charcoal and wood 
are heaped above and around the cup. Two bellows are placed 
one on each side of the opening in the banked sides and worked 
till the alloy is melted and the parts thoroughly amalgamated. 
The cup is then lifted up with the large tongs and the liquid 
contents poured into a circular hollow struck with a wooden mould 
on a bed of clay. When solidified the rounded cakes of brass are 
taken to the large anvil or baiida when one man holds the cake 
firmly with pincers while five or six labourers hammer it in orderly 
succession. When it is beaten to a given thinness the cake is put 
aside and another cake hammered in the same way. The cakes are 
afterwards taken in heaps of ten or fifteen and again hammered. 
When thin enough they are cut by scissors into circular pieces of 
the required size and taken to the second anvil and the hollow 
stone or ukhal to be shaped, and are passed from hand to hand and 
from anvil to anvil till they are completed. Each pot is shaped 
in two separate pieces an upper and a lower. When the two parts 
are ready they are dovetailed and beaten together at the joining. 
They are then again taken to the furnace and a composition of 
brass dust and borax is thrown over the joint, the pot is heated, and 
the joint is once more hammered. The next process is polishing. 
To polish them, a number of pots are steeped two to four -days in 
a solution of tamarind pulp, rubbed with powdered charcoal and 
bricks, and hammered again till the whole surface is covered with 
hammer marks. 



Deccan] 



POONA. 



185 



Poona brass making originally came from Ahmadnagar, all of 
whose coppersmiths have now moved to Poona. Pen and Revdanda 
in Koldba, which used to make considerable quantities of brassware, 
are almost entirely without woi'k ; Ohandor is declining, and though 
the practice of pilgriins bringing away Ndsik brassware will probably 
serve to keep up the demand at least for the higher class of articles 
made at N^sik, unless they change their system, the whole of the Nasik 
trade in ordinary cooking and drinking vessels will pass to Poona. 
The Poona coppersmiths are able to undersell their rivals by adopting 
the union of combination among the workers and separation among 
the articles made which is the secret of cheap production. The cooking 
and water vessels made are all of one size and of one shape. And in 
making it each vessel is passed through a succession of groups of 
workmen whose whole attention is given to performing one stage of 
the work quickly and thoroughly. 

Silk weaving in Poona city is at present (1883) flourishing, and to 
a great extent has eclipsed the silk weaving of Yeola in Ndsik. Of 
700 to 800 looms, nearly two-thirds are owned by Momin and Julaha 
Musalmdns who have settled at Mominpura in the Juna-Ganj ward. 
The Hindu silk workers are found in Kdchi-dli and near Someshvar, 
The Musalman silk workers belong to two sections, Momins proper 
and Juldhas, and the Hindu workers to three sections, Khatris 
Koshtis and SAlis. According to their own account most of the 
Musalmans came about three generations ago from Haidarabad, 
Dh&rw&r, Narayan Peth, and Gulmatkal in the Nizfim's country, 
and the Hindu workers, according to their own account, came from 
Paithan and Teola three or four generations ago. As a class both 
Musalmans and Hindus are mild, hardworking, and sober, the Hindus 
being harderworking and thriftier than the Musalmdns. The home 
speech of the Musalmd,ns is Hindustani and of the Hindus Mardthi. 
Many live in their own houses and the rest in hired quarters. The 
Hindus, though they eat mutton and fish on holidays, generally live 
on vegetable food ; the Musalmdns use animal food almost daily. 
Both Hindus and Musalmdns wear a three-cornered turban, but the 
Musalmdn turban differs slightly in shape from the Mardtha turban. 
Both classes wear long white coats reaching the knees. Round 
their loins the Hindus wear the dhoti or waistcloth, and the 
Musalmans wear trousers. The demand for Poona silk is growing 
and the workers are well-to-do. Their busiest season is the Hindu 
marriage time between November and May. The Musalmdn workers 
rest from the 5th to the 15th of Muharram, on the Ramzdn and 
Bakar-ids, and on 8dbdn and Waftdn. Hindu silk workers rest 
on the monthly no -moon day, on the day after the winter Sankrdnt 
which is called Kar in January, for two or three days during the 
SMmga holidays in March-April, during two days at Divdli in 
October- November, and on the day after all eclipses. Poona silk 
weavers work from seven to ten in the morning and from one to 
sunset. Their women and their children over ten help the men 
in sorting, reeling, and sizing. Since the 1876-77 famine, about 
twenty Kdmd,thi Koshti families have come from Nardyan-Peth in 
the NizAm's country and settled at Poona. They own about 100 

B 1327—24 



Chapter VI. 
Crafts. 

Beass Wobk, 



Trade. 



Silk Weavino. 
Workmen, 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



186 



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Chapter VI. 

Crafts- 

Silk Weaving. 

Workmen. 



Tools. 



Process, 



silk looms and are harderworking and more successful than either 
the Musalmdn Khatris or the local Koshtis. The only silk used is 
China silk. It is of four varieties duem or second quality, sim or 
third quality, lanMn a variety of the second quality, and sheval or 
sial. All of it comes to Poona from Bombay as personal luggage. 
The duem is bought at 16s. 6d. a pound (Rs. 16| a sher), the sim at 
16s. a pound (Rs. 16 a sher), the lankin at 15s. 6d. a pound (Rs. 15J 
a sher), and the sheval or sial at 13s. 6^^. to 14s. a pound (Rs. 13| 
to Es. 14 a sher) . The Poona silk weavers either borrow money 
from Shimpi and Mdrwdr Vdni silk dealers and buy silk yarn and 
gold thread, or they work as labourers receiving the materials from 
Shimpi and Mdrw^r Vdni dealers and being paid by the piece. 
When money is advanced the silk dealers do not charge interest but 
get 1^ per cent on the sale proceeds of the fabrics. 

Five tools and appliances are used in a Poona silk worker's or 
rahdtkari's, literally wheelman's, factory. These are three large 
cages called phdlkds and one small cage called phdlld, each worth 
3d. to 6d. (2-4 as.); and fifteen or sixteen reels or asdris each worth 
Zd. to M. (2-4 as.);^ a small wheel for winding the silk from the 
reels to the bobbins worth 6s. (Rs. 3) ; about 500 bobbins or garolis 
together worth about l\d. (5 as.) ; and the large throwing^ 
machine or rahdt worth about £3 6s. (Rs. 33) including£2 10s.(Rs. 25) 
for the big driving wheels, Bs. (Rs. 4) for the upright wooden frame 
or tat on whose pegs the bobbins turn, and 8s. (Rs. 4) for the drum 
or dhol round which the twisted thread from each bobbin is rolled. 
To start a silk reeling and throwing establishment requires £3 to 
£4 (Rs. 30 - 40). On getting to Poona, the raw silk is made over 
to the reeler or rahdtkari under whose care it is reeled, sorted, and 
twisted. It next goes to the dyer or rangdri to be coloured, and 
when received from hiin is sent to the weaver or mdgvdla by whom 
it is warped, sized, and woven. At the reeler's or rahdtkari's the 
first thing done is sorting the silk. To sort it the silk is thrown 
round a three feet bamboo cage or phdlka,wit}i a central handle about 
two feet long. In front of this cage the sorter, who is generally a 
woman, sits, and, fastening the end of the hank to a reel or asdri, 
fixes the central rod of the cage against her left foot, and sets it 
spinning rapidly by twisting the end of the rod between two of 
her toes. The quality of the fibres in the skein is uneven, varying 
through five or six gradations. It is the sorter's chief duty to 
watch these gradations and to wind all of each variety round a 
separate reel. With this object, before she begins to wind, she 
gathers near her five or six reels or asdris. On finding the end 
of the skein she knots it to one of the reels, and placing the cage 
against her left foot, spins it round between two of her toes. The 



' To make a reel or asdri, a piece of stick is passed through a hollow reed and 
fixed in the cleft end of a piece of bamboo. 

' The throwing machine or rahdt is in three parts. In the centre is the bobbin 
frame or tdt with a central and two side uprights, on one side of the tdt is the 
large wheel or rahdt, six to eight feet in diameter, which gives its name to the 
machine, and in front of the tdt, supported by two uprights, is the frame or dhol 
about two feet in diameter and six to eight feet in length. 



Deccau.] 



POONA. 



187 



fibre passes through her fingers, and as soon as its quality changes, 
she breaks the silk, picks up a second reel, knots the end to it, and 
winds till the quality of the silk again changes, when either a third 
reel or the first reel is taken up. If the new quality is the same 
as that on the first reel the sorter puts the ends of the silk into her 
mouth and knots them with her tongue with great neatness and 
speed. In this way even a young worker, without hitch or mistake, 
will sort a hank over five or six reels. 

The sorted silk is ready for twisting. To twist it, with the help 
of a small wheel, the silk is wound from the reels on hollow reed 
bobbins or garolis. These bobbins are then arranged on the 
throwing machine or tat, and, by means of a wheel and axle, the 
fibres of each bobbin are twisted together and guided through a 
glass or metal ring round the drum or dhol, and then reeled on the 
smaller cage or phdlM. This two-thread or dontdr yarn is used 
in making some fabrics, but most of the yarn is again wound on 
a reel and from the reel to the bobbins, and a second time put 
through the throwing machine so as to make the regular or chdrtdr 
that is four-thread yarn. The rahdtkari or wheel man, who takes 
his name from the large wheel that drives the throwing machine, 
has now completed his work. Silk yarn is called sheria. In sorting 
and twisting it the raw, silk loses about eleven and a quarter per 
cent in. weight. To make good this loss a corresponding deduction 
is m.ade in the standard weight, that is, the sher for weighing silk 
when handed over to the worker is reduced in weight by eleven and 
a quarter per cent, and is still called a sher for weighing the sheria or 
twisted silk. The rahdtkari receives Ibd. to 16d. (10-10^ as.) for 
each pound of silk that passes through his hands. His monthly income 
is said to I'ange from 8s. to 10s. (Rs. 4-5). When the rahdtkari 
employs labourers he pays them 8s. to 10s. (Rs. 4-5) a month. 

After the silk is twisted it is bleached and dyed. In bleaching 
it the raw silk is steeped in a boiling solution of country soap, 
or in an alkaline ley called ukhdr prepared by boiling together 
slaked lime and pdpadkhdr or impure carbonate of soda. 
While steeping in the boiling liquid the silk has to be carefully 
watched as it spoils if kept in it too long. All the Poena silk dyers 
are Hindus, whose forefathers are said to have come from Paithan 
about four generations ago. To compete with foreign silks they 
have given up their old processes and taken to the use of aniline 
dyes. The ease and speed with which aniline dyes can be used 
more than make up for their fleetingness. These cheap dyes, 
together with the inferior silk used, give the silks of Poona a great 
advantage in competition with the high class fabrics made in 
Yeola. A silk dyer is said to make 12s. to 14s. (Rs. 6-7) a month. 
On leaving the dyer, silk goes to the weaver or mdgvdla who 
performs three processes, sizing warping and weaving. For a silk 
weaver's establishment twelve appliances are wanted. They are ; 
to prepare the warp the tansdla or uprights with rings worth 16s. to 
18s. (Rs. 8-9) ; 200 reed bobbins or tikhadis for winding the weft 
together worth about Is. (8 as.) ; a small wheel or rahdt worth 6s» 
to 8s. (Rs. 3-4) ; a large cage or phdlka worth Qd. (4 as.), and five 



Chapter VI. 

Crafts. 

Silk Weaving. 
Process. 



[Bombay Ga7.etteer, 



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Chapter VI. 

Crafts. 

Silk Weaving. 
Proteas, 



small reels or asdris each worth 15tZ. (10 as.). For the loom a 
cloth beam or turai worth 3s. (Rs. 1^) ; the reed frame or shuttle- 
beam called hdtya, used as a batten or lay, worth 7s. to 8s. (Rs. 3J-4); 
the treddles and heddles worth 10s. to 12s. (Rs. 5-6) ; adndhs or 
kaicMs, rods laid flat between the threads of the warp to keep them 
from entangling, worth Is. to 18d. (8-12 as.); the warp beam or 
aia worth 2s. to 3s. (Rs. 1-1^); three shuttles worth Is. to 18d. 
(8-12 OS.) ; and a piece of polished agate or mogri, used to rub the 
gold borders, worth 6s. to £2 (Rs. 3-20). 

Silk is sized indoors, the warp silk in a different way from the weft 
silk. The warp silk is sized on the tansdla, a pair of upright wooden 
bars about eight feet high, with a row of glass or metal rings fixed to 
each bar through which the yarn is passed, drawn tight, and stiffened 
by brushing into it a dressing of size. In sizing the weft, the silk is 
placed on a cage wound on reels, and while on the reel it is moistened 
with size. Thesizer, who in the case of the weftyarn is alwaysawoman, 
sits with the reel on her left side, and, on her right, a small wheel, to 
whose axle is firmly fitted a piece of reed bobbin called tihhadi. She 
picks the end of the hank from the reel, fixes it to the bobbin, and 
by working the wheel with her right hand makes the bobbin spin 
quickly round winding the silk round itself. As the wheel turns, 
the worker damps the yarn on the reel with size, and passes the 
thread through her left fingers so that thfe size is evenly spread 
over the whole line. The warp is next made ready. Warping 
includes three processes, heddle-filling, joining, and arranging. The 
heddle-filler, according to the pattern of the borders, passes threads 
through the loops in the cords of the different heddles and between 
the teeth of the reed or phani. When this has been done, the 
joiner or sdndhndr, connects the ends of the warp threads with the 
heddles, by tying the corresponding threads of the warp to those 
passed through the heddles and reed by the heddle-filler. The 
threads are finally arranged, through the whole length of the warp, 
in accordance with the position the joiner has given them. The 
silk loom is three to four and a half feet broad and eight to fifteen 
feet long. At one end sits the weaver with his feet in a large pit, 
and immediately in front of him is the square cloth beam or turai 
which supports the warp and round which as it is woven, the fibre 
is rolled. In the weave)"''s pit are two or four treddles or foot boards, 
by working which the weaver raises and lowers the warp threads. 
The two or four treddles are joined by strings with the heddles, 
two or four frames which hang from the roof across the threads 
of the warp each with a set of threads, the set of threads of the one 
beddle holding in their loops the lower, and the set of threads in the 
other heddle holding in their loops the upper threads of the warp. 
As the treddles are worked the heddles move the threads of the 
warp in turn up and down, while, between each movement, the 
shuttle loaded with the weft yarn is passed across the warp. In 
front of the heddles and like them hung from the roof, is the reed 
or phani, between whose thin slips . of bamboo the warp threads 
have been passed. The reed is set in a heavy frame, the shuttle 
beam, which the weaver works to force home the threads of the weft 
after the shuttle has passed. Behind the heddles horizontal rods 



Deccan,] 



POONA. 



189 



are thrust between the upper and lower threads of the warp to keep 
them from entangling, and ten or twelve feet further, is the warping 
beam or dta, on which the warp is wound. This beam, about four 
feet long and two inches round, is fastened in the middle to a rope, 
which is kept tight by being passed round a post or pulley and 
fastened close to the weaver's side to a peg or to one of the uprights 
which support the cloth-beam. The weaver from time to time loosens 
the rope as the cloth is wound round the cloth beam. To weave 
silk with gold borders, besides the usual large heddles, two sets of 
smaller heddles are used. The first or large set of heddles governs 
the motion of the whole of the warp. The second set of four heddles 
controls the gold thread in the border, and the third, which consists 
of two heddles, controls certain gold threads which form a tooth or 
saw-shaped edging to the inner side of the border. The border- 
edging or third set of heddles are not connected with any treddles. 
They are simply worked by the weaver's hand and kept in their 
place by small sand bags hung as a balance. After two movements 
of the first or main heddles, the second or border heddles are put 
in motion by the weaver pressing the left treddle. The set of the 
three rods that support the edging heddles, is lifted by the weaver's 
hand, and, at every movement of the first or main heddles, one of 
the rods which support the edging heddles is lowered. When all 
three are lowered, they are again raised by the hand and again 
pressed down one after the other. In the Kamdthi's loom even the 
heddles of the second set which control the gold border threads have 
no treddles. These heddles are supported by small bags the work- 
men lifting all of them, and pressing them one after the other, in the 
way the Sali or Momin weaver moves his third or tooth edging set 
of heddles. When any silk design is to be worked into the body 
of the fabric the Kd,mathi weaver takes a greater number of the 
large heddles and interposes them between the" first or main set and 
the second or border set. The number of these extra heddles 
depends on the design. Like the second or border set of heddles 
they are supported by sand bags and moved up and down by the 
weaver's hand. The loom for weaving brocade, that is a silk fabric 
with gold flowers or other ornament woven into the body of the 
web, is very elaborate, the arrangement of heddles being very in- 
tricate and the work of weaving very tedious. The brocade loom, 
in addition to the three sets of heddles used in weaving a bordered 
silk fabric, namely the main heddles, the border heddles, and the 
heddles for the border edging, has a fourth set of heddles, for the 
ornament that is woven in the body of the web. The first or main 
set of heddles consisting of two heddles and two treddles comes 
close on the other side of the reed or phani. Then comes 
the second set of four heddles for the border. These border 
heddles ar6 supported and balanced by bags of sand and for 
the heddle frames iron rods are used instead of the wooden 
rods used in the Sdli's loom. This set of heddles controls the gold 
thread in the border and is worked by the weaver's hand. Then 
follows the third or border-edging-heddles which are also fastened 
to iron rods supported by sand bags and are worked by the weaver's 
hand. Behind, that is further from the weaver than the edging 



Chapter VI. 

Crafts- 

Silk Weavinb. 

Process. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



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Chapter VI, 

Crafts. 

Silk Weaving. 

Process. 



heddles, are the brocade heddles. These are a fringe of loops of white 
thread which are passed round fibres in the web and rise about sis 
inches above it. The tops of the loops are fastened to a belt of 
white cords, which, according to the pattern, vary from twenty to 
forty. These cords are closely strung at each end to a wooden bar 
about a foot and a half long which are fastened in a position level 
with the web to two upright poles at the sides. From the middle 
of this belt of cords, or the heddle back, rises above the centre of 
the web a bunch of white strings one for each heddle which are held 
upright by being fastened to a piece of cane which hangs from a 
cross bar. On the weaver's right of the bunch of upright strings 
a cord slants from the upright threads or naksJids to a cord that 
passes from side to side, a few inches above the belt of cords or 
heddle back. On this slanting string are strung a number of loose 
knotted loops or pagias which are fastened to the upright threads. 
These loops are most difiBcult to arrange only one or two of the 
cleverest workers being able to prepare them. When a brocaded 
figure begins to be woven the weaver draws certain of the loose 
loops or pagids down the slanting string, and, by drawing the loops 
down, draws up some of the upright threads or nakshds, which in turn 
raise the cords of the cord belt to which they are fastened, and again 
the movement of the cords raises the loops which hang from the 
cords and with the loops raises certain of the fibres of the web. To 
keep the belt cords raised the weaver inserts between them and 
the remaining cords of the belt two wooden wedge-shaped hooks 
which hang from the roof each about eighteen inches to the side of 
the central threads or nakshds. After the required set of fibres has 
been raised from the rest of the web, with the help of one or two 
boys, the weaver arranges across the breadth of the web a number of 
bobbins full of gold thread. The number of bobbins depends on the 
number of flowers in the breadth of the web. Then the weaver and 
the boys, at each of the brocade flowers, pass the bobbin of gold 
threads under the threads of the warps which have been raised above 
the rest. The wooden hooks are then drawn out and the brocade 
treddles are allowed to fall to the general level. The main and border 
heddles are then worked and one fibre of weft is added to the fabric. 
Then again certain of the brocade pattern loops are drawn down and 
certain cords in the brocade treddle drawn up and kept up by the 
wedge-shaped hook. Then under each of the raised fibres in the 
brocade pattern gold thread is passed, and then again the main and 
border heddles are worked and a second fibre added to the weft. 
Brocade weaving is very slow, a man and two boys in a day of nine 
hours weave only about nine inches of fabric or about one-third of the 
amount of plain silk which one man can weave. While the brocade 
heddles are being worked, the first or main heddles are slackened 
by unfastening them from an iron hook with which they are 
connected while in motion. When labourers are employed as weavers 
they are paid Is. to 2s. 6d. (Rs. i-li) a yard of the fabric woven, 
which work he performs in a day. The owners of the looms state 
that their monthly earning average £1 10s. to £2 10s. (Rs. 15 - 25). 
Pitdmbars and paithanis that is men's and women's robes are 
the only articles woven. Khans or bodice pieces are cut out of 



Deccau.] 



POONA. 



191 



the robes. Unlike the Yeola women's silks the Poona silks are 
sometimes brocaded as well as gold bordered. When ready for sale 
the silks are taken to the local dealers and sold by the weavers on 
their own account, or, in rare cases when they are made for 
a dealer, are taken and paid for by him. The dealers sell them 
locally or send them to Bombay, Pandharpur, Satdra, ShoMpnr, 
and other trade centres. The demand, especially for the lighter 
and cheaper varieties, is steadily on the increase. The value of the 
yearly outturn of silks in Poona is said to average about £25,000 
(Rs. 2,50,000). 

Gold and silver thread making is a prosperous industry in Poona 
city. It is a long established craft, when or by whom started is 
not known. The forefathers of the present workers are said to have 
come from the Nizam's country and the fact that their family deity 
is Bhavdni of Tuljapur in the Nizam's country to some extent 
supports this belief. Most of them are settled in the Shukravar and 
Aditvar wards of Poona city. Gold and silver thread making 
supports about 250 families or 800 people. Ldd-Sond,rs, Kokni-Sondrs, 
Khdndesh-Sondrs, Adher-Sondrs and Vaishya-Son^rs, Lads proper, 
Mard,thds, and Pardeshis. About twenty-five families are Pavtekaris 
or bar-makers, seventy-eight are TArkasas or thread-drawers, and 
seventy to eighty families are Ghapady^s or wire-beaters. There 
are also about 200 Valndrs or thread-twisters mostly women. All 
the Pavtekaris or barmakers are Sond,rs. Of the thread makers or 
Td,rkasds, the thread-beaters or Ch^padyds and the thread-twisters 
or Valnd,rs most are Ldds. The name Ldd seems to point to a South 
Gujardt origin. But according to their own accounts they came to 
Poona from Aurangabad, Paithan, and Karanje in the Nizam's 
country. The Ldds say their forefathers worshipped Pdrasnd,th and 
Bdlaji and afterwards, tbey do not know how long ago, they forsook 
the Jdin faith for the worship of the goddess of Tuljapur. The rest 
are Kunbis and other classes, including a few Deshasth Brahmans, 
who took to thread making because it was flourishing. They are 
a contented and hardworking class. The Pardeshis speak 
Hindustani at home and the rest Mardthi. They live generally in 
one-storeyed houses, some their own, others hired. The Ldds, Pardeshis, 
and Brahmans live solely on vegetables, the rest may eat flesh. All 
except the Brahmans are allowed to drink liquor but all are 
moderate in its use. The different divisions of workers dress like 
other men of their own caste, the Brahmans in the broad flat- 
rimmed Brdhman turban ; the Marathas in a three-cornered turban ; 
and the Pardeshis in a cap. The shape of coat also differs slightly. 
As a class they are well-to-do. Their busy time is the Hindu 
marriage season between November and May. Their rest days are 
the monthly no-moon days or amdvdsyds, the day after the mid- 
winter Sankrdnt or tropic in January, five days at Shimga or Holi 
in March-April, two days at Divdli in October- November, and the 
day after every eclipse. The day after Ndgpanchmi in August 
which is called Shirdlshet's Day, is kept as a holiday and called Kar. 
Except in twisting, gold and silver thread makers get no help from 
their women nor from their children till they are over twelve. Most 



Chapter VI 

Crafts- 

Silk Weayiso, 
Process. 



Gold and 
Silver Thread. 



[Bomliay Gazetteer, 



192 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VI. 

Crafts. 

Gold and Silver 
Thread. 



of the gold and silver used in making the thread is brought to 
Poena by Mdrwdr Vani and Shimpi dealers who buy it in Bombay 
either from European firms or from MArwar VAnis near Khara- 
Kuva in Mumbd,devi ward. The metal must be perfectly pure 
Shambharnambri that is 100 per cent. Even the best metal, 
according to the thread makers, in the beating and purifying 
through which it has to pass, before it is fit for their work, 
loses a twelfth. When ready for use the gold is worth £2 
4s. to £2 6s. (Rs. 22-23) a foZa. Besides imported gold, during 
the last thirty-five years, a certain quantity has been produced 
locally by extracting with nitric acid the gold from left off 
gold-embroidered cloth. This has been practiced successfully with 
silver as well as with gold tissue. The metal obtained from 
embroideryis called gotdchi or ball-shaped. The man who started the 
idea was a Gujardt V£m whose family made a fortune and gave 
up the industry. At present (1883) three rich Bohoras follow this 
craft. Four kinds of silver are used pdtdchi or bar silver which 
comes from Europe and pdtdchi which comes from China, gdvthi 
or localj and gotdchi or ball-shaped made in Poena from silver 
embroidery. Local or gdvthi silver is already mixed with a small 
proportion of alloy and is used without any change. Pure English 
silver has to be mixed either with ten to fifteen-fortieths of ball 
silver or local silver or with three-fortieths of copper. The silver is 
brought in ingots or balls and handed to the bar-maker or pdvtekari 
who is also the gilder. A bar-maker, uses twenty tools : Crucibles 
or mushis of which each establishmenthas about ten, together worth 
about 8s. (Rs, 4) ; a clay fire-trough or shegdi costing l^d. to Bd. 
(1-2 as.), an iron sieve or J hdra two to three inches in diameter with 
an iron handle costing l|d. (1 a.) ; three anvils or airans, one worth 
£2 14s. (Rs. 27), a second worth £2 8s. (Rs. 24), and a third worth 
14s. (Rs. 7) ; three hammers or hdtodds together worth about 4s. 
(Rs. 2) ; one iron bar or otani hollowed on one side to serve as a 
mould worth about 8s. (Rs. 4) ; tongs or chimtds worth Qd. (4 as.); 
a stone water trough or Jeundi for cooling the heated bar worth 6d. 
(4 as.) ; a pair of bellows or bhdta worth 4s. (Rs. 2) ; a pair of files or 
hdnas worth 1 s. (8 as.) ; a winch or lod always of bdbhul wood worth 
14s. (7 as.) ; about fifteen draw plates or jantars each said to be 
worth 10s. to £5 (Rs. 5-50); three nippers or vdhas costing 4s. 
(Rs. 2), 2s. (Re. 1), and Is. (8 as.) ; a chain or sdkhali worth 2s. 6d. 
(Rs. Ij) ; two scales with weights kdta and vajan worth £1 to 
£1 10s. (Rs. 10-15); two nails or bhdrus ior cleaning draw-plate 
holes worth 3c?. (2 as.) ; a pair of iron pincers or karlis worth Qd, 
(4 as.) ; two small cages or phdlkis for winding the wire together 
worth Is. (8 as.) ; and a pair of smaller reels or asdris each worth 
6d, (4 as.) Under the bar maker's hands the metal passes through 
two main processes. The gold is purified by boiling it with lime 
juice in a pipkin and is then heated several times and beaten into 
gold foil. The silver is melted in a crucible, poured into a mould, 
and hammered into a short rough bar fifteen to eighteen inches 
long and one and a half round. It is then worked into a more 
perfect shape and the surface roughened with a file. Next gold 
foil is carefully wound round the silver bar so as to completely 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



193 



cover it. The bar is wetted and rolled by the workman up and 
down his thigh till the gold foil clings to the silver. Then a thick 
soft coir is wound tightly round the bar and it is laid, with the 
edges of the gold foil underneath, in the clay trough filled with 
lighted charcoal which is fanned into a white heat. It is next 
drawn out and hammered on a highly polished four inch steel 
anvil. Under this heating and hammering which is repeated three 
times, the bar gradually lengthens but without disturbing the 
surface of the gold or exposing the silver which never again shows 
into however fine thread the metal may be drawn. The gilding 
is completed when the ingot has been beaten eighteen inches long. 
After the gilding the bar-maker or pdvtekari turns the bar into 
wire by dragging it time after time through gradually smaller holes 
in the drawplate. For this the bar is again heated and pointed. 
The point is pushed through the largest hole in the drawplate which 
is set agfainst two wooden uprights fixed in the ground. When it 
■shows through the drawplate the point is caught in a pair of strong 
pincers whose handles are joined by a chain and ring to one of the 
spokes of a winch. This winch has a drum, a foot in diameter and 
three feet long, fixed inside sockets. At right angles to the drum 
it has three arms, each two and a half feet long, which work in a 
hole, about six feet by three, and three deep. When the end of the 
bar is firmly grasped by the pincers, a workman, laying all his 
weight on one of the arms of the winch, draws it down and drags 
the point of the bar through the hole in the drawplate. As it 
passes through the drawplates both the bar and the hole of the 
plate are smeared with a composition of beeswax and other 
. substances. When the bar has been drawn through the plate, 
the point is again hammered, and, in the same way, is dragged 
through a smaller hole. This dragging is repeated about twenty 
times. The bar, which has now become a wire about six yards long 
for each tola of metal, is cut into lengths of fifty yards and made 
over to the thread-maker or tdrkas. The pdvteJcaris or bar-makers 
for their bar-making and wire-drawing are paid 4s. (Rs. 2) for every 
passa or one pound (40 iolds) silver bar. Of the 4s. (Rs. 2) Is. 
(8 as.) is paid to two labourers at 6d. (4 as.) a passa or one pound 
silver bar, &d, (4 as^ goes in coal, and 2s. 6cZ. (Rs. 1\) are left 
as the bar maker's earnings for two days. Allowing for breaks in 
the work and for holidays the bar maker's average monthly income 
varies from £1 4s. to £1 14s. (Rs. 12-17). 

From the bar maker the wire goes to the thread maker the tanaya 
or tdrkas who uses fourteen tools. These are : The palda, a wooden 
drum-shapedreel worth 48. (Rs.2) ; ilnepaldi a smaller drum also made 
of wood worth Is. (8 as.) ; the kliodsa a stool on which the drums are 
fixed worth 2s. 6d. (Re. IJ) ; a dozen drawplates or jantars varying 
in value from Is. to 10s. (Rs. ^-5) ; the tfiesni a small sharp pointed 
hammer used for stopping old drawplate holes worth 6d. (4 as.) ; a 
small anvil or airan worth 3d. (2 as.) ; a pair of pincers or sdndsi 
worth 4,^d. (3 as.) ; a file or kdnas worth 9c?. (6 as.) ; a small hammer 
or hdtoda worth 6d. (4 as.) ; a nail or chaurasi for enlarging the 
drawplate holes worth 6d. (4 as.) ; a sharpening stone or kdUpathri 
worth Sd. (2 as.) ; a crank or mdkoda to turn the drums worth l^d. 
B 1327—25 



Chapter VI. 

Crafts- 

Gold and Silvbb 
Thread. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



194 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VI. 

Crafts. 

Gold and Silver 
Thread, 



(1 a.) ; a reel axis or bhongli worth ^^d. (1 a.) ; and a small bobbin 

or chakkar. To draw the wire into a thread the palda that is the 

larger reel or drum seven or eight inches in diameter, and the 

smaller three inch reel or jJo^ZcZt are supported horizontally on two 

upright pivots about twenty inches apart. Between the big drum 

and the little drum a small drawplate is fixed to two upright iron 

rods. This small drawplate is a piece of an old sword blade 

pierced with holes of different sizes. The wire is wound round 

the small reel or paldi and its point is sharpened by two bits of 

China, till it is fine enough to pass through the largest of the 

drawplate holes. When it shows on the other side of the plate, the 

point of the wire is caught in small pincers and pulled through. 

The end of the wire is then fi^ed on the larger reel or palda which is 

turned by a metal handle, and drags the wire through the hole, 

then the whole is wound off the small reel. The wire is then wound 

back on the small reel, and drawn> through the next largest hole. 

This drawing and winding is repeated till the wii-e has been drawn 

to the required fineness. To draw a tola of metal 250 yards, the 

wire has to pass through at least sixty holes. Elaborate as this is 

so great is the workman's skill and delicacy, that he is said to be 

able to make 900 yards of thread from one tola of metal. A thread 

maker tanaya or tdrhas is paid £2 10s. (Rs. 25) for every 100 tolds 

of metal he draws. His average monthly income ranges from 

£2 to £2 10s. (Rs. 20-25). Some of the thread makers employ 

lads as apprentices, who at first work for nothing and are then paid 

2s. to 12s. (Rs. 1-6) a month, according to their work.. The thread is 

now handed to the flattener or chdpadya who uses seven tools. The 

wiasipati a small board about a foot square, with ten upright nails to 

serve as bobbin axles ; the anvil or airan about two inches square 

and the hammer or hdtoda two inches square kept highly polished 

by emery, together worth about 10s. (Rs. 5) j hones or opamis of lac 

and emery powder worth £2 to £7 (Rs. 10-70)^; the hhodsa, a 

buried block of bdbhul wood, on which the anvil is fixed worth 

4s. (Rs. 2) ; the chippa a piece of leather with small slits for the 

thread to pass through ; the ghodi or ranakhdme a hook fixed in the 

ground to guide the flattened thread, worth 6d, (4 as.) ; and the 

asdri a small reel, worth 3d. (2 as.). In flattening the thread, ten 

full bobbins are set on the mdsepati or board, and the threads are 

gathered together and passed through the slits of a piece of leather 

or chippa which is placed in front of the stand and drawn across a 

highly polished steel anvil, fixed in a block of hdbhul wood very 

little raised above the level of the ground. In flattening the thread 

the workman firmly grasps his hammer handle between the thumb 

and the forefinger, and, with his left hand, draws the threads 

over the polished steel, and begins to beat. The threads are passed 

steadily over the anvil and the hammer strokes fall at the rate 

of sixty to a hundred in the minute, and with such regularity that 

no particle of the thread is left unbeaten. As they are flattened 

the threads are drawn away by the flattener's left hand, and 



' The workers say pearls and coral are mixed with the emery but this is doubtful. 



Deccan 1 



POONA. 



195 



when strotclied to arm's length, are caught under some conveniently 
curved article such as a broken cup handle or a brass hook fixed in 
the ground, and a fresh grip is taken close to the anvil. When all 
the threads have been flattened, they are carefully separated, wound 
round a reel and sent to the twister or valndr. The thread flattener or 
chdpadya is paid £1 10s. to £2 (Rs. 15-20) for beating 100 tolas of 
thread. If during the busy season he employs a labourer he pays him 
£1 Ss. to £1 16s. (Rs. 14-18) the 100 tolas. The twister or valndr, 
who is generally a woman, is the last of the work people through 
whose hands the thread passes. She uses three tools. A hook or 
bangle called dkada of a nominal value ; two spindles or chdtis worth 
l^d.toGd. (1-4 as.), sometimes made by fixing a round piece of 
broken China to a nail ; and a wooden cylinder or gaj with nails 
fixed at given distances worth 6d. (4> as.). Contrary to the practice 
in the other bran^es of gold-thread making the twister or valndr has 
to provide part of the material she works up. What she has to 
buy is the silk-thread which is twisted with the flattened gold-thread. 
The silk used in making gold-thread is twisted and dyed by a 
distinct set of workers called dhurevdlds, of whom there are twenty 
to twenty-five establishments at Poena, including sixty to eighty 
workers. They are either Marathas from Paithan and Burhd;npur 
or they are Pardeshis from Delhi and Agra. They are believed 
to have come to Poena three to four generations ago. They 
speak Marathi or Hindustd,ni and live in one-storeyed houses 
of which five per cent are their own and the rest are hired. They 
generally live on vegetable food though they are allowed to eat 
mutton and fish and to drink liquor. They dress in a three-cornered 
turban, a long coat reaching to the knees, a scarf round the 
loins, and a second scarf round the shoulders. As a class they are 
fairly off. Their busy season, working hours, and holidays are the 
same as those of the bar makers and others employed in making 
gold thread. They use silk of three kinds, sim, lankin, and bdnak. 
All are brought from Bombay, at and about Is. to lOd. the ounce 
(5-6 tolas the rupee). The silk is the property not of the thread- 
makers but of Marwar and Shimpi dealers who pay them by the 
outturn. A dhurevdla or twister and dyer of the silk which is used 
in making gold and silver thread wants three tools for the twisting 
and no tools for the dyeing. The appliances for twisting the silk 
include half a dozen bamboo cages or phdlkds each worth Sd. to 6d. 
(2-4 as.) ; about thirty small reels or asdris each worth 3d. to 6d. 
(2-4 as.) ; and two or three spindles each worth l^d. to 3d. (1-2 as.). 
The silk twister places a skein of silk on each of five different cages 
or phdlkds, and from them winds the silk on fifteen different reels 
or asdris. These fifteen reels are then arranged in a semicircle all 
facing the same way. The twister draws a thread from each reel, and 
sitting facing the point of the reels, fastens the threads to a spindle, 
and rolling the spindle sharply along his thigh, twists a yard or so, 
winds the twisted thread round the bar of the spindle, gives the 
spindle another smart roll along his thigh, and twists another yard 
of thread. The silk is sometimes twisted out of doors. In out of 
doors twisting, two couples of uprights are driven into the ground. 



Chapter VI. 
Crafts. 

Gold and Silver 
Thread. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



196 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VI. 

Crafts. 

Gold and Silver 
Thread, 



Cotton Goods, 



the couples twenty-five to thirty feet apartj and the uprights in each 
couple four to six feet high and ten feet apart. A horizontal bamboo 
is fastened across between each pair of uprights and on the upper side 
of each of the bamboos pairs of pegs are fastened close together at the 
bamboo and gradually separating ia a V shape. In out of door silk 
twisting the fifteen fibres from the fifteen reels pass through the 
hollow at the foot of the V. When the silk twister is as much as 
twenty-five to thirty feet from the reels he can twist a much longer 
piece of thread at a time that he can twist when he stands close to 
the reels. The twister is paid l^d. (1 a.) for each lad of silk 
twist that is equal to 7id. an ounce (8 tolas the rupee). When the 
gold thread twister or valndr gets a supply of the proper twisted 
silk he winds it off the reel on to a spindle. One end of the silk 
thread is then passed through a bangle or steel ring fastened to the 
ceiling of her house, drawn down, and tied to a second spindle. The 
flattened gold thread is then unwound from the reel or asdri and 
dropped in a loose heap on the ground near the twister. The 
twister sits on a high stool or chair, and, fastening the ends of 
the gold and the silk thread together, rolls the spindle sharply 
along her thigh and gives it so rapid a whirl that it twists 
together two or three feet of the gold thread and the silk always 
keeping the gold on the surface. When the spindle stops the workman 
winds the finished gold thread round the rod of the spindle, draws 
down a fresh yard or two of the silk thread, and gives the spindle 
another whirl by sharply rolling it again along her thigh. The 
drawing down the silk, whirling the spindle, and twisting together 
the gold and the silk are repeated till the whole quantity is completed. 
The finished gold thread is then wound into hanks and skeins by 
passing it round two nails fixed to a rod or gaj. The valndr or twister 
is paid Is. an ounce (5 tolas the rupee). Poena gold thread is chiefly 
used locally in ornamenting turban ends and the borders and 
fringes of robes and dining clothes. 

Cotton weaving is carried on in thirty-seven towns in the district ; 
Jasvad, Kavtha, PAbal, Baramati, Inddpur, Pimpalvddi, Junnar, 
and Utur, are known for lugdis or women's robes ; K^ramati, Kavtha, 
and Jasvad for silk-bordered dhotis or men's waistcloths, and 
uparnis or silk-bordered shouldercloths ; and Inddpur, Palasdev, 
Lasurna, Nimbgavketki, and Kalas are known for khddi or coarse 
cloth. Of these the only important centre of cotton cloth hand- 
loom weaving is Poena city. Poena city has 400 to 500 cotton 
hand-looms, of which about 450 belong to Hindus, 300 of them 
Koshtis and 150 Sdlis, and the remaining fifty Musalmans. Most 
Hindus weave women's robes or sddis and most Musalmdns weave 
turbans. Cotton hand-loom weavers are chiefly found in the Somvdr, 
Vetal, Bhavd.ni, Rdste, and Shukravar wards. Besides in these 
wards one or two cotton looms are found in almost every part of 
the city. Except two families who have come from Madras, the 
Hindu weavers are said to have come about three generations 
ago from Paithan, Yeola, ShoMpur, Inddpur, and Nar^an Peth 
in the Nizam's country. The Musalm^n weavers came to Poona 
only four or five years ago from Malegaon in N^sik where they 



Deccan] 



POONA. 



197 



form a large colony .^ Except the two Madras families, whoso 
home speech is Telugu, the Hindu weavers of cotton goods speak 
Mardthi, and the Musalmdn weavers speak Hindustani. All 
live in one or two-storeyed houses, fifteen to twenty of which 
belong to the occupants, and the rest are hired. The Hindus eat 
flesh and drink liquor and are a temperate class. The Musalmdns 
seldom eat flesh except on holidays. Many of them drink liquor 
but seldom to excess. Those Hindu weavers who belong to the 
Koshti and Sdli castes wear either the Deccan Brahman or the 
three-cornered Maratha turban, a jacket, a long coat, a scarf round 
the loins and another over the shoulders. The Musalmans wear a 
cap except a few who have taken to the MarAtha turban, a jacket, a 
long coab, and trousers. The robes woven by the Hindus and the 
turbans woven by the Musalmans are generally coarse and cheap. 
The Hindus work from seven to eleven and again from one to 
sunset ; the Musalmans work almost the whole day except a short 
time for their meals which they generally cook in the same shed or 
room in which they weave. The chief demand for their wares is 
during the marriage season that is between November and May. The 
articles they weave are intended for every-day use although they are 
used as marriage presents by Kunbis and other middle and low 
class Hindus. Hindu cotton weavers stop work on the last or 
no-moon day of every lunar month, on Ndgpanchmi Day in September, 
on Dasara Day in October, on the day after the great Sankrdnt in 
January, during three days of Shimga, during four days at Muharram 
time, and on the day after every eclipse. The Musalmdns stop work 
only on three Muharram days in Ramzan and on the Bahar-id. Both 
Hindu and Musalmdn cotton weavers get great help from their 
women, in reeling, dyeing, warping, and sizing. Some Hindu 
women even weave. With all this help cotton-weavers barely make 
a living. The articles they turn out are very inferior and are worn 
only by the poorer classes. The average daily earnings of a cotton 
weaver's family are said to range from Qd. to *I\d. (4-5 as.), and 
during the rains they are often short of work. All the yarn used in 
the Poona handlooms is steam-made partly from the Bombay mills 
and partly from Europe. The yarns generally used are twenties and 
thirties. To buy the yarn most weavers have to borrow at two per 
cent a month. The tools and appliances of a Hindu cotton weaver 
resemblethose of the local silk weavers of which anaccount has already 
been given. The Musalmdn weaver is satisfied with cheaper and 
simpler appliances. Hehas a smaller loom andhasnot morethan seven 
tools. The shuttle-beam hatya, in which the reed or phani is fitted 
worth 6d. (4 as.), two bars or athuyds to keep the warp stretched 
worth 6d. (4 as.), a beam or tur round which the woven fabric is 
wound worth Is. (8 as.), a pair of shuttles or dhotds worth 1 s. (8 as.), 
a large bamboo cage or phdlka worth Gd. (4 as.), a reed or phdlki 
worth 3d. (2 as.) and a small wheel or rahdt for sizing the weft yarn 
worth 8s. (Rs. 4). The foreign and Bombay yarn undergoes 
eight processes in being turned into robes or sddis. It is steeped 



Chapter VI. 

Crafts, 
Cotton Goods. 



1 Compare the Ndsik Statistical Account, Bombay Gazetteer, XVI. 167. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



198 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VI. 
Crafts. 

Cotton Goods. 



in water and placed on the bamboo cage or phdlka. It is changed 
from this cage to the reel or asdri by a woman of the weaver's family 
who holds the end of the central rod of the cage in her toes, and 
with her right hand, drawing off the yarn from the skein, winds it 
on the smaller reel, which she holds in her left hand and whirls 
round in a small cup of smooth oocoanut-shell. To make the skeins 
of a convenient size, the yarn is next wound off the reel or asdri, on 
to a small conical reel caWed. charki. The yarn is then transferred 
to the rahdt or wheel to be twisted and wound round bobbins or 
Icdndis. It is next worked by winding it, two threads at a time, in 
and out among the rows of bamboo rods about four feet apart. It 
is then opened on two bamboos, stretched tight between two posts 
and sized by a large brush dipped in rice paste. If it wants 
colouring it is dyed before it is sized. The weavers themselves 
dye the yarn either with German aniline dyes, or they have the 
yarn steeped first in the indigo vats of the local indigo dyers and 
then in safHower dye to make them green, a colour which quickly 
fades. The general practice is to buy dyed yarn. After the yarn 
is dyed and sized or sized-without dyeing, it goes to the heddle-filler 
and joiner who is always the same man as the weaver. He joins the 
warp threads with the threads of an old used warp which he purposely 
keeps to save the trouble of passing threads in each case through 
the loops of the heddle, then through the bamboo slips of the reeds 
or phani, finally tying them to the turai or warp beam. After 
joining the warp threads, the weaver has to stretch the whole of the 
warp and to see if any of the strands of the warp are wrongly joined 
or are entangled. When all is ready the warp is stretched and the 
rope tied to its farthest end, passed round an upright, and brought 
back to the place where the weaver sits. It is there tied either to 
a peg fixed in the floor to the right of the weaver or to one of the 
uprights which support the cloth beam or turai. When the weaver 
has provided himself with a pair of shuttles and a small basket full 
of loaded bobbins, he sits behind the cloth beam, puts his legs in 
the pit below the loom and with one foot on each of the treddles 
begins to weave. He passes the shuttle with the loaded bobbin 
between the two sets of the warp threads which are by this time 
separated by heddles worked by the treddles under the weaver's feet. 
For the border a separate set of heddles hanging from the roof are 
balanced by sand bags and are worked by the hand. The Musalmd,n 
turban loom, except that it is not more than eighteen inches broad and 
has no heddles, is the same as the robe loom. The Poena cotton 
weavers take their robes and turbans to the local Shimpi dealers of 
whom about fifty have shops in Budhav^r ward. The robes fetch 
4s. to £1 (Rs. 2-10) and the turbans 3s. to 10s. (Rs.l^-S). The local 
demand especially during the marriage season will probably keep 
up hand-loom cotton wfeaving for some time. Still it seems 
probable that, in a city where the price of grain and the cost of 
living is high compared with most parts of the Deccan, the hand- 
loom weavers of robes will be driven out of a living by steam-made 
fabrics. Hand-loom turban weaving will probably last longer, as, so 
far, it has been free from machine competition. 

Glass bangles are made in the village of Shivapur on the S^tara 



Deccan] 



POONA. 



199 



road about seven miles south of Poona by a settlement of Lingayats 
who are called Kdcharis or glass makers. At present (1883) four 
establishments employ twenty-five to thirty men. They say that 
they came to this district from villages near ShoMpur five or six 
generations ago, that they used to marry with other LingayatSj but 
that since they have taken to bangle-making they form a separate 
caste marrying among themselves only. They speak Mardthi at 
home, live in their own one-storeyed houses, and never touch animal 
food. They say that they dress like BrAhmans, but when at work 
they wear only a dirty waistcloth and a rag round the head. They 
work from nine in the morning to nine" 'at night, and stop work on 
all Mondays, on the great Sankrdnt in January, on Mahdshivrdtra 
in February, for four days during Shimga in March -April, on 
Ndgpanchmi in August, on Dasara in October, and during five days 
of Divdli in October- November. Their women and children help 
in sorting broken pieces of Chinese glass bangles which the men 
melt and work into new bangles. They buy these broken bangles 
from the Kdneh hdngdi phutdnevdlds that is glass bangle collectors, 
Mdrwdr Vanis of whom there are fifteen to twenty shops in the 
Bhavdni and Vetdl wards in Poona. They gather the glass bangles by 
going from house to house selling parched gram in exchange for its 
weight in broken bangles which the children of the house carefully 
gather and keep. Kd,sd.rs or dealers in bangles, also ask for and gather 
broken bangles at any houses they may visit to put new ones round 
women^s wrists. They sell the broken pieces to Kach^ris. The 
current price of the raw materials is l|d. (1 a.) the pound. Though 
so little money is wanted the K^chdris generally borrow it in Poona 
at one to two per cent a month. The glass is sometimes supplied 
by Kdsars or bangle dealers who pay the Kdcharis Sjc?. to 3d. a 
pound (3-4 as. a sher) to work it up. Round balls of country 
made glass used to be received at Poona from Gutur in the 
Nizdm's country, but for the last eight or ten years no glass has 
been brought from Gutur as broken bangles f urnish'as much material 
as the trade requires. A Kachari's appliances are simple and cheap. 
Half a dozen bamboo baskets smeared withcowdung serve to store the 
sorted pieces of glass ; six thin two feet long iron bars pointed at one 
end at f d (4 a.) each ; six home-made clay crucibles at a nominal cost. 
The mould called mdtra or sdcha an iron bar with a conical clay top 
worth about 3d. (2 as.). One end of this iron bar is supported by 
an upright peg near the fire-place or kiln, the peg having a looped 
piece of iron on the top to let the bar move round its own axis and 
the other end rest on a slightly grooved stone. Half a dozen six inch 
long flat iron paper-cutter shaped blades called pattds each worth, 
about 3d. (2 as.). The dkadi, a wooden handled iron rod slightly 
bent at the point worth about Sd. (2 as.). Six to eight six inch nails 
or chats with handles each worth about l|d. (1 a.). Six hammers 
worth 9d. (6 as.) each. Six flowerpot-shaped earthen pots or kundis 
each worth f c?. (^ a.). A scale with weights or stones and bamboo 
basket pans worth 3^^. (2 as.) . Half a dozen long handled hemi- 
sperical iron spoons or. palis each worth 2id. [11 a.). A Kachari's 
kiln or fire-place is also kept in a separate building or in a small fring 
of the building in which the workmen live. A separate bangle -furnace 



Chapter VI- 
Crafts. 

Glass Bangles, 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 
200 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter VI. consists o£ a shed, about twenty feet by twenty-five and ten high, 

„ -ft with brick walls with two doors on the south and on the west, and six 

graits, windows, two each on the north, the south, and the west. The east 

Glass Bangles. ^g^j^ y^^^ neither door nor window. The roof is tiled, the central 

beam being about twenty feet from the floor. Nearly in the centre 

of the building is the furnace, a round pit three to four feet deep, with 

a dome-shaped clay top and arched windows each about four inches 

by six and a hole at the top of the dome provided with a clay 

lid. Inside the dome is a raised platform on which rest the crucibles 

or clay smelting pots each opposite its own window. In the space 

between each pair of windows and a little way from the kiln are six 

uprights which together with the cross stick, form a six-cornered 

bower over which two to three feet of fresh cut branches are heaped 

to dry. In front of each of the kiln windows a pair of thick rag 

screens are hung on the cross sticks of the bower to shade the 

workmen from the fire. In front of these shades sit the half dozen 

workmen each with his tools and a basket of broken bangles near 

him When the crucibles filled with glass are set on the platform 

inside the dome of the kiln, the fire is kindled by bringing fuel into 

the pit through an under-ground passage. At the end of about an 

hour the glass melts and each of the workmen sits opposite one of 

the wmdows. He stirs the half fluid glass with the bent pointed 

iron rod or dkadi to see if it is uniformly melted. When it is 

properly melted the workman passes into the molten glass a second 

sharp pointed iron rod and with it picks out a drop of fluid glass. 

On taking the drop of glass out of the kiln with a ]erk he makes 

the rod spin round and the spinning motion turns the glass drop 

into a globe. A sharp blow to the iron rod from the patta or iron 

blade shivers the globe and turns it into a ring on the point of 

the bar. Repeated blows with the blade on the bar by shaking it 

widen the ring into a long loop. As soon as the ring is big^ enough, 

it is dropped over the conical clay point of the mould or mcha and 

fitted into it with the help of the blade, the left hand all the time 

keeping the mould spinning in the grooved stone. All this is done 

with surprising cleverness and speed, less than half a mmute serving 

to turn the glass drop into a finished bangle. If from^ any delay the 

glass cools and hardens out of shape, the mould or sacha is held m 

the kiln flames till the glass is softened and can be worked into the 

proper shape. The formed bangle is dropped on the floor, the 

sharp end of the iron bar is heated and hammered straight, and a 

second glass drop is brought out at the bar point, whirled into a 

globe, struck into a ring, widened by vibration, and finished off on 

the turning mould point. The Shivapur f^cMris make three kinds 

oih^ngles bdngdi, gol, and haul or kdrla the hang dA, is slightly 

conical, the gol globular, and the hdrla conical with a notched surface. 

Fineer rings are made in the same way as bangles. The bangles 

are ia great demand among the poorer classes of Hindu women, and 

the rinis are bought by girls as toys who sometimes wear them 

round their own fingers and sometimes put them round their dolls 

wrists. The K^chdris carry their bang es and rings to/o^na 1 

the glass is supplied by a Kasar dealer the K^chari is paid 6s. (Rs. j) 

for thirty-two pounds. If the glass is the Kach^n's own he gets 



Deocan.] 



POONA. 



201 



about 10s. (Rs. 5) for the man of thirty-two pounds. In a day of 
about twelve hours' work a good bangle-maker can turn out four to 
five pounds of glass bangles. Deducting the cost of the glass and 
the fuel, this price represents a daily wage of 6d. to l^d. (4 -5 as,). 
The Kdcharis' industry is declining under the competition of Chinese 
glass bangles. 

Hsbvii Md.dhavrd,v Peshwa (1790 - 1795) the tender-hearted sensitive 
youth, whom Nina Fadnavis' restraints drove to suicide, had 
scruples about Brahman women using metal hair combs. It was 
against the sacred books ; hair combs should be of ivory not of 
metal. To supply the new demand for ivory combs one Audutrav 
Dhandarpdlkar came from Nasik and opened the first ivory comb 
factory in Poona city. His example was followed by Abdji Ava of the 
carpenter caste. The family of Audutrd.o cannot (1883) be traced and 
is said to have died out. The original carpenters have also left Poona 
and again taken to wood-cutting. The present ivory comb makers 
are the descendants of the Kunbi servants of the original workers. 
They number about fifteen and keep five workshops opposite the 
temple of Ganpati in Kasba ward. They are a qaiet people, speak 
Mardthi, live in their own one-storeyed houses, occasionally eat flesh, 
and dress like ordinary local Kunbi Mard.thd,s. Comb making is 
easy to learn. Many Kunbis would have taken to the craft if it 
had offered a fair chance of making a living, but for many years, 
owing to the competition of cheap foreign bone combs, the industry 
has been depressed. Within the last ten years four shops have been 
closed and those who are left though above want are poor. The 
present small ivory-comb industry will probably long continue. 
Brdhman and other high caste Hindu women think bone comba 
impure, and three ivory combs always form part of the vdyan or 
bride's outfit. 

Comb-makers work from seven to eleven and from two to sunset. 
They stop work on Kar that is the day following Mahdsankrdnt 
in January, and od Ndgpanchmi in August. Their women and 
children give them no help. During the marriage season, 
between October and May, the demand is brisk, and sometimes a 
servant or two are employed to help in doing the rougher parts 
of the work. The servant is paid 8s. to 14s. (Rs. 4-7) a month 
according to the nature and quality of his work. The average monthly 
income of a comb-maker varies from £1 to £1 10s. (Rs. 10-15). 
As ivory is very costly ranging from about 8s. to about lis. 
the pound (Rs. 150-200 the 38 lbs. man) the money required for 
buying it has to be borrowed. The usual rate of interest paid is 
one per cent a month. The advances are generally made by a 
moneylender named Jipa Marwdri in whose hands the whole 
industry practically is. In addition to interest, he charges IJ to 1^ 
per cent as commission on the ivory he brings from Bombay. The 
workmen have to sell the articles they make on their own account 
and to pay the standing balance inolding interest and commission 
to the Mdrwdri moneylender. What they are _ able to keep back 
is just sufficient to maintain themselves and their families. All are 
indebted to the Marwdri. The appliances of a comb-maker are 
B 1327—26 



Chapter VT 
Crafts- 



Combs. 



[Bombay Qazdtteer, 



202 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VI- 
Ctafts. 

Combs. 



Clay Fiodres. 



similar to those of an ordinary carpenter only a little finer. Each 
shop requires five to six saws of different sizes worth 9d. to Is. 
(6-8 as.) ; half a dozen files worth 6d. to 7^d. (4-5 as.) ; four or five 
borers worth ^d. (2 as.) each ; half a dozen vices each worth 10s. 
to £1 ]0s. (Rs. 6-15); a vdkas or adze worth 2s. (Re. 1); a 
khatdvne worth l^d. (1 a.) ; and a compass worth dd. (4 as.). 

When the ivory is brought from the Mdrwari's shop, after he 
has weighed it and entered the price in his account book, it ia 
steeped in water for two or three days. It is then cut into pieces 
of the required size and sawn through, keeping it vertical by holding 
it in the vice. It is then filed, rubbed and polished. Sometimes the 
ends and sides are decorated with carvings and the plain surface is 
broken by tracing on it a few curved and straight lines. Combs for 
the use of women are rectangular and have a double set of teeth, while 
men's combs are crescent-shaped and have only one set of teeth. 
The small pieces of ivory left over in cutting out pieces for combs 
are used in making dice. The price of a comb ranges from 6d. to 
2s. (Rs. J - 2) according to the size thickness and workmanship of 
each. The combs and dice are sold in the workshops by the 
workers on their own account. Their only customers are high class 
Hindus. Other classes use either wood combs or foreign horn 
combs. 

Among European residents and travellers a favourite product of 
Poona are clay figures six to eighteen inches high, with in their 
appearance colour and dress, all that is characteristic of the 
different castes and classes of Western India. These figures are 
known as Poena figures and are made nowhere but in Poena. At 
present (1884) there are only eight figure-makers in Poona city. 
The most famous makers of Poona figures have been Bapa Supekar 
a Jingar and Kdlurdm Gavandi a bricklayer. These two men were 
contemporaries and lived about forty years ago. The present 
workers belong to the Goldsmith, Jingar, and Mardtha castes. 
They speak Marathi, and generally live on vegetable food, but they 
eat flesh on holidays and special feast days. The goldsmiths 
dress like Brd,hmans, in a rounded turban, jacket, long coat, 
waistcloth, and shoulder-scarf ; the rest dress like Kunbis with a 
three-cornered turban, long coat, and waist and shoulderoloth. 
Besides the eight workers who make the highly finished Poona 
figures, twenty to twenty-five Jingars, and about two hundred 
Kumbhd,rs make rough baked clay figures' costing about ^d. 
(3 as.) the dozen. The Jingars and Kumbhdrs mould or shape 
these rough figures a little before the Oanpati holidays in 
August and the Divdli holidays in October -November, when, 
especially at Divdli, they are in great demand. ShAlivdhan, the 
legendary founder of the ShaJc era, whose initial date is a.d.78, is said 
to have led an army of clay figures from the Deccan north across 
the Narbada and defeated Vikramdditya the chief of Mdlwa. In 
honour of this triumph for the Deccan during Divdli the children 
oi lower class Hindus build small clay castles in front of their 
houses, and round them arrange an army of clay figures footmen 
horsemen and gunners. It is the opinion of many well informed 
people in Poona that this practice was introduced by Shiv^ji 



Beccanl 

POONA. 203 

(1 627- 16S0) with the object of fostering a warlike spirit among Chapter VI. 
Mardtha children. Crafts 

The Poona figure-makers are perhaps the only workers in Poona n^^j^^ Fiourbs 
who show artistic skill. The materials used by the Poona figure- 
workers are ; White clay or shddu generally bought from Mhd,r8 at 
Sd. a head-load (8 for Ee. 1) ; Bombay khadu, a chalky clay which 
is bought from Poona Bohoras at sixteen pounds the shilling ; torn 
country paper called jwiiarikdgad costing about 2^d. a pound 
(10 lbs. the rupee) ; finely ginned cotton worth a shilling the pound ; 
orpiment or hartal, the yellow sulphide of arsenic worth a shilling the 
pound; ochre ovson geru,, kdv, worth l^d {1 a.) the pound; cinnabar 
or hingul red iodide of mercury worth two shillings the pound j 
verdigris or jangdl green arseniate of copper worth its own weight 
in copper coin ; white zinc or sapheda oxide of zinc worth a shilling 
the pound ; indigo or nil worth its own weight in copper coin ; 
English carmine worth its own weight in silver ; lamp black 
collected at home; gomutra pevdi a yellow pigment obtained by 
steeping the powdered flowers of the Butea frondosa palas in 
cow's urine, worth its own weight in silver ; glue or siras, 
worth 6d. the pound ; isinglass worth a shilling a packet bought 
from European shops ; lac bought from Bohoras at 9d. to Is. 
(6-8 as.) the pound; copal varnish worth 3s. to 4s. the pound; 
blue vitriol, sulphate of copper, and rice flour. These materials 
are so cheap, and in most cases are required in such small quantities 
that, unless one customer wants a large number of figures, when 
some advance is required, even the poorest workers buy them on 
their own account. A figure-maker's tools and appliances are - 
few and simple. There are five scoopers or gouges, namely 
korane which is flat and slanting at the end, nakhurde nail-shaped, 
korni spear-head shaped, kesdche korne flat and ridged on one sid« 
making hair-like lines in the clay, and dolydche korne grooved 
on one side. Besides the gouges, they require a pair of pincers 
or chimtds worth a shilling ; a drill or sdmta worth 6d. (4 as.) ; 
half a dozen files or kdnas worth together 2s. (Re. 1) ; and a pair of 
scissors worth a shilling. The brushes are made of the tails of the 
Indian squirrel which cost about |d. {\a.) the piece and are bought 
from the wandering druggists called Vaidus or Baidus. The 
shddu or white clay, the khadu or chalky clay, and the torn paper 
are separately steeped in cold water for one day, apparently passed 
through a sieve though this the workmen deny, and pounded together 
with the ginned cotton-. The proportion of each of these articles is " 
not uniform, each workman using his own discretion on each occasion. 
When the clay is so thoroughly mixed as to lose all grit or grain it is 
ready for use. The workman shapes the head putting in a small 
peg to prop the neck. The arms are next shaped and propped on 
pegs at the shoulder joints. The trunk and legs are last shaped 
■with two pegs passing through the soles if the figure is standing 
and one peg passing below the end of the backbone if the figure is 
sitting. These separate pieces are joined and the figure is left to 
dry two to six days in the sun. WTi'en dry the clay is painted a 
flesh colour and the eyebrows and moustache, and, if the figure is a 
Hindu, the brow marks are painted. The colours are made by 



[Bombay Qazetteor, 



204 



DISTEICTS. 



Chapter VI. 
Crafts. 

Clay Figures. 



Paper. 



washing the mineral pigments several times over and mixing them 

thoroughly with gfAee-paste for a dark and with isinglass for a 

light-tint. "When the paint dries the workman dresses the figure by 

gluing on pieces of different fabrics. Finally the figure is fixed 

into a stand brought from the local turner either with the help of 

the peg passing below the feet, or, if sitting, by the peg which 

passes below the back. Of the Poona figures, which include 

almost all castes and classes, perhaps the most interesting and 

characteristic are : A fully equipped elephant with a native prince 

and his attendants in the car or hauda ; groups showing how Hindus 

cook and dine ; a scene at a public well ; a dancing party ; a Hindu 

spinner, weaver, and goldsmith at work ; a European gentleman 

carried in a palanquin; a Koli, or other highwayman waylaying 

and extorting money from a Marwd,ri trader; a tiger-shooting scene ; 

a prince or princess attacked by a tiger ; a native fruitseller's shop ; 

a native woman carrying water ; a milkmaid ; a Garodi or juggler with 

tame monkeys, snakes, goat, and mongooses ; a Darweshi with a tame 

bear ; a Gosavi or Hindu ascetic ; a Fakir or Musalman beggar ; a 

BrAhman woman worshipping the sacred tulsi plant Ocymum 

sanctum; an astrologer telling fortunes; a Vaidu or wandering quack; 

a Pdrsi man and woman ; a waterman with his bullock ; a camel 

driver ; a messenger ; and the cholera ovjarimari worshipper. The 

prices of these figures range from 18s. (Rs. 9) a dozen to 10s. (Rs. 5) 

each according to size and make. Among the figures required for the 

tdbut or Muharram bier festival the most common are a dancing girl ; 

a Mardtha horseman ; a chief on an elephant ; a pair of Brdhman 

Mard.tha oflScers on horseback ; a pair of gymnasts ; a prince on an 

elephant attacked by a tiger ; a Mardtha officer on horseback helping 

a damsel to mount his horse ; and a prince on foot struggling with 

a tiger. The figures required for the Muharram biers are the largest 

made in Poona ranging from two to three feet high and costing £2 to 

£50 (Rs. 20-600). The figures intended for sale among European and 

Pdrsi customers ordinarily range from six inches to eighteen inches 

in height and from Is. (8 as^ to £1 (Rs. 10) in price. The average 

monthly income of the Poona figure-makers is said to vary from £2 

to £2 10s. (Rs. 20-25). The figures are either made to order or are 

sold at the workmen's house. The larger figures required for Muharram 

biers are bought by Hindus. The demand for Muharram figures is 

not great as one figure lasts for years. The chief demand is from 

Europeans and from the PArsi owners of Bombay curiosity shops. 

Paper-making is said to have been brought to Poona from Junnar 
four or five generations ago. The leader of the movement is 
remembered as Allibhdi, a Musalmdn, as are all the workers in Poona. 
At present (1883) Kfigdipura or the papermen's quarter a part of 
the Kasba ward has seven work-places or paper factories. According 
to the paper- workers the site on which they built their houses and 
factories was given free of charge by the Peshwa to encourage the 
craft. Of forty factories only eight remain, seven in Poona and 
one at Bhdmburda just across the Mutha from Kagdipura. The paper- 
makers know Marathi but speak Hindustani at home. They can 
afford to eat flesh only on holidays, and drink liquor but not to excess. 



Deccan] 

POONA. 205 

They live in one-sfcoreyed houses of their own. The men dress like Chapter VI. 
Kunbis in a three-cornered turban, a long coat, a scarf round the Crafts, 

loins, and one round the shoulders. Their women wear a robe and 
bodice like Kunbi women. Their paper is strong and lasting but Paper. 

has no special peculiarity or excellence. They earn barely enough 
to live on and are constantly borrowing. They work from seven 
to twelve and from one to sunset. They stop work on Fridays, 
Bakar-Ids, five days of Muharram, one of bhabebardt, and three days 
on the death of a member of the community. Their women and their 
children over eight help in sorting waste paper. Unlike the practice 
at Nasik and Junnar where rags are used, at Poona paper is made 
'solely from waste paper bought from Government oflBces at £1 to £2 
a palla of 240 lbs. As the waste paper is generally bought at 
auction sales its price varies considerably. The £2 to £5 (Rs. 20-50) 
required for buying the raw material has to be borrowed from 
Marwdri moneylenders at two or three per cent a month. The Poona 
paper-makers have stopped using ropes and gunnybags as they require 
more time and labour to pound and bleach. Six chieftools and appliances 
are used : The dhegi or great hammer, a long heavy beam poised 
on a central fulcrum worked in a long pit two or three feet deep. 
The head of the hammer is a heavy block of wood fixed at right 
angles to one end of the main beam, with its face strengthened by 
four thick polished steel plates. On the upper surface of the other 
end of the main beam two or three steps are cut, and the hammer 
is worked by three or four men together forcing down the beam and 
letting it rise by alternately stepping on the beam and on the edge 
of the hole. The cost of the dhegi including the cost of the paved 
pit or hole in which it is worked, is calculated at £5 to £6 
(Rs. 50-60). Though every one of the Poona paper factories has a 
dhegi, they have not been in use for ten or twelve years as waste 
paper does not require heavy hammering. A rectangular teakwood 
frame or sdcha two and a half feet' by two, with eight cross bars ; 
it costs 6s. (Rs. 3) and is used in fishing out films of paper from the 
cistern. A screen or chhapri made of the stalks of the white conical 
headed amaranth Amaranthus globulus, on which the film of 
paper rests, when the frame is brought out of the cistern and the 
water allowed to pass through it, costs 2s. to 4s. (Rs. 1-2). A soft 
date palm brush or kuncha, costing l^d. to Bd. (1 -2 as.), is used in 
spreading the sheets against the cemented walls of the room. This 
brush is not always required as the paper is generally spread in the 
sun on old scarves or rags. The polishing stones a piece of agate 
worth 2s. to 4s. (Rs. 1-2). Large shells Cyprcea tigris, which are 
in use instead of polishing stones, cost Is. to Is. 6d. (8-12 as.) a 
dozen; smooth teakwood boards each about two feet by three, 
costing 2s. to 2s. 6d (Rs. 1-li), are required to lay the paper on 
while it is being rubbed .with the polishing stone or shell. The 
process of making paper from waste paper is not so elaborate as 
the process of making it from sacking. In Poona the paper is torn 
to pieces, sorted according to colour, moistened with water, and 
taken to the river and pounded with stones and washed for three 
•days. It is then taken to the cistern. A paper-maker's cistern is 
a cement-lined tank about seven feet by four and four deep half 



[Bombay Gazetteer. 
206 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter VI- q\Iq^ ^jtlj water. The paper pulp is thrown iuto this cistern. 
Crafts. When it is thoroughly dissolved the workman sitting at the side of 

Paper, *^^ pi*'j leaning over the water, takes in both hands the square frame 

which holds the screen which serves as a sieve, passes it under the 
water and draws it slowly and evenly to the surface, working it so that 
. as the water passes through, a uniform film of pulp is left on the 
screen. The screen is then lifted up and turned over, and the film 
of paper is spread on a rag cushion. When layers have been 
heaped on this cushion nine to fourteen inches high a rag is 
spread over them, and on the rag is laid a plank weighted with 
heavy stones. When this pressure has drained the paper of some of 
its moisture the stones are taken away, and two men one standing 
at each end of the plank, seesaw over the bundle of paper. When 
it is well pressed the paper is peeled off, layer after layer, and spread 
to dry either on the cemented walls of the building or on rags 
laid in the sun. When dry each sheet is laid on the polished 
wooden board and rubbed with a shell till it shines. The paper 
made by this process though rough and of a dingy yellow is strong 
and lasting. The makers sell it to Marwari Vani, Bohora, and Gujardt 
Vani dealers. The price for each gaddi of 240 sheets ranges from 
8s. to 10s. (Rs. 4-5). The cheaper varieties are generally bought 
by Government oflScialsfor envelopes, and the better kinds command 
a sale among native merchants who use them for account books for 
which their toughness and durability make them specially suitable. 
The retail price varies from 8s. to £2 (Rs. 4-20) the ream of ten 
quires. The paper-makers almost never employ outside labour. The 
men and women of the family work together, the men doing the 
heavier and the women the lighter parts of the work. ^ From the much 
greater cheapness of machine-made imported paper the demand for 
the local paper is small and declining. The makers are badly off, 
barely earning a living. They have no trade guild. 
Iron Pots. Poena city has twenty-seven iron pot factories, four of which belong 

to Telis or oilmen, three to Bohoras, ten to Kunbis, and ten to Mdlis. 
The industry employs 150 to 200 workmen Brdhmans, Kunbis and 
Musalmdns. All the iron pot factories in Poena city are in the Aditvar 
ward. The whole of the iron used is brought in sheets through 
Bombay from Europe. When at work iron pot makers wear nothing 
but a waistcloth tied round the hips. On holidays the Brdhmans wear 
their own dress, and the rest the three-cornered turban, a long coat, 
and all the Musalmans a waist and shoulder cloth. They speak 
Marathi, and live in one-storeyed hired quarters. Their every-day 
food is bdjri or millet cakes and ddl or pulse with af ew ground chillies 
and some simple vegetables. Except the Brdhmans both Hindus 
and Musalmdna occasionally eat flesh and drink liquor though not 
to excess. The workers make little more than a living most of the 
profits going to the dealers. They work even on no-moon days. 
Their only holidays are Kar that is the day following Mahdsankrant 
in January, five days during Shimga in March-April, Ganpati's 
Day in August, and the day after all eclipses. Their busy season 
begins in Bhddrapad or July -August and lasts till Ghaitra or 
March-April. The women and children do not help the men in 
their work. They work from sunrise to sunset with half an hour's 



Deccau } 



POONA. 



207 



rest at midday. The iron sheets are bought in Bombay near the 
Camao Bridge at lis. (Rs. 5 J) the cwt. to which carriage to Poona 
adds Is. 6cl. the cwt. The dealers buy the iron sheets with their 
own capital. The iron pot maker uses nine appliances. Twenty to 
twenty-five chisels or chhani each worth 1 ^d. (1 a.) ; twelve to 
fifteen hammers of different sizes each worth Qd. (4 as.) ; half a 
dozen pincers or sdndsis each worth 3cJ. (2 as.) ; two or three 
heavy iron cylinders each worth 4s. to 5s. (Rs. 2-2^); half a dozen 
compasses each worth 6d. (4 as.); six to eight large English anvils 
each worth £1 to £1 10s. (Rs. 10-15) ; half a dozen thick rounded 
anvils about six inches across fixed in bdbhul blocks and half 
buried in the earth each worth 6s. to 8s. (Rs. 3 - 4) ; about a dozen 
thick pointed nails for punching holes together worth 4^d. (3 as.); 
half a dozen yearly renewed files at Is. 6d. (12 as.) each. In making 
the iron vessels the iron sheet is laid on the floor and the shape 
required for the pot is traced with compasses on the sheet and 
cut out with a chisel. The piece of iron thus separated is then 
hammered on a solid iron anvil or bdngdi, and roughly shaped into a 
hemisphere. • It is next hammered on the large and small anvils, 
till the shaping is completed. The pieces forming parts of a pot are 
then nailed together and the joint filled up with putty. Its brim 
is filed, and the handles, made of iron rods flattened at the ends 
are rivetted on. The articles made are : The tava a griddle for 
baking native dainties ; the jpdtele a cylindrical pot with a slightly 
rounded bottom varying from a foot to three feet across and two 
to three feet deep ; a nagdra or large drum pot ; tanks or hauds 
for storing water and grain ; a pohora or cylindrical water-drawing 
pot nine inches to a foot across and seven to fourteen inches high ; 
a sieve or chdlan used by grain parohers or hhadbunjds ; a kadhai or 
frj'ing pan, a hemispherical pot one foot to six feet across and two 
inches to two feet deep with two opposite handles ; the Jcdil or large 
flat-bottomed sugar-boiling pan. Of these articles the pdtele or 
round pot, the nagdra or drum, the tank or haud, and the frying 
pan or kadhai used to be made of copper, but among the poor iron is 
taking the place of copper. The tava or griddle is used by all classes 
especially by the poor for cooking their millet cakes. The demand 
for iron ware is steadily on the increase. The yearly import of 
iron sheets into Poona ranges from 14,440 cwt. to 24,908 cwt. 

Tape is woven in Poona city by one hundred to one 
hundred and fifty Ravals, who have come from Mohol and 
ShoMpur. They are not permanently settled in Poona and visit 
their homes every year generally during the rains. In Poona they 
live in a part of the Ganj ward which is known as the Rdval quarter. 
They look like Ling^yats and worship Shiv but do not wear the 
ling. Their home tongue is Marathi. At Poona they live in 
hired one-storeyed quarters, eat no flesh, but drink liquor. The 
men dress in a rumdl or headscarf, a short coat reaching to the 
waist, and a scarf round the middle. Tape weaving requires little 
skill. Most of the weavers are in debt to the tape dealers, and 
they keep hardly any holidays. They use machine-made yarn for 
the woof and hand-spun yarn for the warp. Tape is almost the only 
article in "which hand-spun yarn is still used. The machine-mado 



Chapter VI. 

Crafts. 

Iron Pots. 



Tapb Wbavino, 



Tapb Weaving. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 
208 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter VI. yarn whicli is almost always twenties, is brought from Bombay by 
Crafts- *^® **P® dealers. It is sold or rather given to the weavers on 

credit at 10s. to 12s. (Rs. 5-6) the pound. The coarse hand- 
spun yarn comes from ShoMpur into which it is brought from 
the Nizdm's country. It is sold at Poena at 7^d. (5 as.) the pound. 
The tape weaver's appliances are simple. A bamboo cage or phdlka, 
or large reel, worth 6d. (4 as.) ; a vasdn or small reel worth 3d. 
(2 as.) ; a spindle or phiraki of nominal value ; a bamboo shuttle or 
kdnde; and a flat wedge-shaped piece of wood with which the 
woof is driven home, worth Bd. (2 as.) The tape loom is of 
primitive make. Between two uprights, from a foot to" one foot and 
nine inches high, are placed two horizontal bars one joining the tops 
and the other the centres of the uprights. To the central horizontal 
bar are tied a row of loops, each loop two inches long. In arrang- 
ing the warp, one thread is passed through a loop and the other 
over the upper horizontal bar, at a spot just above the space between 
two loops. The weaver sits in front of the uprights, and holding in 
his right hand a bundle of woof yarn, passes it across through the 
warp into his left hand and forces the woof home by a blow from 
the flat wedge-shaped hdtya. As he weaves, he slackens the warp 
which he keeps tied to a peg or beam on the other side of the 
upright frame. The broadest and thickest tape woven, called. 
padam, is six to nine inches broad and twelve feet long. It is sold 
at 9d. to \0^d. (6-7 as.) the piece. It is white with black and red 
bands. A smaller variety called kdcha, two to six inches broad 
and seven to fifteen feet long, varies in price from 1 ^d. to Is. (1-8 as.). 
The narrow tape which is less than half an inch broad, is woven 
by poor Musalmdn women. It is believed that at present (1882) 
in Poena city as many as 150 Musalmdn women weave narrow tape 
in their leisure hours earning a shilling or two a month. 
Felt. Pelt or humus is made at Poena by Pinjd,ris who are settled 

near the Nainsuk police station and near the temple of Someshvar. 
Bight or ten shops or rather families are (1883) engaged in making 
felt. They came to Poena three or four generatipns ago from 
Chakan, Khed, and Manchar in Junnar. They have been working 
in felt for generations and say they do not believe their forefathers 
ever did any other work. They speak Hindustani at home and 
Mardthi ont of doors. They live in one-storeyed hired houses and 
eat flesh though they generally live on a vegetable diet. The men 
wear a three-cornered turban, a short coat reaching the waist, 
and a scarf for the loins. They are poor. Their working hours 
are from seven to eleven and from one to sunset. They stop 
work on Fridays, Bakar-Id, and two days in Eamzdn. The wool is 
brought from the shepherds or Dhangars of the villages near Poona in 
Ashddh or June- July and Shrdvan or July -August. Goat's hair costs 
I'id. to 2^3. the pound(l0-14 lbs. the rupee) and sheep wool 3d. to 4A 
the pound (6-8 lbs. the rupee). The tamarind seeds required for sizing 
are bought in Poona at l^d. to 2id. (1-1^ a. a s/ier of two lbs.). 
They generally borrow what jnoney is wanted at twelve to twenty- 
four per cent a year. They work the raw material on their own 
account and pay their creators out of the proceeds of the felt. 
The demand for felt is said to be on the decline on account of the 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



209 



importation of cheap European blankets. The only instrument 
they require is the teaser which consists of three parts, the bow or 
Jcamdn which is hung from the ceiling, the harp-shaped teaser or 
dasta, and the dumbbell-shaped striker or muth with which the 
worker strikes the thong or leather string. The whole teaser costs 
8s. to 10s. (Rs. 4-5). Besides the dumbbell striker the worker has a 
stick about two yards long. The wool is first disentangled by the 
women of the house and teased on the dasta by the men. Men or 
women then spread it on planks or mats and the tamarind seed paste is 
spread over it. Another layer of wool is spread on th^ paste and 
a layer of paste on the wool till it is half an inch to an inch thick. 
It is lastly laid in the sun and dried. It is sold in the workmen's 
houses at 6d. to 4s. (Rs. -J -2) the piece, the price depending on the 
size of the article. The whole yearly outturn is not worth more 
than £200 (Rs. 2000). 

Six Kataris or hereditary Wood-Turners, ten Kunbis, and 
one Brahman earn their living at Poena by turning wood. 
They live in Aditvdr ward near Subhansha's mosque and the 
Gujri market. They speak Mardthi, live in one-storeyed hired 
quarters, and except the Brdhman who lives solely on vegetable food, 
they occasionally eat flesh. The Brdhman wears a rounded turban, 
a long coat reaching to the knees, a jacket, a waistcloth, and a 
shouldercloth. The Kd,taris and Kunbis wear a three-cornered 
turban, a long coat, and waist and shouldercloths. They work from 
seven to eleven in the morning and from one to sunset. They rest 
on all no-moon days, on the day after the chief or winter SanJcrdnt in 
January; for two days of Shim gain March -April, and for two days 
after an echpse. The women and children do not help the men. 
Their average monthly earnings range from 10s. to £1 (Rs. 5-10). 
The only kinds of wood they use are the kiida Wrightia tinctoria, 
and the varas Heterophragma roxburghii, which they buy from 
Mhar women who bring it from the forest lands near Poena. A 
head-load of sticks one to two inches in diameter costs them 2s. to 
3s. (Rs. 1-1^). A wood-turner has two tools, the lathe and the 
chisel. The lathe or thadge, consists of two upright blocks of wood 
about two feet long six inches broad and six inches high, and two 
feet apart with a short iron peg or spike on the inner face of each. 
Of the two blocks of wood one is kept in its place by a heavy stone, 
the other is movable. The piece of wood to be turned is drilled at 
each end, the movable part of the lathe, always the left block, is 
taken away, the wood to be turned is slipped over the two iron 
spikes and the movable part of the lathe is put back in its place. 
The workman sits on a board opposite the lathe, and, with his left 
foot, keeps the movable block in its place. He takes his bow or 
Jcamdn, a bamboo about tiree feet long with a loose string, and 
passing a loop of the string round the right end of the wood to be 
turned, tightens his bow, and, by moving it sharply at right angles 
to the lathe, makes the wood spin quickly on the two iron spikes. 
As it turns, the wood is worked into shape by the double-pointed 
chisel or vdkas held in the left hand. When the wood has been 
shaped and smoothed, a piece of sealing wax is held close to it, and, 
by the friction, melted and spread over its surface. The fing,! 

B 1.327—27 



Chapter VI. 
Crafts. 

Felt. 



Wood-Turning. 



WOOD-TCRNING, 



[Bombay Gazetteer. 
210 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter VL polish is given by rubbing it with, a leaf of the kevda Pandanus 
Crafts. "odoratissimns. The chief articles turned are : The Idtne or rolling 

pin used in kneading wheat bread, a plain wooden bar one to two 
feet long and two or three inches round ; it costs fd. (| a.) and is 
not lacquered. The gudgudi or huTtka the hubble-bubble. This is 
of three parts, the bowl, the handle, and the pipe. The bowl is 
made of a cocoanut shell with a hole at the top, polished and 
smoothed on the lathe. The handle which is eight to twelve inches 
long and three to four inches round, is hollowed, and the outside 
carved and covered- with lac. The pipe is a hollow round stick, 
nine to twelve inches long and one inch round, smoothed and 
lacquered. A hubble-bubble costs 4|c?. to 9c?. (3-6 res.). Clothes- 
pegs or khuntis, four to six inches long and two to three round, 
cost 2s. (Re. 1) a score or kodi. Children's rattles or khtilkhvlds 
a lacquered stick two to four inches long and half an inch round, 
with, at each end, a hollow lacquered ball three to five inches 
round with a few pieces of stone inside, cost 1 ^d. (1 a.) ; kathadds 
or balusters upright sticks six inches to three feet long, and half 
an inch to six inches round, lacquered, and varying in price from, 
l^d. to 6d. (1 -4< as.) a stick. Rulers or dkhanis, one to two feet long 
and one to two inches round, are not coloured and cost 1 ^d. to 4ici. 
(1-3 as.) . Walking sticks or kdthis are generally supplied rough 
by the customer and turned for Bd. to Gd. (2-4 as.). All of these 
articles are sold in the turner's shops. They have no special merit 
and are not in much demand. The women do not help the men. 



Deccan] 



B.C.100-A.D.129 



CHAPTER VII. 

H ISTORY. 

In preliistoric times, like the rest of the Deccan, Poona is said Chapter YII- 
to have formed part of the Dandakaranya or Dandaka forest, History, 

which the Ramd,yan represents as infested by Eakshasas or wild vj^^y Histokt 
men who disturbed the religious rites of Brdhman sages. A high 
and ancient holiness attaches to Bhimdshankar the source of the 
Bhima, forty-five miles north-west of Poona, the Shivling of whose 
temple is one of the twelve great lings of India.^ 

From very early times trade routes must have crossed the Poona 
district down the Sahyd,dri passes to the Konkan seaports of Sopara 
Kalydn and Cheul, Rock-cut temples, rest-chambers, and inscriptions 
show that as far back as the first centuries before and after Christ 
trade went to and from the coast by the Ndna and the Bor passes. 
The richness of the rock-cut temples both above the pass at Bedsa 
Bhaja and K^rli, and below the pass at Kondane and Ambivli make 
it probable that in the first centurj.es after Christ a great traflBc moved 
along the Bor pass route. The early history of the district centres 
in Junnar, on the Nd,na pass route, fifty miles north of Poona, a city 
strongly placed, in a rich country, with a good climate, and facilities 
for trade. Two considerable groups of caves one near Kdlamb about 
twelve miles south of Junnar, the other round Talegaon about thirty 
miles south-west of Kdlamb, now on the main line of trafiic from 
Junnar to the railway, apparently mark the old trade route from 
Junnar to the Bor pass. Of the founders of Junnar nothing is known. 
Even its early name has perished, if, as is generally supposed, the 
present name Junnar means Old City.^ The town is probs/bly as old as 
the large inscription on the walls of the rock-cut chamber at the head 



' Indian Antiquary, U. 1 5 and note 1 . The eleven other great litigs axe : Amaresh var 
near Ujjain ; Gautameshvar unknown ; Keddreshyar in the Himalayas ; MahAkil 
iu Ujjain ; MallikArjun on the Shrishail hill in Telingana ; Omkdr in the Narbada ; 
K^meahvar on RAraeahvar island near Cape Comoriu ; Someahvar in Somnith-Pdtan 
in K&thiiyrii ; Trimbakeshvar at Trimbak in N4sik ; Vaidyandth at Deygad in the 
Sdnthal district of Bengal ; and Vishveshvar at Benares. 

' Pandit BhagvAnldl gives Junnar its old name by identifying it with the Xagara 
of Ptolemy (a. D. 150) and of the Periplus (a.d. 247). The arguments in support of 
the identification are the antiquity of Junnar as proved! by its numeroua caves and 
inscriptions, its position at the head of a highway of commerce, and its comparative 
nearness to SheUrvAdi which Professor Bhdnddrkar finds to be the only name 
connected with the Konkan SilAh^ras, who call Tagara their original city (Bombay 
Gazetteer, XIII. 423 ; Professor Bhdnddrkar's Deooan Earfy History) ; and stUl more 
the position of the city between the three hills or trigiri of LenAdri, Mi,nmoda, and 
Shivner, from which it might have been called Trigiri corrupted into Tagara. The 
chief argument against this identification is that the position of Junnar, 100 railea 
west of Paithan, does not agree with Ptolemy or with the author of the Periplua 
both of whom place Tagara ten days, east of Paithan, A minor objection is that a 
seveutli ceatuiy copperplate reeor&ng a grant to an inhabitant of Tagara has been 
found in the Nizdm s Hatdarabad which agrees with the position of Ptolemy's and the 
Periplus' Tagara (compare Bombay Gazetteer, XIII, 423). 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



212 



DISTRICTS. 



ChaptMVII. 
History. 

Early History. 

B.C.100-A.D.1290. 



of the Nd,na pass which, was engraved by a Deccan king one of 
whose capitals was probably at Junnar and whose date probably 
lies between b.c. 90 and a.d. 30. Next to Ashok's (b.c. 250) edicts 
at Girnar in Kdthiawdr and Sopara near Bassein in Thdna, the 
Nana pass inscription is the oldest writing in Western India. It 
is believed to be the earliest historical record in the Deccan, and 
has the special interest of being the oldest known Brdhmanical 
inscription in the whole of India. In the beginning salutations 
are offered to Vedic and Puranik gods, to Dharma and to Indra, to 
Chandra the moon, Surya the sun, Agni fire, and Marut wind, to 
the four region-guardians or lolcapdls who preside over the four 
quarters of the universe, Yama, Varuna, Kubera, and V^sava, 
and to Sankarshana Krishna's brother and Vdsudeva or Krishna. 
It mentions a pious king of Dakshinapatha or the Deccan, a 
staunch supporter of the Vedic religion and strictly Brahmanical 
in his beliefs. It gives a long account of Vedic sacrifices from 
the first ceremony of fire-placing or agnyddhdn to the great horse 
or ashvamedha and other sacrifices. Mention is made of giftg of 
villages, elephants, horses, chariots, and of thousands and ten 
thousands of cows and hdrshdpan coins. This inscription has the 
high value of showing that about B.C. 90 Buddhism had not 
yet triumphed over Brahmanism, and that the sacrifices of the 
Vedic age were still in use. The inscription was engraved by king 
Vedishri, who, as king of Dakshindpatha, probably improved the 
Nana pass, cat the rest-chamber for the use of travellers, and, in this 
large inscription, recorded the, power and the piety of his family. 
Vedishri belonged to the great Andhrabritya or Shatakarni dynasty.* 
Several inscriptions, over what once were statues in the Nana pass 
chamber, are supposed to give Vedishri's pedigree mentioning 
Simuka Shd,tavd,hana his grandfather,^ Shri Shatakarni and queen 
Ndyanika his parents, and his two sons Prince Hakushri and Prince 
Shatav^hana. Later in date than the great Nd,na pass inscriptionare 
the Buddhist caves, about 150 in three groups at Junnar, ten at Kdrle, 
twelve at Bhd.ja, two at Bedsa, and twenty at and near SheUrwidi 
probably all of about the first and second centuries after Christ.' 
These rock temples contain seventy-five inscriptions also of the first 
and second centuries after Christ. The K£rle and Junnar inscriptions 
give the names of kings Pulumdvi and Nahap^na, an inscription over 



1 The ShAtakariiis, who are better known by their Viirduik name of Andhrabhntyas, 
were a powerful Deccan dynasty which is supposed to have flourished in the two 
centuries before and the three centuries after the Christian era. Their ormnal seat 
was Andhra or Telangan and their capital Dharnikot at the mouth of the Knslma. 
At the height of their power (A.r. 10-140 ?) they appear to have held the whole breadth 
of the Deccan from SopAra in Thdna to Dharnikot near the mouth of the Krishna. 
Their inscriptions and coins have been found at Kanheri and Sopira in the Konkan, 
at Junnar, Karhdd, Kolh^pur, andNAsik in the Deccan, at BanavAsiin North Kinara, 
at the AmrAvati tope in the Kistna district, and ™ other parts of the Madm 
Presidency. Details are giveniu Bombay Gazetteer, XIII. 409;XVI. 181-183, bMbAi- 

" According to the Purtoik lists Simuka, Sindhuka, or Sipraka was the founder ot 
the Audhrabhritya dynasty. Sewell's Dynasties of Southern India, 5. _ _ 

' The Ganesh Khind and Bhimbhurda caves near Poon^ have no inscriptions. IM 
BhJlmbhurda rock temple appears to be a Brihmanical work of about the eighth 
century. The Ganesh Khind oaves are plain cells whose age cannot be fixed. Ibe 
KAlamb caves which are mentioned by Mr. Elphinstoue in 1815 (Colebrookes 
Elphinstone, I, 283) have not yet (May 1884) been examined. 



Deccau] 

POONA. 213 

one of tlie Nd,naghat cisterns gives the name of Chatarpana Shatakarni Chapter VII. 

son of Vasishthi, and a Bedsa inscription mentions a Mahd,bhoja's History. 

daughter and a Mahd,rathi's wife.' Among placeSj a Bedsa inscription 

mentions" Ndsik, two Junnar inscriptions mention Broach and Kalydn, ^^^^ '^Toori 

and the Kdrle inscriptions mention Abulama perhaps OboUah at the b.c.ioO- a.d. 

head of the Persian gulf/ Dhenukakat or Dharnikot at the mouth 

of the Krishna, Sopara in Thana, and Vaijayanti or Banav^si in 

North Kdnara. Among donors the Junnar inscriptions mention 

three Yavans, a Shak, a Brahman minister, a goldsmith, and guilds 

of bamboo makers, coppersmiths, and corn dealers ; the Karle 

inscriptions mention a goldsmith, carpenters, two Yavans, and two 

Persians or P^rthians.* The workmanship of many of the caves, 

especially of the chapel in the Ganesh Lena group at Junnar the 

magnificent cathedral at Kdrle and the temple cave at Bedsa,* have 

the special interest of showing in the animal capitals of their 

pillars a strong foreign, probably Pdrthian, element. Of the 

Mahabhoja mentioned in the Bedsa caves nothing is known except 

that inscriptions in the Kuda caves in KoMba show that about the 

same time a dynasty of Bhojas was ruling in the Konkan.^ The 

Pulumavi mentioned in the Junnar and Kdrle inscriptions seems to 

be the Palumavi Vdsishthiputra of the Ndsik inscriptions whose 

date lies between a.d. 1Q andA.D. 150;^ Chatarpana is known to be 

the father of a later Andhrabhritya king Yajnashri Shatakarni 

one of whose silver coins has been found in Sopdra ; ' and Nahap^na, 

whose name occurs in an inscription of his minister at Junnar and 

of his son-in-law Ushavddt at Kdrle,* is supposed to be a Pdrthian 

or Shak viceroy whose date probably lies between B.C. 40 and a.d. 

120.9 jjj Professor Bhanddrkar's opinion Nahapdn's minister's and 

other inscriptions at Junnar favour the view that Junnar was 

Nahapdn's capital.'" For the 900 years ending early in the fourteenth 

' One of the N4na pass statue inscriptions (b. c. 90) also mentions a Malid- 
raikdgraniha, which may mean either a leader of large chariot fighters or, as is more 
prohable, a leader of Mardthds. In the latter, sense Mardth^ would seem to mean 
Great Eattas, or Reddis, afterwards (760 - 973) the Ratta and KAshtraknta kingsK of 
the Deccau and KamAtak. See Fleet's Kdnarese Dynasties, 31-38, 79-83. The 
Bedsa inscription seems to show that the MahAbhojas married with the MahAratms. 
Deecan Early History, 10. ' Compare Bombay Gazetteer, XIII. 421 note 2. 

' Bombay Archaeological Survey Report, IV. 89-114 ; Separate No. X. 22-55. 

* See under Places, Bedsa. 

° The Bhojas and MahAbhojas appear to be a very old Deecan dynasty, as along 
with the Petenikas or rulers of Paithan on the north-east border of Ahmadnagar, 
Bhojas appear among Deecan kings in the thirteenth of Ashok's rock edicts (b.c. 250), 
Ind. Ant. X. 272. 

" Deecan Early History, 20 ; Bombay Gazetteer, XVI. 623. 

' Bombay Gazetteer, XIV. 288, 332. 

* TJshavddt appears to have been the Gujardt and Konkan viceroy of NahapAna. 
His Kdrle and Ndsik inscriptions mention gifts made at Somndth Pattan in Kithidwir 
and at Broach, as well as at Sopdra in Thina and at Govardhan near NAsik. See 
under Places, Kd.rle. » Deecan Early History, 27 ; Bombay Gazetteer, XVI. 620. 

i» Deecan Early History, 22. If .Tunnar was the capital of NahapAna, the name 
Junnar may be not the old city, which, where there is no new city, is unmeaning, but 
the Yavans' city. In support of this suggestion it may be noticed that at the head 
of Ptolemy's (a.d. 150) Nanaguna (which apparently is the Ntoa pass though Ptolemy 
makes it a river), to the south of Ndsik and to the east of SopAra is a town called 
Omenagara (Bertius' Ptolemy 174 and Asia Map X.), which, as the Yavans were 
also called Mins (ArchsBologioal Survey of India Report, II. 45, 54) may be Minagara 
or Yavanagara that is Junnar. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



214 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 
Eably History. 
B.c.lOO- a.d.129q_ 



century with the Musalmdn overthrow of the Devgiri Yddavs no 
historical information regarding Poona is available. Not a single 
stone or copperplate inscription has been found in- the Poona 
district belonging to the three great dynasties of Ohalukyas (550-760),' 
Eashtrakutas (760-973),2 and Devgiri Yddavs (1190-1295).8 Still, as 
inscribed stones and copperplates havebeen found in the neighbouring 
districts of Ahmadnagar Sholapur and SAtara, it is probable that 
the Early and Western Ohalukyas held the Poona district from 
about 550 to 760 ; the Rd,shtrakutas to 973 ; the Western Chd,lukyas 
to 1184 J and the Devgiri Yddavs till the Musalman conquest of the 
Deccan about 1300.* 

Under the Devgiri Yadavs much of the country is said to have been 



' The name ChAlukya ia derived by tradition from chulJca, chahiha, or chiduka, a 
waterpot, from which their ancestor is said to have sprung. This appears to he a 
late story, as, though chaluka or chuluka a waterpot may be the origin of the later 
forma OhAlukya in the Deccan and Ohaulukya in Gnjardt, it cannot be the origin of 
the early name vfhich is written Chalkya, Ohalikya, and Chalukya. They claim to 
belong to the Som-vanah or lunar race and mention a succession of fifty-nine kings, 
rulers of Ayodhya, and after them sixteen more who ruled over the region of the 
south. The names of seven early Chalukya kings have been found who reigned from 
about 550 to 610. In 610 the Chalukya dominions were divided into an eastern 
kingdom whose head-quarters were Vengi in the delta of the Krishna and the Go- 
ddvari, and a western kingdom whose head-quarters are believed to have been at 
BAdAmi in BijApur. Of this western branch called the Western Ohalukyas the names 
of six kings have been found who ruled from 610 to 760 about which time they were 
overthrown by the R^htrakutas. Several attempts were made by the dynasty, to 
regain its power but unsuccessfully until 973 when Taila II. destroyed the 
EAshtrakutas, and, under the slightly changed name of (Western) Chdlukyas, up to 
about 1190, thirteen of his successors ruled over tlie greater part of the Veccan and 
the Kam4tak. Details are given in Fleet's Kdnarese Dynasties, 17 -30, 39 - 56. 

2 It is not certain whether the Rtohtrakutas were northerners or a family of Battaa 
or Keddis the widespread tribe of Kd.uarese husbandmen who were formerly the 
strongest fighting class in the Kamdtak and MaisUr. Mr. fleet seems to incline 
to a northeru origin and to trace the name to Eishtrakuta or KAshtrapati, a title 
meaning a district head who is subordinate to some overlord. But it seems not 
improbable that the lUshtrakutas were Rattas or Reddis, and that the main branch 
when they rose to supreme power Sanscritised their name, while the side branch of 
Rattas who ruled as underlords at Saundatti and Belgaum and claimed a common 
origin with the Rishtrakutas kept their original name. The names of about twenty 
RAshtraku takings havebeen found, the seventh of whom Dantivarma II. overthrew 
the Western Ohalukyas about 760. His fifteen successors were powerful sovereigns 
who ruled till 973 when the last of their race, Kakka III., was defeated and slain by 
the revived Western Ohalukyas, better known under the slightly changed name of 
Western Chillukyas. Details are given in Fleet's Kinarese Dynasties, -31-38. 

3 'The Devgiri YAdavs (1150-1310) were a dynasty of ten powerful kings who, before 
the Musalmto conquest (1295) held almost the whole of the Deccan, the Konkan, and 
the Bombay Karn4tak. Their capital was originally at a place called Tenevalege, 
then at Vijaypur or Bijipur, and lastly at Devgiri the modem Daulatabad in the 
NizAm's territories. Their greatest king was the ninth, Rdmchandra or Ktodev 
(1271-1308), whose minister was Hemidri or HemMpant the reputed builder of the 
widespread HemAdpanti temples of the Deccan. 

* The only recorded traces of these early Hindu dynasties are the Shaiyite rook 
temple at BhAmbhurda two miles west of Poona, and scattered Hemddpaati remains 
varying from the tenth to the thirteenth century. The chief Hemddpanti remains 
are the Kukdeshvar temple at Pur ten miles north-west of Junnar, ponds at Behle 
twenty-one miles north-east of Junnar, and at Pibal twenty-five miles north-east of 
Poona, transformed mosques at Poona, Junnar, and SAsvad, and the Ganga and 
Jumna rock-cut reservoirs on the top of Shivner fort in Junnar. The broken Ganpati 
at the foot of the dismantled rock-cut ladder in the middle of the east or Junnar 
face of the Shivner scarp appears also to belong to the time of the Devgiri YAdavs,^ 
and to show that Shivner was used by them as a fort. According to Ferishta (Briggs 
Edition, II. 436) Chikan as well as Shivner was an early Hindu fort. See under 
Places, Junnar and Ch^kan. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



215 



divided among Maratha or Koli hill chiefs or jpdligars -^ except to 
Nag Naik the Koli chief of Sinhgad no reference to any Poena local 
chief has been traced. 

The first Musalman invasion of the Deccan took place in 1 294, 
but the power of the Devgiri YAdavs was not crushed till 1318.^ 
From 1318 Maharashtra began to be ruled by governors appointed 
from Delhi and stationed at Devgiri. At first the conquest of the 
country was imperfect. In 1340 the Delhi emperor Muhammad 
Tughlik (1325-1351) who,inl338, had made Devgiri his capital and 
changed its name to Daulatabad or the City of Wealth, marched 
against the fort of Kondhdna the modern Sinhgad about ten miles 
south of Poona. Nag Ndik, the Koli chieftain, opposed him with 
great bravery, but was forced to take refuge within the walls of the 
fort. As the only way to the hill top was by a narrow passage cut 
in the rock, Muhammad, after fruitless attempts on the works, 
blockaded the fort. At the end of eight months, as their stores 
failed them, the garrison left the fort, and Muhammad returned to 
Daulatabad. Three years later (1341) MusalmAn exactions caused 
a general revolt in the Deccan, which, according to Ferishta, was so 
successful that in 1344 Muhammad had no part of his Deccan terri- 
tories left him except Daulatabad.* In 1346 there was widespread 
disorder, and the Delhi officers plundered and wasted the country.* 
These cruelties led to the revolt of the Deccan nobles under the able 
leadership of an Afghan soldier of fortune, named Hasan Gangu. The 
nobles were successful, and freed the Deccan from dependence on 
Northern India. Hasan® founded a dynasty, which, in honour of his 
patron a Brahman, he called Bahmani, and which held command 
of the Deccan for nearly 150 years. The Bahmani capital was first 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

MUSALM^NS, 

1294-1760. 
Delhi Qovemors, 

1318 -mr. 



1347-1490. 



1 Grant Duff's Mardthds, 24, 

' Briggs' Ferishta, I. 304. lu 1294 Rdmdev the ruling king of Devgad was 
surprised in his capital by Ald-ud-din Khilji the nephew of the Delhi emperor 
JaUl-nd-din Khilji, and forced to pay tribute. In 1297, Edmdev gave shelter to 
Eii Karan the refugee king of Gujarat, and neglected to pay tribute for three years 
(Ditto, I. 365). In 1306 Malik Kdfur Ald-ud-din's general reduced the greater part 
of Mah^dshtra, distributed it among his officers, and confirmed E4mdev in his 
allegiance (Ditto, I. 369), In 1310 Kimdev was succeeded by his son Shankardev who 
was not well affected to the MusalmAns (Ditto, I. 373), In 1312 Malik Kitfur 
marched a third time into the Deccan, seized and put Shankardev to death, 
wasted Mah^dshtra, and fixed his residence at Devgad (Ditto, I. 379), where he 
remained till AlA-ud-din in his last illness ordered him to Delhi. During Malik KAfur's 
absence at Delhi, Harpdldev the son-in-law of R&mdev stirred the Deccan to arms, drove 
out many Musalmin garrisons, and, with the aid of the other Deccan chiefs, recovered 
Mahdrdshtra. In 1318 MubArik Khilji, AM-ud-din's son and successor, marched to 
the Deccan to chastise Harpdldev who fled at the approach of the Musalmdna, and 
was pursued, seized, and flayed alive. MubArik appointed Malik Beg Laki, one of his 
father's slaves, to command in the Deccan, and returned to Delhi. (Ditto, I. 389). 

' Briggs' Ferishta, I. 426-427. This statement seems exaggerated. In 1346 there 
were Musalmin governors at RAichur, Mudkal, Kulbarga, Bedar, Bijipur, Ganjauti, 
Riibig, Gilhari, Hukeri, and Berar. Ditto, 437. 

' Briggs' Ferishta, I. 432-433. 

° Briggs' Ferishta, II. 285-291. Hasan Gangu, the first Bahmani king, was an Afghan 
of the lowest rank and a native of Delhi. He farmed a small plot of land belonging to 
a Brihman astrologer, named Gangu, who was in favour with the king of Delhi. Ha iring 
accidentally found a treasure in his field, Hasan had the honesty to give notice of it to 
his landlord. The astrologer was so struck with his integrity that he exerted his 
influence at court to advance Hasan's fortunes. Hasan thus rose to a great station in the 
Deccan, where his merit marked him out among his equals to be their leader in their 



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Chapter VII. 
History. 

MUSALMAKS. 

Bahmanis, 
1S47-1490. 



fixed at Kulbarga about 225 miles south-east of Poona, and in 1426 
was moved to Bedar or Ahmadabad-Bedar about 1 00 miles further 
east. By 1351 Ala-ud-din Hasan Gangu Bahmani, by treating 
the local chiefs and authorities in a liberal and friendly spirit, 
had brought under his power every part of the Deccan 
which had previously been subject to the throne of Delhi.i 
In 1357, Ala-ud-din divided his kingdom into four provinces or 
tarafs, over each of which he set a provincial governor or tarafdar, 
Poona formed part of the province of Maharashtra, of which 
Daulatabad was the centre and which included the country between 
Junnar, Daulatabad, Bid, and Paithan on the north, and Poona and 
Cheul on the south. This was the chief province of the 
kingdom, and was placed under the charge of the king's nephew.^^ 
In the later part of the fourteenth century, under the excellent rule 
of Muhammad Sb£h Bahmani (1358-1375), the banditti which for 
ages had harassed the trade of the Deccan were broken and 
scattered, and the people enjoyed peace and good government.' 
This period of prosperity was followed by the awful calamity of the 
Durga Devi famine, when twelve rainless years (1396-1407) are 
said to have wasted the country to a desert. In the first years of 
the famine Mdhmud Shah Bahmani (1378-1397) is said to have 
kept ten thousand bullocks to bring grain from Gujarat to theDeccan, 
and to have founded an orphan school in each of the seven leading 
towns of his dominions.* No efforts of any rulers could preserve order 
or life through so long a series of fatal years. Whole districts were 
left without people, and the strong places fell from the Musalmdns 
into the hands of local chiefs.^ Before the country could recover it 
was again wasted by two rainless years in 1421 and 1422. Multi- 
tudes of cattle died and the people broke into revolt.^ In 1429 the 
leading Bahmani noble, whose title was always Malik-ul-Tuj£r, that 
is Chief of the Merchants, went through the Deccan restoring order. 



revolt. He assumed the name of Gangu in gratitude to his benefactor, and from a 
similar motive added that of Bahmani or Brdhmani by which his dynasty was 
afterwards distinguished. Elphiustoue's History of India, 666. The Bahmani dynasty 
consisted of the following eighteen kings, who were supreme for nearly 150 years 
(1347-1490) and continued to hold power for about thirty years more : 
The Bahmanis, lSi7 - ISSe. 



Name. 


Accession. 


NAME. 


Accession. 


lAia-ud-din Hasan 




11 Hiimayun 


1457 


Gangru 


1347 


12 Niz&m 


1461 


2 Muhammad 1 


1368 


13 Muhammad II. 


1463 


3 Muj&hid 


1376 


14 Mihmud II. 


1482 


4D4ud 


1378 






5MS,hmudI 


1378 


Nominal Kings. 




6 ehai&s-ud-din 


1397 






7 Shams-nd-din 


1397 


IS Ahmad II. 


1618 


8 Firoz 


1397 


16 A14-ud-dinIII. 


1520 


9 Ahmad I 


1422 


17 Vali 


1522 


10 Ala-ud-din II. 


U3S 


18 Kalim 


1626 



' Briggs' Ferishta, II. 291-292 ; Grant Du£fs Mardthds, 25. 
2 Briggs' Ferishta, II. 295. ' Briggs' Ferishta, II. 325 ■ 326. 

■■ Briggs' Ferishta, II. 349-350. These seven towns were Cheul, Dd,bhol, EUohpur, 
Daulatabad, Bedar, Kulbarga, and KAndhir. 
' Grant Duff's Mardthis, 26. " Briggs' Ferishta, II, 405 • 406. 



Deccau] 



POONA. 



217 



So entirely had the country fallen waste that the old villages had 
disappeared and fresh ones had to be formed generally including 
the lands of two or three old villages. Land was given to all who would 
till it free of rent for the first year and for a horse-bag of grain for 
the second year. This settlement was entrusted to DMu Narsu K^le 
an experienced Brahman, and to a Turkish eunuch of the court.^ In 
1443 the Malik-ul-Tujdr, who was ordered to reduce the seacoast or 
Konkan fortSj fixed his headquarters at Chdkan, a small fort eighteen 
miles north of Poona, and secured Shivner the famous hill fort of 
Junnar.^ From Junnar he several times sent detachments into the 
Konkan. An expedition which he commanded in person ended in 
disaster. His Deccan and Abyssinian troops refused to advance 
into the woody country, and the Malik-ul-Tujdr with 600 Moghals was 
surrounded and slain.* The rest of the Moghals retired. Contrary 
to the advice of the Deccan officers, who tried to persuade them to 
withdraw to their estates, the Moghals fell back on Chdkan. The Deccan 
officers sent false word to the king that the disaster was due to the 
Malik-ul-Tujdr's rashness and to the turbulence and disobedience 
of the Moghals, who, they said, were now in revolt. The king ordered 
the Moghals to be put to death, and the Deccan nobles attacked 
Chdkan. After the siege had lasted for two months, the Deccan 
officers forged a letter from the king and persuaded some ©f the 
Moghals to leave the fort. They gave an entertainment to the rest 
in the fort, and while the feast was going on, attacked them 
and put them to death. At the same time one party of Moghals 
outside of the fort were attacked and every male was put to death. 
Another party who were more on their guard made good their 
escape. The survivors succeeded in convicting the Deccan nobles 
of their treachery and procured their punishment.* From this time 
Chdkan and Junnar continued military posts. In 1472 and 1473 a 
failure of rain so wasted the country that in 1474 when rain fell 
scarcely any one was left to till the land.^ The power and turbulence 
of their provincial governors was a source of weakness and danger 
to Bahmani rule. To remove this evil Malimud G&w^n, the 
very learned and able minister of Muhammad Shdh Bahmani II. 
(1463-1482), framed a scheme under which the territories 
were divided into eight instead of into four provinces ; in each 
province only one fort was left in the Governor's hands ; all others 
were entrusted to captains and garrisons appointed and paid from 
headquarters ; the pay of the captains was greatly increased aiid 
they were forced to keep their garrisons at full strength.® This 
scheme for reducing their power brought on Mahmud Gdwdn the 
hatred of the leading nobles. They brought false charges of 
disloyalty against him. The king was weak enough to believe them 
and foolish enough to order the minister's execution. Bahmani power 
never recovered the murder of Mahmud Gawd,n. 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

MusalmIns, 

Bahmanis, 
1347-1490. 



' Grant Duff's Mardthis, 26. 

" Malik-ul-Tuj4r'a fort is probably the present fort of ChAkan. According to a 
local story the original fort was built by an Abyssinian in 1295. Grant Duff's 
^ardthcls 27 

3 Briggs' Ferishta, II. 436-439. * Briggs" Ferishta, II. 440-447. 

= Briggs' Ferishta, II. 483, 493, 494. « Briggs' Ferishta, 11, 503, 504. 

B 1327—28 



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DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII* 
History. 

Ml7SAI.Mi.NS. 

Bdhmanis, 
1347-im- 



Under the Bahmanis, to control the Kolis and other wild hill tribes, 
their chiefs were given the rank of nobles or sarddrs and some of 
them were called viansahddrs or honourables. One of the headmen 
of each mdval or western valley was made a captain or ndik, and, over 
the whole westj a tract which was known as the Fifty-two Valleys 
or Bdvan^Mdvals, a head captain or sarndik was named whose 
headquarters were at Junnar.i 

Of the state of the Poena Decoatij at the time of the decay of 
Bahmani power, the Russian traveller Athanasius Nikitin (1468-1474) 
has left some particulars.^ Athanasius, who was at the time trading 
in horses, after a voyage through a sea swarming with pirates reached 
Cheul in Kolaba about thirty miles south of Bombay. After a week's 
Stay at Cheul he started with a valuable stallion and went by land eight 
days to Pili to the Indian mountain, apparently Pulu Sonalu in Thdna 
near the foot of the Nana pass. From Pulu he went in ten days to 
Umri, probably for his horse's sake avoiding the Ndna pass, and 
ascending to the Deccan by some other route. From Umri, which has 
not been identified, he went in six days to Jooneer, thatis Junnar, bring- 
ing his horse safely, but at a cost of about £16 (100 roubles). On the 
way, as was the custom for foreign travellers, Athanasius stopped at 
inns where the landlady cooked the food, made the bed, and slept 
with the stranger. Junnar stood on a stony island, no human hands 
had built it, Grod made the town ; a narrow road which it took a day 
to climb, broad enough for only one man at a time, led up the hill. 
At Junnar lived Asat Khdn a tributary of Maliktuchar that is 
Malik-ul-Tujdr the governor of Daulatabad. A sat Khan held seven of 
Malik-ul-Tujar's twenty-seven tmds that is thdnds or posts. He had 
been fighting the Kdfars, that is theinfidelsor Hindus, for twenty years, 
being sometimes beaten, but mostly beating them. Asat Khd.n rode on 
men, though he had many good elephants and horses. Among his 
attendants were many Khorasanians, some of whom came from the 
countries of Khorasan, Oroban, Sarkemsk, and Cheyotan. All came 
by sea in tdwds or Indian ships. The winter began from Trinity 
Day in June, and Athanasius wintered at Junnar living there for two 
months. For four months day and night there was nothing but rain 
and dirt. The people were tilling the ground, sowing grain, tutu- 
regan, perhaps tur and rdgi, peas and all sorts of vegetables.^ Wine 
was kept in large Indian goat skins. Horses were not born in the 
country, but oxen and buffaloes were, and were used for riding, 
carrying goods, and every other purpose. The horses were fed 
on peas, also on hhichiri boiled with sugar and oil. In the 
early morning they got shishenivs (?). In the winter the common 
people put on a fata or shoulder cloak, sometimes wearing it 
round the waist, sometimes on the shoulders, and sometimes on 
the head. The princes and nobles wore trousers, a shirt, and a 



' Captain Mackintosh in Jour. Bom. Geog. Soo. I. 238. This arrangement was 
continued by the Ahmadnagar kings and by the Moghals. The last head captain was 
Muhammad LatU about 1670. 

" Major's India in the Fifteenth Century, Athanasius Nikitin, 9-12. 

' From the translation Athanasius seems to have used the Russian wheat in the 
general sense of grain. The grain must have been millet. 



Deocan.] 



POONA. 



219 



long coat, and three scarfs, one on the shoulder, another round the 
waist as a belt, and a third round the head. While he was at Junnar 
Asat Khdn took Athanasius' horse, and, hearing he was no 
Muhammadan but a Russian, said he would give him back the horse 
and a thousand pieces of gold, if he would embrace the Muhammadan 
faith ; if he refused to embrace the Muhammadan faith he would 
keep the horse and fine Athanasius a thousand pieces of gold. During 
the four days which Asat Khdn gave him to consider his offer, a 
man named Khoza locha Mahmet came from Khorasan and took pity 
on Athanasius, went to the Khdn, prayed him not to insist on Atha- 
nasius' conversion and brought him back his horse. Christian 
brethren of Russia, says Athanasius, whoever of you wishes to go 
to the Indian country may leave his faith in Russia, confess Muham- 
mad, and then proceed to the land of Hindustan. Those Musalmd,n 
dogs have lied to me, saying I should find here plenty of our goods ; 
there is nothing for our country ; the goods are for the land of 
Musalm^nSj as pepper and colours and these are cheap. 

In 1477 Mdhmud Gdwan was succeeded in the office of minister 
by Nizd,m-ul-Mulk Bhairi.^ About 1485, Bid and other districts 
including Poena were added to the estates of Nizdm-ul-Mulk, and 
the management of part of it was made over to the minister's son, 
Malik Ahmad, the founder of the Nizam Shd,hi dynasty (1490-1636). 
Malik- Ahmad made Junnar his headquarters. In 1486 Zain-ud- 
din, who had command of ChAkan, went into revolt, and Nizam-ulMulk 
ordered his son Malik Ahmad to reduce Chdkan. Zain-ud-din 
applied for help to Yusuf Adil Khan of Bijapur, who sent 6000 
horse which he ordered to encamp near the fort of Indapur, 
which belonged to Tusuf Adil Khdn, and watch Malik Ahmad's 
movements. Besides the Musalmdn commandant of Chdkan, other 
chiefs, several of whom were Hindus, held places of strength in 
Malik Ahmad's new estates. Some of these chiefs, on the plea that 
the king was a boy and that such changes should not be made till 
he came of age, refused to give up their forts. Among them was 
the Maratha commandant of Shivner, the hill fort of Junnar. Malik 
Ahmad attacked the fort, and after a long siege the garrison surren- 
dered. The capture of Shivner was of the greatest importance to 
Malik Ahmad, as five years' revenue of MahArdshtra was stored in 
the fort. This treasure enabled Ahmad to make rich presents to his 
officers and troops, and helped him to secure all the places of the 
greatest strength in west and south-west Poena. Among the forts 
which fell into Ahmad's hands, in consequence of his success at 
Junnar, are mentioned Chivand and Jivdhan within ten miles west 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

MusalmAks. 



1347-1490. 



1 Niz4m-ul-Mulk Bhairi was a Tijayanagar Brdhman from PAtri whose original name 
was TimAppa, the son of Bhairu. In his infancy he was taken prisoner by the Muhammadan 
army of Ahmad Shdh Bahmani (1422-1435). On becoming a Musalmin he received 
the name of Hasan, and was brought up as one of the royal slaves. The king was so 
struck with his abilities that he made him over to his eldest son Prince Muhammad 
as a companion, with whom he was educated and became an excellent Arabic and 
Persian scholar. From his father's name Hasan was called Bhairu and this the prince 
changed to Bhairi, the Falcon, or, according to some accounts, the falconer an oflSce 
which he is said to have held. When Muhammad succeeded to the throne he made 
Hasan a commander of a thousand horse. Briggs' Ferishta, III, 189- 190. 



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Chapter VII. 
History, 

MuSALMiNS. 

Nizdm Slidhis, 
1490-1636. 



of Junnar, Lohogad about thirty miles north-west of Poonaj Koari 
about five miles to the south-west of Lohogadj Kondhana, the modern 
Sinhgad about eight miles south, and Purandhar about eighteea 
miles south-east of Poona; Mdhuli in Thana, and P^li in Bhor 
about twelre miles south Koldba. In 1486 Nizdm-ul-Mulk, 
the Bahmani minister, was assassinated at the Bedar court. On 
hearing of his father's assassination Malik Ahmad, who was besieging 
Rajdpur in Janjira, returned to Junnar, assumed the title of Ahmad 
Nizdm-ul-Mulk Bhairi, and set himself to improve the state of the 
country. As Malik Ahmad, though he continued to read the public 
prayers in his master's name, had practically thrown off his allegiance, 
Mdhmud Shah Bahmani II. (1482-1518) ordered Yusuf Adil Khan of 
Bijapur and Zain-ud-din of Chdkan to attack him. But Yusuf, who soon 
after followed Malik Ahmad's example and assumed independence, 
instead of advancing against Malik Ahmad, withdrew his troops 
from Inddpur which was part of the Bijapur territory. Malik Ahmad, 
or as he was now styled Ahmad Nizd,m, appointed Zarif-ul-Mulk 
Afghan his commander-in-chief or Amir-ul-Omra, and Nasir-ul- 
Mulk Grujardti, minister of finance or Mir Jumla. Ahmad tried 
but failed to win to his side Zain-ud-din the commandant of- 
Chdkan. As the Bahmani army was advancing against him, Ahmad 
left his family in Shivner and marched to meet the Bahmani force. 
During the night he suddenly turned on Chdkan, was himself the 
first to scale the walls, and had helped seventeen of his men to gain 
a footing before the garrison took alarm. Zain-ud-din and his men 
fought with great bravery, but their leader was killed and the rest 
surrendered. From Chd/kan Ahmad marched against and defeated 
the Bahmani army. He returned to Junnar and busied himself 
with improving the internal management of his territory.^ On the 
28th of May 1490, at Bdgh or the garden, now the site of 
Ahmadnagar, Ahmad gained a complete victory over the Bahmani 
forces.^ After his return to Junnar, without a rival or an enemy, 
on the advice of Yusuf Adil Shah, Ahmad assumed the position of 
king, had the public prayers read in his own name, and had the 
white canopy of state borne over his head. But this assumption of 
kingly power was so distasteful to some of his leading supporters 
that Ahmad stopped the reading of prayers in his name, and allowed 
his nobles to use a canopy which differed from his own state canopy 
only in not being lined with scarlet.* Shortly after, at the request 
of his officers, Ahmad again assumed the rank of king and had the 
prayers read in his name.* 

In 1493 Ahmad's sister, who was the wife of one of the 
Daulatabad family of AsKrafs, came to Junnar complaining of the 
murder of her son and of her husband by her husband's brother Malik 
Ashraf . Ahmad marched against Malik Ashraf, and, after besieging 



• Briggs' Ferishta, III. 190-193. ' Brigga' Ferishta, III. 197. 
3 Briggs' Ferishta, III. 198. 

* Briggs' Ferishta, III. 198. About the same time out of the ruins of the Bahmani 
kingdom rose the Adil ShAhi dynasty of BijApur, the Kutb Sh4hi dynasty of Golkonda 
seven miles west of Haidarabad, and the Im^d ShAhi dynasty of Elichpur in East 



Deccan] 



POONA. 



221 



Daulatabad for two montlis without success^ returned to Junnar.^ 
In 1494 Ahmad moved his capital from Junnar to Bdghj the site 
of his great victory over the Bahmani troops in 1490, where, about 
half-way between Junnar and Daulatabad, he had founded the new 
city of Ahmadnagar.^ Except perhaps Indapur, which belonged to 
Bijapur, the territory of Poona remained subject to the Ahmadnagar 
kings. 

Under the Ahmadnagar kings, though perhaps less regularly 
than afterwards under the Moghals, the country was divided into 
districts or sarkdrs. The district was distributed among sub- 
divisions which were generally known by Persian names, pa/rgana, 
karydt, sammat, mahdl, and tdluka, and sometimes by the Hindu 
names of prdnt and desk. The hilly west, which was generally 
managed by Hindu officers, continued to be arranged by valleys 
with their Hindu names of khora, murha, and mdval. The collection 
of the revenue was generally entrusted to farmers, the farms 
sometimes including only one village. Where the revenue was 
not farmed, its collection was generally entrusted to Hindu officers. 
Over the revenue farmers was a Government agent or amil, who, 
besides collecting the revenue, managed the police and settled civil 
suits. Civil suits relating to land were generally referred to juries 
or panchdyats.^ Though the chief power in the country was 
Muhammadan, large numbers of Hindus were employed in the 
service of the state. The garrisons of hill forts seem generally to 
have been Hindus, Mardthds Kolis and Dhangars, a few places 
of special strength being reserved for Musalman commandants or 
killeddrs. Besides the .hill forts some parts of the open country 
were left under loyal Maratha and Brdhman officers with the title 
of estateholder or jdgirddr, and of district head or deshmukh. 
Estates were generally granted on military tenure, the value of the 
grant being in proportion to the number of troops which the grant- 
holder maintained. Family feuds or personal hate, and in the case 
of those whose lands lay near the borders of two kingdoms an 
intelligent regard for the chances of war, often divided Mardtha 
families and led members of one family to take service under rival 
Musaltndn states.* Hindus of distinguished service were rewarded 



Chapter VII 
History. 

MtrsALMAws. 

Nizdm Sluikis, 
1490-1636. 



^ Briggs' Ferishta, III. 200. 

' Briggs' Ferishta, III. 202. At Ahmadnagar the Nizdm Shdhi dynasty founded by 
Ahmad continued through ten successions to 1600, when Ahmadnagar was taken by 
Akbar the Moghal emperor. One more king afterwards reigned at Daulatabad, till 
1630 when he was deposed and put to death, Two more infant kings were nomi- 
nated and in 1 636 the kingdom was destroyed by Shdh Jahdn , The names and datea 
of the Nizdm Shdhi kings are : 

Mzdm Shdhi Kings, 11,90 -1636. 



Name. 


Date. 


Name. 


Date. 


Ahmad 


U90 


BurhSn II. 


1690 


Burhin 


1508 


Ibrahim 


1694 


Husain 


1553 


Ahmad II. 


1693 




1665 


Bah&dur 


1696 


Mir^n Husain ■■■ 


1688 


Murtaza 


1605 - 1631 


Ismilel 


1688 







3 Grant Dufi's Marithis, 36, 38, 



I Grant Duffs Mardthds, 36, 38. 



222 



[Bombay (gazetteer, 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. witli tlie Hindu titles of rdja, ndik, and ray. Numbers of Hindus 

History. were employed in the Ahmadnagar armies. 

MusALMANs, . ^^ 1529 Burhdn Nizam (1508-1553), the second of the Ahmadnagar 

NiMm Sliahis, tings, was defeated by the troops of Bahadur Shdh of GnjArat 
1490-1636. (1525-1535). This defeat led to an important change in the 

management of the Ahmadnagar state. Burh^n, who had retired 
to Junnar, believed that his failure was due to the unpopularity 
of his minister or peshwa} Shaikh JAfar was deprived of his 
office, and it was given to a Brdhman whom Ferishta calls 
Kavar Sen.^ From the time of Kd,var Sen's appointment to 
be minister, Hindus gained great, influence in the Ahmadnagar 
government.^ Under the Ahmadnagar kings few references 
to places within Poona limits have been traced, though in ordinary 
times both Sinhgad and Purandhar in South Poona were in 
their hands.* In 1562 Husain Nizdm Shdh the third king of 
Ahmadnagar (1553-1565), pursued by Ram Raja of Vijayanagar 
and Ali Adil Shdh of .Bijd,pur, retired to the Junnar hills, and, 
employing his own troops to lay waste the districts of Junnar 
and Purandhar, prevented the enemy's advance.' In 1564, on 
the accession of Murtaza Nizdm Shd,h, one of his brothers Burhdn 
Nizam with his sons, was placed in confinement on Lohogad hill 
about eight miles south-east of Khandala, and a second brother, 
Shah Kasim, was confined on Shivner near Junnar." In 1576, hearing 
that his brother was hated _at Ahmadnagar, Burhan won over the 
commandant of Lohogad, and advanced from Lohogad to 
Ahmadnagar at the head of 6000 horse, but was not successful.^ 
Burhdn's two sons Ibrahim and Ismael continued in Lohogad till 
1588 when they were carried to Ahmadnagar and Ismdel was placed 
on the throne. 

Between 1564 and 1589 SaMbat Khan, the Jeading man at 
Ahmadnagar, according to Ferishta, made the country more 
prosperous than it had been since Mdhmud Bahmani's time (1378- 
1397). In 1 589 court factions forced him to retire to Burhdnpur, and 
from BurhAnpur he went to Talegaon, twenty miles north-east of 
Poona, and died there before the close of the year.'^ In 1594 
Bahadur the infant son of Burhdn Nizdm II. was kept in confinement 
for over a year at Chavand, and was then raised to the Ahmadnagar 
throne.^ 

Mdloji's Jagir, The rise of the Mardthds may be traced to the Moghal attack on 

Ahmadnagar in 1595. In 1595 king BahMur Nizam II. (1595- 
1605) ennobled aMar^tha, named Md,lojiBhonsla, with the title of raja, 
and enriched him with the estates or jdgirs of Poona and Supa, 
and the charge of the forts and districts of Shivner and Chdkan. 



' The Persian title of Peshwa was brought into use in the Deocan in 1397 by 
GhaiAs-ud-din Bahmaiii (1397). It was adopted from the Bahmanis by the 
Ahmadnagar kings, and from the Ahmadnagar kings by Shiv4ji. Briggs' Ferishta, II. 
353. * Briggs' Ferishta, II. 353. ^ Grant Duffs Marithds, 34 and foot. 

* KhAfi Khin in Elliot and Dowson, VII. 272. 

' Lassen, IV. 214. Of the Ahmadnagar generals at this time one was an 
Abyssinian, one a Deccan Musalmdn, and one a Koli, Ditto. 

• Briggs' Ferishta, III. 271, 282. 

' Briggs' Ferishta, III. 262, 279. » Briggs' Ferishta, III. 293, 296, 304. 



Deccan] 



POONA. 



223 



The headquarters of this Md,loji Bhonslaj who is said to have held 
several pdtilsMps, were at Verul or Ellora near Aurangabad. 
Mdloji's father B^bji Bhonsla was descended from Bhosajij who is 
said to have been the first of the family to settle in the Deccan. 
Bhosdji claimed descent from a younger or from an illegitimate son 
of the royal family of Udepur ia Rajput^na.^ Mdloji married Dipabai 
the sister of Jagpalrav N^ik NimbAlkar the denhmuhh of Phaltan. 
The story told of his rise to power in the Ahmadnagar court is, that, 
in 1599, at the time of the HoK festival in March- April, Maloji took 
his son Shahaji, a boy of five, to pay his respects to Lukhji 
Jddhavrav, MAloji's patron and the chief Mardtha in the Ahmadnagar 
state. Lukhji Jadhavrav, pleased with the boy, seated Shahaji near 
Jiji his daughter a child of three or four. The children began to play, 
and Lukhji joking said to the girl. How would you like him for a 
husband ? The guests laughed, but Md,loji rose and solemnly accepted 
Lukhji's offer of marriage. Lukhji and his wife were furious, but 
Maloji stuck to his point and carried it, when, in 1599, his successful 
services were rewarded with the title of raja.^ In 1600 the city of 
Ahmadnagar was taken by the Moghals. Partly from the disorders 
caused by the rebellion of Jahdngir's son Khusru, which followed 
Jahd.ngir's accession on the death of Akbar in 1605, Moghal 
power in the Deccan declined. Their generals in Ahmadnagar had 
also to deal with the Abyssinian slave Malik Ambar, a man of the 
highest talent both in military and in civil affairs. Though the 
Moghals still held Ahmadnagar in 1605, Malik Ambar raised 
Murtaza Nizam II. to the throne, and succeeded in recovering 
Junnar and making it the head-quarters of a state which 
included the greater part of the former possessions of Ahmadnagar. 
Prom Junnar, he moved in the same year to Kharki near Ellora, 
a place which was afterwards named Aurangabad by Prince 
Aurangzeb. Malik Ambar's power remained unshaken till his 
death in 1633 when he was succeeded by his son Patch Kh^n. 
Great as was his success as a general, Malik Ambar is best known 
by his excellent land system. He stopped revenue-farming, and, 
under Musalman supervision, entrusted the collection of the revenues 
to Brahman agents. He renewed the broken village system, and, 
when several years of experiments had enabled him to ascertain 
the average yield of a field, took about two-fifths of the outturn 
in kind, and afterwards (1614) commuted the grain payment to 
a cash payment representing about one-third of the yield. 
Unlike Todar Mai, Akbar's famous minister by whom the lands of 
North India were settled, Malik Ambar did not make his settlement 
permanent, but allowed the demand to vary in accordance with the 
harvest. This system was so successful that, in spite of his heavy 
war charges, his finances prospered and his country throve and 
grew rich.' ^ 

In May 1627,in Shivner fort near Junnar, JijibdiShdhAji'swifegave 
birth to Shiviji, the founder of the Mard,tha empire.* In 1629 the 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

MUSALMANS. 

Nizdm SJidhis, 
1490-1836. 



1 Grant DuSPs MardthAs, 41 ; Scott's Deccan, II. 4; ShivAji's Bakhar byMalh^rrdv 
KAm Chitnis (1811). ' Grant Duff's MardtUs, 41. 

3 Grant Duff's MardthAs, 43. ■■ Grant Duff's Mar^thds, 55. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



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Chapter VIL 
History. 

MtTSALMi-NS. 

NizAm Shdhis, 
H90-1GS6. 



Adil Shdhis and 

MoghaZs, 

1636-1686. 



rains failed and a second failure in 1630 caused grievous suffering. 
Thousands left tlie Deccan and numbers perished in their homes; 
whole districts were emptied of people. The famine was accompanied 
by an almost complete loss of cattle and was followed by a pestilence.^ 
In 1629 Shahdjij who had succeeded his father Maloji in Poena and 
Supa, broke his connection with the Nizam Shahi government. He 
retired to Poena and Ohdkan, offered his services to the Moghal 
emperor, was confirmed in his lands, and received the command of 
5000 horse, a dress of honour, and £20,000 (Rs. 2 lahhs) in cash." 
In 1632, in spite of these and other gifts, Shahaji left the Moghal 
service and sided with Bijapur against the Moghals. At this time 
Shivaji and his mother had several narrow escapes of being caught 
by the Moghals. On one occasion Jijibai was taken prisoner, but 
was released and conveyed to the fort of Kondhdna or Sinbgad.' 
In 163 1 Murtaza Nizam II. was thrown into prison and strangled by 
order of Fateh Khan the son of Malik Ambar, and the infant son 
of Murtaza was raised to the throne. In 1634 Sh£h Jahd,n captured 
Daulatabad and took prisoner the young Niz&m Shdhi prince. The 
Moghals supposed that with the fall of Daulatabad and the capture of 
the prince the war with Ahmadnagar was at an end. But Shdhdji 
who had the support of Bijapur, proclaimed another prince heir 
to the Nizam Shahi kingdom, and, with the help of the local 
Brahman officers, succeeded in overrunning a great part of the 
southern Ahmadnagar territories and seizing most of the places of 
strength. At Gangdpur on the Indrayani he weighed himself 
against money and changed the name of the town to Tulapur, the 
Weighing Town. In 1635 a Moghal army of 20,000 horse took the 
field against Shahdji, and he was forced to retire into BijApur 
territory to the south of the Nira. According to Maratha 
tradition the town of Poena was destroyed by the Moghals and 
an ass-drawn plough drawn over the site.* In 1636 Muhammad 
of Bijdpur sued for peace and concluded a treaty with the Moghals, 
under which the Ahmadnagar territory was divided between 
Bijdpur and the Moghals, Bijapur securing the country between 
the Bhima and the Nira as far north as Chakan.^ In 1637, as 
Shahaji declined to enter Bijapur service and refused to give 
Junnar and other fortresses to the Moghals, Muhammad of Bijdpnr 
helped Randaula Khd,n to overcome Shahaji. They blockaded 
Junnar and pursued Sha.hd.ji from Lohogad to Sinhgad, and from- 
Sinhgad to the Konkan, where Shd;haji agreed to enter Bijapur service 
and give up the forts of Junnar, Jivdhan, Chavand, Harshira, and 
Kondhana or Sinhgad. Of these Sinhgad seems to have passed to 
Bijd,pur and the rest to the Moghals.^ Muhammad Ali treated Shdhdji 
with honour, confirmed him in his estates in Poena and Supa, and, 
with the Bijdpur minister Murdrpant, employed him in settling the 



' Blphinstone's History, 507 ; BAdshih Ndma in Elliot and Dowson, VII. 24-25. 
^ BMshih NAma in Elliot and Dowson, "VII. 15. The details of ShAhdji's command 
or mamah vary from 5000 to 15,000 horse. Ditto and footnote, 
s Grant Duff's Mardthds, 58. 

* Shivaji's Bakhar by MalhArrAv Rim Chitnis (1811). 
5 Grant Duff's Mar4th4s, 52. 
« BAdshdh NAma in Elliot and Dowson, VII. 589 ; Grant Duff's MarSthis, 53. 



Deocau] 



POONA. 



225 



newly gained territory between the Nira and the Bhima.^ So strong 
a friendship sprang up between Mur^rpant and Shdihaji, that, in the 
same year, when the settlement was completed, they led a joint 
expedition into the Karnatak, where the districts of Kolhar, Bangalur, 
Oskotha, B^lapur^ and Sera were afterwards made over to Shahdji. 
When Sh^hdji started with Murd,rpant for the Karnditak, he arranged 
that Shivdji and his mother Jijibdi should live in Poena, and that his 
estates in Poena, which, in addition to Poona and Supa now included 
Indapur and Bdramati in the east and the Mavals in the west, should 
be managed by a Brdhman named Dadaji Kondadev. Dadaji 
managed Shdhdji's estates with great success, continuing the 
system introduced by Malik Ambar. He was particularly successful 
in the Mavals or hilly west, where the people had fallen into great 
misery. He remitted rents, found employment for the people as 
guards and messengers, and extirpated the wolves that infested the 
country.^ 

North or Moghal Poona was also about this time (1636) improved 
by the introduction of Raja Todar Mai's revenue system, which 
consisted in ascertaining by experiments lasting through a long 
series of years the outturn of the land, fixing a share of the grain 
as the government share, commuting the grain share into a money 
payment estimated at one-fourth of the produce, and enforcing this 
one-fourth as a permanent rent. From the silver coin in which it 
was collected this settlement was known as the tanhha. After twenty 
years of labour it was introduced into the Deccan by an able officer 
named Murshed Kuli Khd.n.* Murshed's system differed from 
Malik Ambar's, chiefly in being a permanent settlement while Malik 
Ambar's varied from year to year.* Another change about this 
time (1637) introduced in the Moghal parts of Poona was the 
introduction of the Fasli year. The FasU year which was started 
by Akbar (1556-1605) was a solar year, whose era or initial date 
was the Hijra. The Fasli year began from the mrig or opening of 
the south-west monsoon early in June.® As no attempt was made 
to reconcile the Fasli or solar Musalman year with the lunar, the 
Fasli diflfered from the regular lunar Musalmd,n year more than 
three years every century. 

At Poona Dd,dd,ji built for Jijibdi and her son Shivdji a large 
mansion called Rang Mahdl. He taught Shivaji, as a Mardtha chief 
ought, to be a good archer, shot, spearsman, and rider, and, as a 
Mardtha ought, to be ignorant of all clerkship even of the mystery 
of writing his own name. He taught him the rules of his caste 
and raised in him a love for old Hindu religious and warlike stories. 
From about his sixteenth year (1643) Shivdji took great delight in 
the stirring fellowship of freebooters, and, in their society, stayed 
away from his home for days, nursing the hope of one day becoming 
independent. His kindly obliging temper made him popular 
with the Maratha gentry round Poona, and he was probably 
none -the worse liked when reports got abroad, that, young as he 



> Grant Duff's Marithis, 54, 55, » East India Papers, IV. 420. 

' Grant Dufi's Mar^thAs, 57. 

* Grant Duff's Mardthds, 56, 57 ; and Elphinstone's History of India, 514. 
the introduction of the silver tanhha a copper (anJcha was in general use. 
5 Grant Duff's MarAthfc, 56, 

B 1327—29 



Before 



Chapter VII- 
History- 

MusalkAns. 

Adil ShdhU and 
MogJvals. 



Shivdji'a Rise, 
164S-1680. 



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DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

MusalmAns. 

Shivdji's Rise, 
16 43 -16 47. 



was, he liad a share in some large gang robberies in the Konkan. 
To wean him from these dangerous pursuits, Daddji entrusted 
Shivaji with the management of his father's estates. His favourite 
pastime was hunting in the western hills with his friends the Md.valis, 
to whom his skill and success as a hunter endeared him. He gained 
a thorough knowledge of those wild districts. He learned how easily, 
under the present careless management, the hill forts might be seized, 
and, if once seized how easily they might be held against all comers. 
The hill forts were easy to seize, because as the country round them 
was generally unhealthy, the Musalmdn garrisons were often with- 
drawn and the forts left in charge of an amildar or other local 
agent. Besides this, the Bijapur government was at peace with the 
Moghals, and the bulk of the regular Bijapur troops had been sent 
to the Karndtak.^ In 1646, when he was nineteen years old, Shivd,ji 
took the hill fort of Torna in Bhor territory about twenty miles 
south-west of Poena, and in 1647 he took the small inaccessible peak 
of R^jgad about three miles south-east of Torna and began to 
strengthen it with the view of making it his headquarters. Sh^haji 
wrote and blamed Shivdji for this lawless conduct, and Ddd^ji did all 
that advice could do to turn him from his purpose, but Shivdji, though 
he made many promises, continued unmoved. Soon after DadAji fell 
ill. On his deathbed (1647)he sent for Shivaji, advised him to press 
onhisplans of independence.to protect BrAhman Seattle and cultivators, 
to guard Hindu temples, and to follow the fortune which lay before 
him.^ On Dddaji's death Shivdji took complete charge of his father's 
estates. Soon after a messenger came from his father asking for 
the payment of arrears. Shivdji evaded payment, and at last told 
his father that the expense of managing his Deccan estates had 
become so great that in future he had better trust to his Karnitak 
revenues. Before his authority could be supreme in his father's 
estates, Shivaji had either to win over or to overpower two officers, 
Phirangaji Narsdla who was in charge of Ohdkan and Bdji Mohita 
the manager of Supa. Phirangdji he won over without much 
trouble. But, as BAji refused to listen to any proposals, Supa was 
surprised, he was made prisoner, and sent to Shdhdji in the Karndtak. 
Shivaji's next acquisition was Kondhd,na hill. This he gained by a 
large bribe to the Musalman commandant, took possession of it, 
and named it Sinhgad or the Lion's Den. 

In 1647, about the time of Dadaji's death, the commandant of 
Purandhar died. As the families were friendly, Shivaji was asked to 
settle some points in dispute among the commandant's three sons. 
He went to the fort, persuaded the younger brothers at night to 
make their elder brother prisoner, and during the disturbance 
secretly filled the fort with his own Mavalis, and took it for himself, 



' Of these years of Shivdji's life, KhAfi Khdn the Musalmin historian gives the 
following account. Shivaji became manager of the two estates of Poona and Supa, 
which at this time belonged to his father ShdhAji. He looked carefully after nis 
father's affairs. He was distinguished in his tribe for courage and intelligence. In 
that country where all the hills rise to the sky and the forests are full of trees and 
bushes, he had an inaccessible abode. Like other local chiefs, he set about building 
forts on the hills and in the plains mud forts called gadhis. Muntakbu-llubib in 
Elliot and Dowson, VII. 256-57. 

2 Grant Duff's MirathAs, 60 ; Wilks' South of India, I. 72-74. 



Deccau] 



POONA. 



227 



keeping the brothers well disposed to him by the grant of lands 
and villages. Thus Shivdji without bloodshed secured the territory 
between Chakan and the Nira. It is jdgir land, and Shdhaji the 
holder of the land is in my power ; if Shdhaji does not object to 
let his son take his lands, what matters it to me. Thus perhaps 
Muhammad Adil Shdh reasoned and devoted his thoughts to his two 
chief interests, his Karndtak conquests and his Bijdpur buildings.^ 

Meanwhile Shivaji busied himself in gathering Mavalis and 
horsemen. His next exploit, his first open breach of peace with 
Bijd^pur, was in 1648, when he was twenty-one years old, the plunder 
of a rich caravan bringing treasure from Kalyan to Bijdpur. The 
spoil was carried to Rajgad which was now Shivaji's head-quarters. 
This success was followed by the capture of Bhurap and K£ngori 
in Koldba, of Tung and Tikonain Bhor, of Koari in south-west Poona, 
and of Lohogad about six miles to the south-east and Rd,imachi 
about ten miles to the north-west of Khand^la. In the same year the 
KoMba forts of Tala, Ghosdia, and Rairi the modern Rdygad were taken 
and Birvadi and Lingana were built. In Thana, Kalydn and all 
the forts in the neighbourhood were taken and several rich towns 
were plundered. In 1649, when for Shivaji's ravages Shdh4ji was 
imprisoned by Muhammad Adil Shah of Bijapur, Shivaji entered into 
a correspondence with the Moghal emperor Shah Jahdn who agreed 
to admit Shivaji into the imperial service and to give him the 
rank of commandant of 5000 horse. Shahaji was released and Shivd,ji 
contrived to evade his promises by preferring certain claims on 
the revenues of Junnar and Ahmadnagar. In 1653, after an 
unsuccessful attempt on the part of Bijapur to seize him, Shivaji 
began to devise schemes for possessing himself of the whole of the 
Ghatmatha or hilly west Deccan and of the Konkan. In 1655 he 
caused the Hindu RAja of Jdvli in Sdtdra to be murdered, took 
Rohira his fort, and built Pratapgad. Shivfiji's principal minister 
at this time was Shamrdjpant whom he now dignified with the title- 
of peshwa and also gave him a high military command. 

In the north of the Poona district, since 1636 Moghal power 
had remained unchallenged. In 1650 Prince Aurangzeb was 
appointed viceroy. He made Aurangabad his head-quarters 
and managed his charge with vigour and success. About 1657 
Aurangzeb, who was planning the overthrow of his elder 
brother Ddra Shekkoh, sent to ask ShivAji if he would enter his 
service. Shivaji pretended to be horror-struck at the proposed 
rebellion, treated the messenger with indignity, and ordered the 
letter to be tied to the tail of a dog. At the time Aurangzeb took 
no notice of this insult but it apparently lay at the root of his 
unceasing hatred of Shivdji.^ At this time, apparently stirred by 
Shivdji's success against Bijapur, the Kolis of north-west Poona 
rose in rebellion. Kheni, the Sar Ndik and many leading Koli 
chiefs agreed to try and shake ofE Musalman rule, and transfer their 
allegiance to some Hindu prince, probably Shivaji. A Moghal arnay 
was sent into the hills, the hill forts were strengthened and garrisoned,. 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

MUSAIMASH. 

Shivdji's Rise, 
1648-1655. 



The MoghcUi,. 

1636- mo. 



1 Grant Duff's Mardthis, 61. „„ 

2 Scott's Decoan, II. 7 ; Waring's Mardthis, 63 ; Grant Duff's Mar^tbAs, 73. 



[Bombay Gazetteer. 
228 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter VII. tlie people were hunted down andeithermade prisoners or slaughtered, 

History. *^® ^*'' Nfiik and his clan were destroyed, and the prisoners were 

^ ^ taken to Junnar and their heads cut off and piled into a pyramid and a 

CT.- .,■■■ r,. " platform built over them which is still known as the Black Platform 
mlim!' O"- ^<^i<* Ghabutra} 

In 1657, with no further reason than that the state was weakened 
by the death of king Muhammad Adil Shd.h and that his successor 
Ali Adil Shdh was a child, Aurangzeb declared war against* BijApur, 
ShivAji took advantage of this war to increase his resources by 
plunder. In May 1657 he committed his first act of hostility against 
the Moghals. In a night attack he surprised and plundered Junnar, 
and carried off about £1100 (3 IdJchs of pagodas) in cash, 200 horses, 
valuable cloth, and other articles. He escorted his booty as far 
as Poena, and then handed it to a party to be taken to Rajgad. 
From Poona Shivdji marched by unfrequented roads and surprised 
and partially plundered Ahmadnagar. He made great efforts 
to strengthen his cavalry. He bought horses from all quarters, 
engaged horsemen whom he could trust, began to employ 
Mardtha shileddrs or self-mounted troopers, and appointed a new 
master of horse, Netd,ji P^lkar, a man of vigour and influence but 
cruel and unprincipled. The rapid success of Aurangzeb' s advance 
on Bijapur marred Shiv^ji's plans. He sent one messenger after 
another praying for forgiveness, promising amendment, and offering 
to help Aurangzeb with a body of horse. Aurangzeb, who was 
suddenly called to Delhi by the news of his father's severe illness, 
agreed to pardon Shivaji, to enquire into his hereditary claims, and 
to receive a body of 500 of his horse. In 1659 Shivdji sent a large 
force under Shamrdjpant Peshwa against the Sidi of Janjira in the 
Central Konkan, but the Sidi defeated the Peshwa's army with great 
slaughter. Shdmrajpant was recalled and Moro Trimal Pingle was 
named Peshwa in his place. A treaty was made with the Sd,vants of 
Vddi in the South Konkan, under which Shivaji obtained one-half of 
the revenue of that state. In the same year, near Pratdpgad Shivfiji 
assassinated Afzul Khd.n the BijApur general, who was sent to reduce 
him, and destroyed his army. Soon after this Panhala and P^vangad 
in Kolhdpur fell to his oflScers, and Vasantgad in Sdtdra was taken 
by Shivaji himself who levied contributions along the banks of the 
Krishna, and left a thdna or garrison With a revenue collector in the 
mud fort of Battis Shirala. On Shivdji's arrival at Panhala the 
forts in the neighbourhood, both below and above the Sahy^dris, 
submitted, and R^ngna and Vishdlgad were taken by surprise. In 
the next month (December 1659) Shivaji plundered as far as 
Bijdpur, levied contributions from market towns, and spread terror 
over the whole country. In 1660 Shivdji was engaged with the 
Bijd-pur troops, who retook the forts near Panhala except R^ngna 
and Vishdlgad. In January 1 661 ShivAji took and plundered Raj^pr 
in Ratnagiri and attacked the possessions of a local Maratha chief, 
the Dalvi of Shringfirpur. During the rains he built a temple to 
the goddess Bhav^ni in the fort of Pratapgad, and from this time 
his religious observances became extremely strict. He chose the 
celebrated R^mdAs Svami as his spiritual guide, and aspired to a 

1 Captain Mackintosh, Jonr. Bom, Geog, Soo, I, 241-42, 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



229 



high character for sanctity. He is even said to have offered all his 
territories to Ramdds Svdmi. The Svd,mi had no need of lands but 
asked Shivaji to nse the colour of his clothes in the Bhagva Jhenda 
or SafEron Banner. In the same year 1661 he made a rapid march 
across the country, and to avenge his father's wrongs, who, at the 
instance of the Bijdpur government had been treacherously seized by 
Baji Ghorpade of Mudhol in 1649, surprised and killed Ghorpade 
with most of his relations and followers, and plundered and burnt 
Mudhol. The Savants of Vadi, who contrary to their engagements 
had taken an active part against him, ShivAji attacked and pursued, 
and afterwards received as vassals. Shivaji next built the forts 
of Rairi and Sindhudurg or Malvan, both on the Ratndgiri coast, 
and fitted out a navy. He strengthened Koldba and Vijayadurg 
in Ratnagiri, and prepared vessels at all these places, KoMba 
being his chief naval centre. On condition of being supplied 
with guns and warlike stores Shivaji did no harm to the Portuguese. 
Shivdji's power was now so great that the BijApur minister entered 
into a secret compact with him, which was probably brought about by 
the intervention of his father Shahaji, who at this time visited Shivaji 
with the approval of the Bijd.pur government. Shivdji treated his 
father with the greatest distinction. On hearing of his approach he 
went several miles to meet him, dismounted, and saluted him with 
the obeisance due by a servant to his sovereign. He insisted on 
walking by the side of his father's palanquin, and would not sit in 
his father's presence until repeatedly commanded. After some weeks 
spent in pleasure and in visiting the temple at Jejuri and other 
places in Shivaji's territory, ShAhdji, highly gratified, returned to 
Bijdpur, the bearer of presents from Shivaji to the king. From 
this time until Sh^hdji's death in 1664 Shivd,ji never attacked 
Bijapur, nor, when hostilities- were renewed, was Shivdiji the 
aggressor. Soon after Shahaji's death, Shivdji changed his capital 
from Rajgad to the inland Rairi in the Central Konkan, which he 
greatly strengthened and called Raygad. Shivaji now held the whole 
Konkan from Kalydn to Goa, and the Konkan GhAtmatha or hilly 
west Deccan from the Bhima to the Vdma. His army of 50,000 foot 
and 7000 horse was much larger than his territory, which at its 
greatest breadth from Supa to Janjira did not exceed 100 miles, 
either required or could support. His power was formidable and the 
truce with Bijapur gave him the opportunity of turning it against 
the Moghals. In 1662, as Aurangzeb was longer and more 
busily employed in Northern India than was expected, Moro 
Trimal Pingle, Shivdji's minister or peshwa possessed himself of 
several strongholds north of Junnar. In the same year Netaji 
Pdlkar, Shivaji's master of the horse, who had swept the 
Moghal territory close to Aurangabad, returned safe to Poena. To 
punish this daring raid, Shdiste Khan, the new Moghal governor, 
marched from Aurangabad with a great force towards Poena 
and Ohdkan. Shivdji, who was in Supa, retired to Sinhgad; 
Supa was taken, and, in spite of much annoyance from Shivdji's 
horse, the Musabndns pressed on and took Poona.^ From Poena 
Shdis'te Khdn marched north to Chdkan. The fort was held by 



Chapter VII. 
History- 

MtjsalmAks. 

Sldvdji's BU)e, 
1661 ■ 16611. 



1 EUiot and Doweon, VII. 261-262. 



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DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

MUSALMANS. 

Shivdji's Hise, 
1661 ■ 1663. 



Stivdji's old ally Phirangdji Narsala, an A, in spite of a most skilful 
and vigorous attack, was defended with such courage that it did 
not fall till two months had passed and 900 of the besiegers were 
slain. When Phirangdji surrendered the Moghal general treated 
him with great respect and sent him in safety to Shivdji by whom 
he was praised and rewarded. Shaiste Khdn placed Uzbek Khin 
in charge of Chdkan, called Jafar Khan from Mdlwa to his 
aid, and marched after Shivaji.i In 1663, under Aurangzeb's 
orders, Eaja Jasvantsing the Eajput prince of Jodhpur arrived with 
a large reinforcement. The fair season was far advanced and 
the whole army lay idle near Poena. Shaiste Khdn, after taking 
several forts and strong places had gone to Poena and was living 
in the Rang Mahdl which Daddji Kondadev had built for 
Shivdji and his mother. In spite of the precautions which had 
been taken to prevent armed Mar^thds entering Poena Shiv^ji 
determined to surprise the Moghals. He sent two BrAhmans in 
advance to make preparations. One evening in April a little before 
sunset Shiv^ji set out from Sinhgad with a considerable body of foot 
soldiers. These he posted in small parties along the road, and took 
with him to Poena only YasdjiKank, Tandji Malusre, and twenty-five 
Mdvalis.^ The Brahmans had won over some of the MarAthds in 
Shd,iste Khdn's employ. They arranged that two parties of Marathds 
should enter the town one as if a wedding party the other as if 
bringing prisoners, and that ShivAji and his twenty-five should pass 
in with them. Shivdji's party passed in safety, put on their 
armour, and, at the dead of night, by secret ways reached the 
Khd,n's house. They entered through the cookhouse, killed the 
cooks, and, as they were cutting through a built-up window, the 
alarm was raised. Three of the Mdvalis forced themselves into 
Shaiste Khan's room, but two fell into a cistern of water and the 
third, though he cut ofi Shdiste Khan's thumb, was killed by his 
spear. Two slave girls dragged Shdiste Khdn to a place of safety.' 
The Marathas killed many of his followers, cut to pieces some of 
the women, and cut off the head of an old man whom they took for 
Shdiste Khan. The kettle-drums beat an alarm and the Mardthds 
retired, lighting torches and burning bonfires as they went upSinhgad 
hill in derision of the Moghals.* Next morning a body of Moghal 
horse gallopped towards the fort. They were thrown into confusion 
by ail unexpected fire ef musketry and retired in disorder. A party 
of Shivaji's horse fell on them and they took to flight, the first time 
that Moghal cavalry had been chased by Mar£tMs. The surprise 
in Poena and other small reverses filled Shaiste Khdn with the 
suspicion that Jasvantsing was in league with Shivaji. The dissen- 
sions of their leaders crippled the Moghal army, and both Shaiste 
Khdn and Jasvantsing were recalled. Jasvantsing was afterwards 



1 Muntakhabu-l-LubAb in Elliot and Dowaon, VII. 262 - 263. 

2 According to Khdfi Khdn, ShivAji, beaten and dispirited, had retired into 
mountains difficult of access, and was continually changing'his position. Elliot and 
Dowaon, VII. 269. See Waring's MarAthAs, 74, 75. 

* This is KhAfl KhAn's account in Elliot and Dowson, VII. 270-1. According to 
Grant Duff (Mardthds, 88) ShAiste KhAn's fingers were cut off as he was letting himself 
out of a window. 

t KhAfi KUa in Elliot and Dowgon, VII, 270-271. 



Deccan] 



POONA. 



231 



allowed to remain as second in command to Prince Sultan Muazzam 
who was appointed viceroy. Jasvantsing made a feeble attempt to 
invest Sinhgad, but did not press the siege. Strong detachments 
were left at Ghd.kan and Junnar and the main body of the army 
retired to Aurangabad. About this time Shivaji went to Poona to 
hear a hatha or song-sermon by the Vani saint Tuk^r^m and narrowly 
escaped being made prisoner by the garrison of Ohakan.^ In 1664, 
after his return from sacking Surat, Shivaji heard of the death of 
his father Shdh^ji.^ He came to Sinhgad and spent some days in 
performing his father's funeral rites. He then took the title of 
Raja, struck coins in his name, and spent some months at R^ygad 
hill in KoMba arranging his government. His fleet scoured the 
coast and enraged the Musalmdns by seizing some holy Mecca 
pilgrims. In August Shivdji surprised and plundered the town of 
Ahmadnagar and swept across the country east to Aurangabad. 
In October the Bijapur troops broke the truce and made a vigorous 
effort to regain the Konkan. Shivaji seemed to be everywhere and 
ready at all points. He met the Bijapur army and defeated them 
with great loss. He burnt Veng^rla in Ratndgiri, and hastened to 
Sinhgad to watch the Moghals who had sent a strong reinforcement 
to a camp at Junnar. Finding the Moghals did not intend to act 
on the offensive, he returned to the coastj embarked from Mdlvan 
with 4000 men, plundered the rich town of Barcelor about 130 
miles south of Gba, sailed back to Gokarn in North Kdnara, 
scoured the country, re-embarked, and returned to his capital. 

In February 1665, Jasvantsing and Sultdn Muazzam were recalled, 
and Mirza Raja Jaysing another. Rajput prince and Diler Khdn 
were sent to conduct the war against Shivdji. They reached the 
Deccan early in April 1665 and lost no time in beginning operations. 
Jaysing went to Poena, arranged its affairs, and spread abroad his 
forces ravaging the country and attacking Shivdji's forts. He himself 
went to attack Purandhar, about twenty miles south-east of Poona, 
one of the most noted fortresses in the Deccan. Diler Khdn, who was 
sent in command of the advanced force, began the siege and invested 
both Purandhar and the neighbouring fort of Vajragad or Rudra 
Mahal. Jaysing left Diler Kh£n to prosecute the siege of Purandhar 
and blockaded Sinhgad.* The commandant of Purandhar was Bdji 
Prabhu, the deshpdndia of Mahd,d in Kolaba, and the fort was 
strongly garrisoned by Mavalis and Hetkaris that is Ratnagiri 
Mardthas. The deshpdndia maintained his post with bravery and 
ability. He disputed every point of the approaches, but his out- 
posts were driven in, and Diler Khd.n began to mine a rock under 
one of the towers of the lower fort. The garrison made frequent 
sallies, and repeatedly drove off the miners, but they were at last 
firmly lodged under cover. After numerous failures they succeeded 



Chapter VII. 
History- 

MUSALMANS, 

Shivd^i'aRise, 
1663-1665. 



* Grant Duff's MarAthds, 89. According to the MarithAs Shivdji escaped by the help 
of the god Vithoba of Pandharpur. 

2 Shdh^ji had continued faithful to Bijdpur and had been allowed to keep his 
estates in the Karn4tak and the fort of Ami, Porto Novo, and the territory of 
Tdnjor. Grant Duffs Mar^thds, 89 - 90. 

3 Grant Duffs MarAth^s, 92 ; and Elliot and Dowson, VII, 272. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

MUSALMANS. 

Shivdji's Mise, 
1665, 



232 



DISTRICTS. 



in shattering the rock so as to enable them to attempt an assault. 
The assailants gained tlie lower fort, and, while the garrison was 
retiring to the upper fort, began to plunder careless or ignorant of 
the'ir danger. The Hetkari marksmen from above opened so 
destructive a fire that many of the assailants sought shelter in every 
corner and others ran outside for cover. The Mdvalis headed by 
their commander sallied out, attacked the Moghals sword in hand, 
killed all that opposed them, and drove them down the hill. Diler 
Khan, who was seated on his elephant near the hill foot, seeing 
the flight of his men, bent his bow, called on a body of Pathdns 
about him to advance, and rallying the fugitives pushed his elephant 
forward. The garrison, like all Mardthds daring in success, 
closed with his men and the powerful Afghans recoiled from the 
swords of the Md.valis. Diler Khan, marking the conspicuous conduct 
of tbeir leader, with his own hand pierced him with an arrow, 
and killed him on the spot. On the loss of their leader the garrison 
fled nor stopped until they reached the upper fort. The Moghals 
again took possession of the lower fort, but the fire from above 
once more forced them to leave it. After this failure Diler Khdn, 
considering the northern face impregnable, determined on attempting 
to escalade the small detached fort of Vajragad or Rudra Mahdl, on 
the north-east corner of Purandhar which commands a great part of 
the main works. The attempt succeeded and guns were brought to 
breach the upper fort. The setting in of the rains greatly retarded 
operations. The Moghal artillery was bad, and, although they continued 
firing for weeks, they made little impression on the defences. The 
garrison became dispirited and sent notice that they could hold out 
no longer. They would have left the fort, but Shivdji, who, after 
his successes at sea, had at last returned to Raygad, asked them to 
hold on until he should send them word to retire.' Shivaji sent 



1 Khdfi KhAn's acoonnt (Muntakhbu-1-LubAb in Elliot and Dowson, VII. 272), wliile 
in the main agreeing with the Mardtha version, gives some interesting additional 
details. The garrison of Purandhar made a vigorous defence and Jaysing arrived with 
his son Kesarising. After a bastion had been blown up on one side a panic seized 
the defenders of the foot of the hill. The besiegers attacked them and succeeded 
in making their way to the top of the hill when the defenders called for quarter 
which was granted them by the Edja and Diler Khdn. The two commandants 
waited upon Diler KhAn, and were sent to the RAja who disarmed the garrison and 
took possession of the forts. Eighty men, horsemen, infantry, and sappers were lost in 
the siege and more than a hundred were wounded. After the conquest of the two forts 
EAja Jaysing sent DAud Khdn with 7000 horse to plunder and lay waste the country 
which ShivAji had won by force and violence. Great efforts were made on both sides, 
and for five months the imperial forces never rested from harassing and fighting 
the enemy. At Shivdpar which was bnilt by ShivAji and at the forts of KondhAna or 
Sinhgad eight mUes south of Poona, and Kanvari (Kodri) not one trace of cultivation 
was left, and numbers of cattle were taken. On the other hand, the MaiAthte' sudden 
attacks, their brilliant successes, their night assaults, their seizure of the roads and 
passes, and the firing of the forest, severely tried the imperial forces, and men and 
beasts perished in numbers. The MarAthis had also suffered heavy losses and no 
longer had heart to face the imperial troops. The fort of EAjgad about three miles 
south-east of Torna and about fifteen south-west of Poona, whicn Shiviji himself held, 
and the fort of KondhAna or Sinhgad in which were his wife and his mother's relations 
were both invested |^and hard pressed. The roads on all sides were blockaded and 
ShivAji knew that he could not rescue hia family and that if Sinhgad was taken they 
would be liable to sufier the consequences of his evil deeds. Accordingly he sent 
some intelligent men to K4ja Jaysing, begging forgiveness, promising the surrender of 
several forts which he still held, and proposing to visit the E4ja. The RAja doubting 



Deccan] 



POONA. 



233 



Raghundthpant Shdslitri to Jaysingj wlio agreed to Shivaji's proposal 
to enter the Moglial service and give up part of Ws territory. At the 
same time Jaysing placed no trust in Shivaji's sincerity until the 
Brahman convinced him that Shivaji did not intend to deceive 
him. Jaysing then desired him to assure Shivaji on the honour of 
a Rajput that he might rely not only on the emperor's pardon but 
on his favour and protection. While this negotiation was pending, 
Shivaji, with a slender retinue, in the month of July, proceeded 
from Pratd,pgad in Sdtara to Jaysing's camp before Sinhgad, where 
he announced himself as Shivaji Raja. Jaysing sent his son 
Kiratsing to lead him to his presence with all the honours due to his 
rank. The whole camp pressed forward to see this celebrated hero 
and on his approach Jaysing advanced from his tent, met, and 
embraced him.^ Jaysing seated Shivaji on his right hand, treated 
him with respect and kindness, and repeated the assurances sent 
by Ragunathpant. After some conversation in the humblest strain 
on the part of Shivaji, he was allowed to retire to tents near those 
of Jaysing. Next day Shivaji went to visit Diler Khan, who was 
still before Purandhar and was exceedingly mortified that he was 
not made privy to the negotiation. He threatened to persevere in 
reducing Purandhar and putting every man to the sword.- This was 
but a threat, and he was soothed and gratified by Shivaji's presenting 
the keys of the gate with his own hand, telling him that all his 
forts and country were his, that he merely sought pardon, that 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

MusalmIns. 

MoghaU. 

Shivdji, 

1666. 



his sincerity, ordered that the attack should be pressed with renewed vigour. At last 
two confidential Brihmans came from Shivdji and with the most binding oaths confirmed 
his expressions of submission and repentance. The Kdja promised him security of life 
and honour on condition that he waited on the emperor and agreed to enter his service. 
He also promised him high station or mansaj in the imperial service and made pre- 
paration for receiving him as became his rank. Shivdji approached with great humility. 
The Bdja sent his agent or munshi to meet him and he also sent armed Rajputs to guard 
against treachery. The munshi carried a message to say that if Shivdji submitted 
frankly, gave up his forts, and agreed to obey, the emperor would grant his petition 
for forgiveness. If he did not accept these terms he had better return and reiiew the 
war. When Shivdji received the message he said with great humility that he knew his 
life and honour were safe if he made his submission. The Rdja then sent a person of 
high rank to bring him in with honour. When Shivdji entered the Rdja rose, 
embraced him, and seated him near himself. Shivdji then with a thousand signs of 
shame clasped his hand and said ' I have come as a guilty slave to seek forgiveness, 
and it is for you either to pardon or to kill me at your pleasure. I will make over 
my great forts with the country of the Konkan to the emperor's officers, and I will 
send my son to enter the imperial service. As for myself, I hope that after the 
interval of one year, when I have paid my respect to the emperor, I may be allowed, 
like other servants of the state who exercise authority in their own provinces, to live 
with my wife and family in a small fort or two. Whenever and wherever my 
services are required, I will, on receiving orders, discharge my duty loyally.' The 
Rdja cheered him and sent him to Diler Khdn. After the siege was stopped, 7000 
persons, men women and children, came out of Sinhgad fort. All that they could 
not carry became the property of the government and the forces took possession 
of the fort. DUer Khdn presented Shivdji with a sword. He took him back to the 
Rdja who presented him with a robe, and renewed his assurances of safety and 
honourable treatment. Shivdji, with ready tact, bound on ,the sword iu an instant, 
and promised to render faithful service. When the question about the time Shivdji 
was to remain under parole, and of his return home, came under consideration, Rdja 
jaysing wrote to the emperor, asking forgiveness for Shivdji and the grant of a robe 
to him, and awaited instructions. A mace-bearer arrived with the /arn«i» and a 
robe, and Shivdji was overjoyed at receiving forgiveness and honour. 

1 Scott's Deocan, II. 11. 



B 1327—30 



[Bombay Gazetteer 



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Chapter VII. 

History. 

MusalmjUts. 
Moghals. 



1665-1666. 



experience had satisfied him that it was folly to resist such soldiers 
as Aurangzeb could boast of, and that now his one hope was to be 
enrolled among the servants of the empire. An armistice took 
place as soon as Shivaji came into camp. After several conferences, 
subject to the emperor's approval, it was agreed that Shivaji should 
give up whatever forts or territory he had taken from the Moghals. 
Of thirty -two forts taken or built by him in the territory which 
had belonged to the Nizdm Shahi government, he gave up twenty to 
Jaysing, among which were Purandhar and Sinhgad with all their 
dependent districts. According to Khafi Khdn Shivdji gave twenty, 
three out of thirty-five forts with a yearly revenue amounting to 
£400,000 (10 i!aMs of fewns or 40 Idhha of rupees) .^ The territory 
belonging to the remaining twelve forts/ of which Koari and Isvadi 
were in Poena, estimated to yield a yearly revenue of about £40,000 
(PagoddslOQfiOQ) and all the rest of his acquisitions, were to form his 
estate which he was to hold from the emperor, and his son Sambh^ji, 
then in his eighth year, was to receive the rank of a commander of 
5000 horse. The most remarkable part of the agreement was Shivdji's 
proposal to be allowed assignments on Bijapur, estimated at about 
£180,000 (Pagrocids 500,000), being afourth and a tenth of the revenue, 
termed by him the chauth and sardeshmukhi, of certain districts above 
the SahyAdris, the charge of collecting which he took upon himself. 
So eager was Shivdji to obtain the imperial authority for this 
arrangement, that it was granted on condition he offered to pay a 
tribute or peshhash of about £1,400,000 {Pagodas 4,000,000) by yearly 
instalments of about £1 10,000 {Pagodds 300,000), and to keep an 
additional body of troops. ShivAji's proposals, according to custom, 
were sent to the emperor in the form of a petition. On Jaysing's 
suggestion Shivaji intimated his desire to kiss the royal threshold. 
Aurangzeb agreed to Shivaji's proposal on condition that he and his 
troopswent with Rdja Jaysing againstBijApur and that he paid the first 
instalment of the promised tribute. According to this agreement, 
Shivaji co-operated with Jaysing, and the combined army, including 
2000 horse and 8000 infantry belonging to Shivd,ji, marched 
against Bijdpur about the month of November. In the operations 
which followed, Phaltan was reduced, the fort of Tdthavad escaladed, 
and all the fortified places on their route were taken possession 
of by ShivAji and his Mdvalis. In consequence of these services 
Aurangzeb invited Shivaji to court, promised to confer on him 
great rank and honours, and to allow him to return to the Deccan, 
In 1666 Shivdji, after visiting all his forts and holding a council of 
his ministers at Rdygad, went to Delhi with his son Sambhdji. At 
Aurangzeb's court he was treated with indignity and was watched as 
a prisoner. In the Deccan Jaysing had not the means to garrison 
many of the forts surrendered by Shivdji. He placed strong 
garrisons in Lohogad, Sinhgad, and Purandhar ; a few men were 
left in such of the others as had supplies of provisions ; and, of the 
rest, he ordered that the gates should be burnt, and such part of 



1 Elliot and Dowsou, VII. 275. 

' The twelve forts were : U&jsad, Torna, Riygad, Lingana, Mahddgad, 'B&Ugm, 
GhosAla, Isvddi, PAli, Bhurap, Ko^ri, and Udedurg. 



Deccau] 



POONA. 



235 



the defences destroyed as could be hastily thrown down. After 
Shivd,ji's escape from Delhi, in December 1666, he lost no time in 
regaining his forts. Moropant Peshwa repaired them, replaced 
the garrisons, and drove out the Moghals. 

In 1667, by the representations of the new viceroy Sultdn Mud,zam, 
who was accompanied and much swayed by Jasvantsing a staunch 
nindu, Shivdji obtained from Aurangzeb the title of Kdja, a 
confirmation of Sambhd,ji's rank, and land in Berdr. The districts 
of Poena, Chdkan, and Supa were also restored to Shivdji, but the 
commanding forts of Sinhgad and Purandhar were kept by the 
Moghals. Though Aurangzeb at first agreed to Sultdn Muazzam's 
proposals in favour of ShivAji, he afterwards showed marked hostility 
to Shivdji. Accordingly Shivdji determined as soon as possible to 
gain the strongly garrisoned forts of Sinhgad and Purandhar which 
blocked his communication with Poona and Chdkan. Sinhgad, 
Shivaji justly considered one of the strongest forts in the country, 
and, as the commandant, Ude Ban, was a celebrated soldier and had a 
choice Rajput garrison it was supposed impregnable. Security had 
made the Sinhgad garrison somewhat negligent, and Sbivd.ji laid 
a plan for taking the place by surprise. Tdnaji Mdlusre, whom he 
consulted, offered to surprise Sinhgad if he was allowed to take his 
younger brother Surydji and 1000 picked Md,valis. Accordingly, in 
February 1670, one thousand Mavalis under TdnAji and Surydji 
started from Rdygad in KoUba, and, taking different paths, met near 
Sinhgad. Tdnaji divided his men into two parties. One party under 
his brother Surydji he left at a little distance with orders to advance if 
necessary ; the other party under his own command lodged themselves 
undiscovered at the foot of Sinhgad rock. When it grew dark, 
choosing the sheerest part of the rock as the least likely to be 
guarded, one of the Mavalis climbed the rock and made fast a ladder 
of ropes up which the rest crept one by one. Each as he gained the 
top lay down. In spite of their care before 300 of them had reached 
the top, some movement drew the attention of the garrison to the 
Mdvalis. One of the garrison drew near and was silently slain by 
an arrow. Still the alarm spread, and the noise of voices and of a 
running to arms showed Tdndji that a rush forward was his only 
chance of a surprise. The Mdvalis plied their arrows in the direction 
of the voices, tUl a blaze of blue lights and torches showed the Eajputs 
armed or arming, and discovered their assailants. In the desperate 
fight that followed Tdndji fell. The Mavalis lost heart and were 
running to the ladder, when Surydji, Tdnaji's brother, met them 
with the reserve. He rallied them, asked them if they would leave 
their leader's body to be tossed into a pit by Mhdrs, told them the 
ropes were broken and there was. no retreat ; now was the time to 
prove themselves Shivdji's Mavalis. They turned with spirit, and, 
shouting their war cry Ear Har Mahadev, dashed on the garrison, 
and, after a desperate fight in which 300 Mavalis and 500 Rajputa 
were slain or disabled, gained the fort. A thatched house turned 
into a bonfire flashed the news to Shivaji. Besides those who 
were slain or wounded in the fort, many Rajputs who ventured over 
the crest of the rock were dashed to pieces. Contrary to his custom, 
Shivd,ji gave every man of the assailants a silver bracelet and 



Chapter VII- 
History. 

MusalmAns. 

Moghals. 

Shivd^i, 

1667. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



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DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

MusalmIns. 

Moghals. 

Shivdji, 

1670-1675. 



Junnar, 
1673. 



honoured their leaders with rich rewards. He grieved over T^iidji: 
Sinhgad the lion^s house is taken, but the lion is slain : I have 
gained a fort and lost Tdnaji. Suryaji, TanAji's brother, was made 
commandant of Sinhgad, and within a month (March 1670) again 
distinguished himself by escalading Purandhar.^ Mahuli and Karnala 
in the Konkan were also taken, and the whole province of Kalydn 
was recovered by the end of June. In July (1670) Lohogad was 
surprised and taken, but an attempt on Shivner failed.^ Next year 
(1671) Diler Khdn, who was at Junnar with a considerable Moghal 
force, retook Lohogad and captured Chakan.^ In 1674, after great 
successes in South. Gujarat, Khdndesh, Golkonda, Sdtdra, the 
Bombay Karndtak, and North Kdnara, Shivaji was crowned with 
great pomp at Rdygad in KoMba. At the time of his crowning 
Shivdji is described as forty-seven years of age, of a handsome 
and intelligent countenance, and for a Mardtha fair in skin. His 
eye was keen, his nose long aquihne and somewhat drooping, his 
beard trim and peaked, and his moustache slight. His expression 
was rapid and resolute, hard and feline.* 

In 1675 Shivdji made another unsuccessful attempt on Shivner his 
birth-place, which was never destined to fall into his hands.^ About 
this time the services of Fryer, the English physician and traveller, 
were sought by the Moghal governor of Jeneah that is Junnar. 
Fryer started from Bombay on St. George's Day, 23rd April 
1673, and passed through Kalydn and Murbdd which was all wasted 
by Shivdji and the Moghals, up the terribly steep Avapa pass or 
Oppagaot.* At the top of the pass was a bad starvling town 
which he calls Oppagaot. There was a fort or castle on a hill 
top, and near the head of the pass a subheddr or customer, blown 
up with the confidence of half a dozen hillmen. Prom the 
top of the pass Fryer entered a deep valley where he met a 
caravan of oxen laden with provisions which had hardly escaped the 
Moghal army which was not far off. Pear of the villainy of Shivdji's 
men made Fryer's guide use great haste, and by ten at night he 
had travelled twenty miles (10 kos) to Ambegaon. In Ambegaon 
there was no one but a single fakir ; the rest had fled from a party 
of Moghal horse. As they could get nothing to eat but a few green 
figs. Fryer's people pressed on through three or four wretched 
villages, to Beelseer or Bilsar three miles south-west of Junnar. 
Here his people rested as they found some provisions in a wretched 
hamlet which was liable to continual pillaging at the hands both of 
the Moghals and of the Marathds, and bore the pillaging well 
because it was in the condition of having little or nothing to lose. 



2 Grant Duff's MardthAs, 109, 110. 



> Grant Duffs MaritMs, 94. 

3 Grant Duff's Mardth^s, 110. 

* Mr. Douglas from the Vignette in Orme's Historical Fragments. Scott Wanng 
'(MardthAs, 87-88) gives the following details: ShivAji was short and dark with 
bright piercing eyes, an active body, and well-governed temper. He was religious 
above his countrymen. He was a good father to a bad son. Though he possessed 
high talents as a soldier, he was fonder of cunning than courage and of dissimulation 
than wisdom. ^ Grant Duff's Mardth^s, 119. 

^ Fryer's party included four Moor peons, a Portuguese, his own servants, a. 
Brdhman linguist, a horsekeeper, eight palanquin-bearers, a dozen fardsis that is 
lumber or baggage-carriers, and a Turkish horse, East India and Persia, 123, 



Deccan.] 



POONA, 



237 



Next day-j the last of April, he went on to Junnar the frontier town 
of the Moghals, for many years the seat of war. There was a castle 
at Junnar an^ some palaces with gardens, and the governor was in 
command of 17,000 horse and 3000 foot. The governor of the city 
and district was different from the commandant of Shivner fort who 
never left the hill top. Junnar city and the forb in the plain were 
ill-prepared to stand a siege. The Moghals were encamped there 
rather than settled, and, when Shivd,ji came in force, they retired 
speedily to the m ain army under BahMur Khdn who had a host of 40,000 
horse at Pedgaon three days' journey offin Ahmadnagar ontheBhima. 
Fryer, in English interests, tried to pursuade the governor of the 
value of opening a trade with Bombay through which the Deccan 
might be supplied with Arab and Persian horses. To do this it 
was necessary that the Konkan should be cleared of Shivdji's troops. 
The governor made light of Shivaji, but seemed little inclined to 
drive hitn out of the Konkan, either because he knew it was more 
difiScult to do than he pretended, or, because, if Shivdji was driven 
out, the excuse for keeping up a large army and therefore his 
employment and the source of his revenue would cease.^ When 
the rains began to fall cotton was planted in the fields about 
Junnar. The land also yielded wheat in abundance and other grain, 
though the husbandmen's crops were often burned by those 
mountain-foxes the Mard,thd.s. It was not safe to move about 
Junnar in small parties : troopers were often sent home disrobed 
and dismounted. Except Shivner most of the hill forts were in 
Shivdji's hands. In a still night many of his garrisons might be 
heard by voice and more by trumpet. The government of 
Junnar was like the government of all Moghal cities. The walls 
were broken but the gates remained. Disorder had scared trade, 
though the town was well placed and furnished with coarse calicoes, 
fine lawns, and plenty of cotton land. The ploughmen and weavers 
had followed the traders. A rich craftsman or landholder was not 
to be heard of in seven or eight days' journey. The markets had 
little but provisions which the rulers compelled the country-people 
to bring in, and sometimes took them by force by reason of the 
general poverty reigning among them. Fryer returned to Bombay 
by the Nana pass, a far shorter and easier way than he came. 
Between Junnar and the head of the pass he went by three of Shivaji's 
castles. It was doubtful if the Moghals could pass by that way. 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

MPSALMANS. 

Moghals, 

Junnar, 

1673. 



' Fryer explains why the governor was so disinclined to reduce his army. He 
kept only half the nominal muster of men and drew the pay of the rest, dividing his 
profits with the notaries who were sent by Aurangzeb to see that no frauds were 
committed. The same practice was followed by the under-offioers. Every one had 
their snips verifying the proverb, ' Half the king's cheese goes in parings.' The 
grandees of the army were mounted on Persian Arab or Turkish steeds ; the lower 
oiBcers rarely got more than the race of the country which were fiery and mettlesome, 
but very flashing probably because the officers pinched their horses' bellies to put into 
their own. There were many Hindus in the Moghal army and many MusalmAns in 
ShivAji's army, as they thought not of their country but whose salt they ate. The 
Moghal army was chiefly Moghal cavalry and Gentoo infantry with matchlock 
muskets. Their pay was fourteen months behind hand. Still they stayed, for they 
were sure of something with ease, while Shivdji's rule was the freebooter's rule, No 
plunder no pay. Fryer's Bast India and Persia, 139, 141, 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



238 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

MtrSALMlNS. 

JUoghals, 



1680-1689. 



During the last four years of his life (1677-1680) the success of 
his famous expedition to the Madras Karnatak greatly increased 
Shiviji's power. 

On Shivdji's death on the 5th of April 1680, Sambhdji his son 
and successor showed some of his father's vigour and skill in war.^ 
He then fell into a life of pleasure and vice, wasting in dissipation 
the wealth which his father had amassed. Kalusha, his friend and 
councillor, raised the land rent by levying many fresh cesses. Still 
the receipts fell short of the former rental. The managers of 
districts were removed, the revenue was farmed, many landholders 
fled, and speedy ruin threatened SambhAji's territories.* 

In 1 682 to ravage the Konkan a body of Moghal horse under 
Husan Ali Khd,n advanced from Ahmadnagar by the route of 
Jnnnar and descended the Sahyadris. In 1684, Aurangzeb issued 
orders to levy a poll tax or jizia on all non-Muhammadan subjects.' 
In 1685 Aurangzeb ordered Khan Jahdn to place posts or ihdnds 
in the country between Junnar and Sinhgad. Khan Jahan took 
Poena and the country round, and appointed Khdkar Khd,n as 
governor or foujddr* In the same year (1685) a body of troops 
stationed under Ghd,zi-ud-Din at Junnar was directed to move 
towards Ahmadnagar. The Marathas seized this opportunity and 
made a rapid march northwards and plundered Broach, Aurangzeb's 
rebel son Sultdn Akbar, whom Sambhaji treated with the greatest 
respect, instigating if not leading the enterprise. He was 
intercepted near Chdkan and defeated by the Moghal forces.^ 
In 1686 Bijapur fell and the Adil Shahi dynasty came to an end. 
In 1689 Aurangzeb's camp moved up the Bhima from Akluj in 
Sholdpur and cantoned at Tulapur at the meeting of the Indrd,yani 
and the Bhima, sixteen miles north-east of Poena. While 
Aurangzeb was camped at Tulapur, Takarrib Khdn, who had surprised 
Sambhaji and his favourite Kalusha at Sangameshvar in Eatndgiri, 
arrived with his prisoners. The Mar^thds made no effort to rescue 
Sambhaji. Kalusha's oppression and Sambhfiji's misconduct had 
made them hateful to the bulk of the people, and even had his army 
been disposed to undertake any enterprise in his favour, its loose 
and disordered state would probably have prevented the attempt. 
When the prisoners were brought close to the imperial camp they 
were bound and set upon camels. His turban was taken off 
Sambhdji's bead, drums and other noisy music sounded before him, 
and thousands flocked from all sides to see his entry into the 
camp. The prisoners were shown to Aurangzeb and ordered into 
confinement till their sentence was determined. Some of the 
Moghal nobles suggested that Sambhdji'a life should be spared as 
a means of inducing his troops to surrender the forts; Aurangzeb 



1 At the time of his death, Shiviji held the Konkan from Gandevi in Surat to 
Phonda in KolhApur, except the small possessions of the Portuguese, the English, 
and the Sidi. He had posts in Kinara and great possessions in the Madras KamAtak 
and in Tanjor. He held the West Decoan from the Hiranyakeshi in Belgaum to the 
Indrdyani in Poona, besides strong points in Ahmadnagar, NAsik, and KhiUidesb. 
In RAygad he had several millions of cash besides valuable goods. 

= Grant Duff's MarithSs, 141. ' Grant Duff's MarAthis, 145. 

* Grant Duff's Mar^thAs, 148. ' Scott's Deooan, 11. 70. 



Deccau.] 



POONA. 



239 



himself seemed inclined to this course. But Sambhdjij roused 
to a sense of his disgrace and stung with shame and remorse, 
expected and wished for nothing but death, and made use of every 
epithet of abuse to induce some rash soldier to kill him. In this 
frame of mind when Aurangzeb sent him a message offering life 
on condition of his becoming a Musalm^n, Sambhd.ji answered : 
Not if you give me your daughter in marriage, and ended by 
cursing the Prophet. The enraged emperor ordered a red-hot iron 
to be drawn across his eyes, his tongue to be cut out, and his head to 
be severed from his body. These orders were publicly carried out in 
the camp at Tulapur about the beginning of August 1689.^ After 
Sambhaji's execution Rajdram, Sambhaji's younger brother, was 
declared regent during the minority of Sambh^ji's son Shivdji, 
afterwards known as ShAhu. In 1690 Rdygad fell to the Moghals 
and young Shivd,ji and his mother Soyrdbdi were taken prisoners. 
Kdjdrdm who was moving from place to place escaped to G-inji in 
the Karn^tak and from Ginji managed his Deccan affairs. Rdjdrdm 
remained in Grinji till 1698, when he was forced to flee to Vishdlgad 
in Kolhdpur. From Vishdlgad in 1699, Rdjd.rdm, joined by Parsd,ji 
Bhonsla, Haibatrdv Nimbd,lkar, Nimdji Sindia, Athavle, Samsher 
Bahddur, and other Mard,tha commanders, proceeded with a 
greater force than Shivdji ' ever commanded, and passed through 
Gangthadi, Ndnder, Berdr, and Khdndesh claiming chauth and 
sardeshmukhi. When he had completed his tour, Iidjd,rd,m left 
Khanderdv Ddbhdde in Bdglan or North Ndsik, Nemdji Sindia with 
the title of Sarlashkar in Khdndesh, Parsdji Bhonsla with the title 
of Sendsdheb Subhe in Berdr, and HaibatrdiV NimbAlkar in Gangthadi 
to collect, as was said, the outstanding balances due to the Rdja. 

In February 1700, R^jardm took shelter in Sinhgad, and 
died one month later from inflammation of the lungs brought 
on by violent exertion. When Rdjdrdm died leaving only widows 
and infants, the power of the Marathas seemed at an end. 
But Tdrabdi, the elder widow, with the aid of Rdmchandrapant 
Amditya, Shankraji Nd,rayan, and Dhdiudji Jddhav Sendpati assumed 
the government, seated her son Shivaji a boy of ten on the cushion 
of state, and placed Rdjasbai the younger widow in confinement. 
Tdrdbai did not fix her residence in any one fort but moved from 
place to place as seemed advisable.^ Between 1700 and 1703, 
Aarangzeb besieged Sinhgad. After a three and a half months 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

MusalmAns, 
MoghcUa. 



1690. 



Tdrdbdi, 
1700. 



> Grant Duffs MarAtMs, 159-60 ; and Orme's Historical Fragments, 164. 

" According to Khdfi KhAn TdrdbAi won the heart of her oflSoers and took vigorous 
measures for ravaging the imperial territory. In spite of all Aurangzeb's struggles 
and schemes, campaigns, and sieges, the power of the Mardthds waxed instead of 
■ warning. They penetrated into the old imperial territories, plundering and destroying 
wherever they went. In imitation of the emperor, who, with his army and 
enterprising nobles was staying in the Deccan mountains, Tdrdbfii's commanders 
cast the anchor of permanence wherever they penetrated, and having appointed 
hamaishddrs or revenue collectors, passed the time to their satisfaction with their 
wives and children, and tents, and elephants. Their daring went beyond all bounds. 
They divided all the districts or pargamls among themselves, and, following the 
practice of the imperial rule, appointed their suhhMdrs or provincial governors, 
kamdiBhddrs or revenue collectors, and rahddars or toll collectors. Khdfi Khdn 
Muntakhbu-1-Lubdb in Elliot and Dowson, VII, 373-375. 



[Bombay Gazetteer. 



240 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VIL 

History. 

MusalmIks. 

Moghah. 

Tdrdbdi, 

1700. 



Shdhu's 

Restoration, 

1707. 



Siege, the fort, was bouglifc from the commandant and. its name 
changed to Bakshindabaksh or God's Gift. The army halted for 
a month at Poena and the neighbouring villages. At Poena 
prince Muhiul-Mulk the son of Kam Baksh, the son of Aurangzeby 
died and Aurangzeb changed the name of Poena to Muhiabad,' 
Prom Poona the Moghal army marched against E.d.jgad in Bhor, and 
by 1705 Purandhar was taken.i In 1705, after halting 1\ months 
near Junnar, the emperor quitted the neighbourhood of Poona and 
marched towards Bijdpur.^ As soon as the Moghal troops withdrew 
Shankrdji Ndrdyan Sachiv, the chief manager of the country 
round, retook Sinhgad and some other places.^ The loss of 
Sinhgad and of Panhala in Kolhapur was a great grief to 
Aurangzeb. It increased the illness from which he was suffering 
and from which he recovered very slowly. Zulfikar Khd,n was sent 
to retake Sinhgad, and, before his. departure the emperor committed 
Sambhdji's son Sh^hu to his charge and Zulfikar tried to bring the 
Marathds to his side by sending letters from Shd,hu as their lawful 
prince. From want of supplies Sinhgad yielded to Zulfikdr, but, as 
soon as he retired, from the same cause, it was speedily retaken by 
Shankrdji Narayan. 

In 1707 on the occasion of Shdhu's marriage with the daughters of 
the Jddhav of Sindkhed and of Sindia the paUl of Kinnarkhed, 
Aurangzeb conferred on him Inddpur and Bupa in Poona with 
other districts.* Td.rd.bai and her ministers took advantage of the 
absence of the main body of the Moghal army. Dhanaji Jadhav 
defeated Lodikhdn the commandant of Poona, and retook Ohakan, 
and the Marathds rapidly occupied as well as plundered the country. 
In the same year (1707) Aurangzeb died, and steps were taken to 
release Shdhu. On his arrival in Poona means were successfully 
employed to detach Dhandji from the cause of Tardbai. An action 
took place at the village of Khed twenty- two miles north of Poona 
in which the Pratinidhi was not supported by Dhandji and was 
obliged to fly to Sdtara. Dhandji joined Shahu and proceeded towards 
Ohaadan-Wandan in Satdra. Shdhu seized the families of all the 
men of rank who were acting against him; and summoned Shankrdji 
Nardyan the Pant Sachiv to deliver Purandhar which he had taken 
shortly before ; but Shankrdji did not obey. In 1711, as he still 
adhered to the cause of Tardbai, Shdhu determined to reduce 
Shankrdji Narayan's territory, which, as it included Eajgad Shivdji's 
first capital, was considered the centre of Maratha rule. An army 
was sent towards Poona and took Rdjgad. Shahu was spared the 
great labour of besieging the Pant Sachiv's other forts by the news 
that Shankrdji had drowned himself, it was said, out of remorse 



' Khdfi KhAn Mimtakhabu-l-LuMb in Elliot and Dowson, VII, 373 ; and Grant 
Duffs Mar4th4s, 177. ^ Grant Duffs MarAthds, 178 ; Elliot and Dowson, VII. 379. 

' Grant Dufl's Mardthds, 180. 

* Grant Duff's MarAthds, 1 84. On this occasion Aurangzeb among other presents 
to Shihu gave him a, sword he had himself frequently worn, and restored two 
swords which ShAhu's attendants had always urged Sh^hu to recover. One of these 
was ShivAji's famous BhavAni, and the other the sword of Afzul KhAn the murdered 
general of Bijdpur all of which were taken at R^ygad in 1690. These swords 
were in the possession of the Bdja of Sdtdra in 1826, Ditto. 



Deccan.J 



POONA. 



241 



because he had bound himself by oath to Tardbdi to fight against 
his lawful prince.i Shahu with characteristic conciliation sent robes 
of investiture to Shankrdji's son NAro Shankar a child of two years 
old and confirmed his mutdlih or deputy in that post. The Pant 
Sachiv's party never again swerved from their allegiance to Shdhu.^ 
In March 1708 Shahu was established at Sdtdra, and in 1710 
Tard,bAi with her son Shivdji * went to Kolhapur and established 
herself there. Chandrasen Jddhav^ who had been appointed sendpati 
or commander-in-chief on his father Dhandji's death, was sent from 
Satara with a considerable army to levy the chauth, sardeshmukhi, 
and ghdsddna from the Moghal districts. On this occasion 
Chandrasen was attended by his father's agent or kdrhun Bdldji 
Vishvandth,* the founder of the Peshwds of Poena who was now 
charged with collecting the Raja's share of the revenue, a position of 
control very galling to Chandrasen. A dispute about a deer which 
had been run down by one of Balaji's horsemen forced BaMji to flee 
for his life. He fled first to Sdsvad, where the Sachiv's agent 
in Purandhar did not think it prudent to protect him. His 
pursuers were in sight but the commander of the fort would not 
allow him to enter. With a few followers, among whom were hia 
sons Bdjirav and Chimnaji, Balaji Vishvanath attempted to cross to 
Pdndugad fort in the opposite valley, but the Jadhav's horemen were 
on his track and searching for him in every quarter. Bdlaji managed 
to hide himself for a few days. Then two Mardthds, Pildji Jadhav 
and Dhumal, two of his self -horsed troopers, undertook to carry him to 
a place of safety. They gathered a small troop of horse, and, though 
they were attacked on the way and a man on each side of him had 
to hold on Bdldji who could not ride, they carried him and his sons 
out of danger. After this Chandrasen, Bdldji's rival, left the 
Mardthas and took service with the Nizdm, and, with the Nizam's 
help, drove back Shdhu's forces from the Goddvari to the Bhima, 
To support his local troops Shdhu sent Bdlaji whom he dignified 
with the title of gena hurt or army agent. Bdlaji joined Haibatrdv 
Nimbalkar, and they together fell back on Purandhar. A battle 
was fought which the Mardthds claim as a victory, but which seems 
to have been a defeat as they afterwards retreated to the Salpa 
pass. Poona was overrun by a detachment of Marathds in the 
Nizam's service under Rambhdji Nimbalkar. An agreement was 
made, and, as was their custom, the Moghal troops retired for the 
rains to Aurangabad. As soon as they were gone, under different 



Chapter VII 
History. 

MusalmAns. 



Shdhu, 
1707-1717. 



' Shankrdji performed the jalasamddh or water-burial by sitting tied to a wooden 
raft which floated on empty jars pierced with holes. As the jars filled the raft sunk 
and the person seated on the raft was drowned. Hindu devotees were rather partial 
to this form of death. Grant Duff's Mardthds, 186 foot, 

2 Grant Duff's Mardthds, 189. 

' In January 1712 Shivdji, the son of Tdrdbdi, who was of weak mind, died of 
small-pox. On his death Tdrdbdi was removed from the administration, and 
Sambhdji the son of Bdjasbdi the younger widow of Edjdrdm was appointed in her 
stead. Tdrdbdi and Bbavduibdi her son's widow, who is said to have been pregnant at 
the time of her husband's death, were put into confinement. 

* Bdldji Vishvandth was the hulharni or village accountant of Shnvardhan in 
Janjira, a village then claimed by the Sidi from which in consequence of some intrigue 
connected with the Sidi's enemy Angria he had fled to Sdsvad in Poona, and was 
recommended to Dhandji Jddhav by Abdji Purandhare and Parashurdm Trimbak. 

B 1327—31 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



242 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter^ VII. 
History. 

MitsalmAns. 

Moghala. 

Shdhu, 

1707-1717. 



Bdldji Vishvamdth, 

First Peshwa, 

17 U -1720. 



leaders, the Marathds spread plundering over the country. All the 
leading Hindu deshmukhs and deshpdndids in the Moghal parts of 
the Maratha country fortified their villages on pretence of defending 
them, but often joined and helped their countrymen. As Nizdm-ul- 
Mulk favoured the Kolhdpur party, Shd,hu'fs influence continued to 
decline. In the prevailing anarchy Damdji Thorat, who was 
attached to the cause of Kolh^pur, strengthened a mud fort in the 
village of Hingni or Hingangaon, near P^tas, about forty miles 
east of Poona and levied contributions about, thirty miles round. 
B^Mji Yishvan^th, who set out to reduce Damdji, was seduced to 
a conference, treacherously seized, and thrown into confinement, 
together with his friend Abaji Purandhare, B^laji's two sons 
Bdjirav and Chimndji, and several of their immediate retainers. 
Thorit threatened them with torture and death if they did not pay 
a large ransom. The ransom was paid, and the Sachiv was sent 
against Damdji. But he was defeated and himself and his chief 
agent made prisoners. 

About the same time Bahiropant, Sh^hu's minister or •peshwa, 
undertook an expedition into the Konkan to repel the pirate chief 
Ahgria of Kolaba. Bahiropant was defeated and made prisoner. 
Angria advanced and took the forts of Rdjmachi and Lohogad in west 
Poona. Angria intended to march on Sdtara, but he was met and 
defeated by BAldji. After the defeat, Balaji, by the grant of ^ten forts 
and sixteen fortified places in the Konkan, persuaded Angria to 
forsake the cause of Kolhdpur and become tributary to Shdhu.^ In 
consequence of this valuable service, in 1714, Balaji Vishvandth 
was appointed Peshwa in^place of Bahiropant Pingle who was 
removed. Baldji's friend Abdji Purandhare was confirmed as his 
deputy or mutdlik and RAmajipant Bhdnu the ancestor of the 
celebrated Nana Fadnavis as his secretary or fadnavis. After 
Chandrasen Jadhav deserted to the Moghals in 1710, M^n^ji More 
had been appointed Shahu's commander-in-chief or sendpati. Since 
then he had performed no service of distinction. Balaji Peshwa 
now arranged that Mdnaji, the commander-in-chief with Haibatrdv 
Nimbalkar should reduce Damdji Thorat. Before hostilities began 
Baidji succeeded in procuring the release of Damaji's prisoner the 
Pant Sachiv, and, in gratitude for this service, the Pant Saohiv's 
mother presented Bdlaji with all the Pant SachiVs rights in 
Purandhar and gave him the fort as a place of safety for his family 
whose head-quarters had hitherto been at Sasvad. This transfer 
was confirmed by Shahu. The force assembled in the Poena 
district under Mdnaji was too powerful for Thorat. He was driven 
back, Hingangam his fort was stormed and destroyed, and himself 
made prisoner. In 1715 BdMji Peshwa induced the Moghal agent 
for the Poona district, a Maratha named Bdji Kadam, to make over 
the superior authority to him on the promise that Rambhau 
Nimbalkar's estates should be respected. As soon as he acquired 
this authority Balaji turned his attention to putting down the free- 



1 The ten forts were KhAnderi, Kolaba, Savarndurg, Vijayadurg, J^gad, Devdnrg, 
Kanikdurg, Fategad, Auchitgad, and Yasvantgad ; the sixteen fortified pla«es were 
Bahirugaid, Kotla, Venltatgad, MAnikgad, Mirgad, SAgargad, RasAlgad, fUgM, 
Kh^rep^an, E^mdurg, KAjipur, Ambar, S^tavli, KAmte,Sh.rivardhan,aiid Manranjan, 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



243 



booters with whom the coUntty swarmed, he stopped revenue- 
farming, and encouraged tillage by granting leases at low rates. 
Negotiations between Shahu and the court of Delhi were set on 
foot) in consequence of which in 1718 Bdldji, in command of a large 
contingent, was sent to Delhi to assist the Sayads. This was the 
beginning of Maratha influence at Delhi with which till 1803 they 
were so closely connected. The battle of ShahApur destroyed the 
power of the Sayads, and established Muhammadsh4h upon the 
throne of the decaying empire, BaMji succeeded in obtaining from 
the imperial court three grants one for the chauth or one-fourth of 
the whole revenue of the six suhhds of the Deccan, including the 
Haidarabad and Bijapur territories, the Karndtak, and the tributary 
states of Tanjor, Trichinopoli, and Maisur, and a second for the 
sardesKmukhi or additional one-tenth of the Deccan revenue. The 
third grant was for the svm-dj or home-rule by^the Marathas of 
sixteen districts, which they stated Shivaji held at the time of his 
death.^ Under this arrangement almost the whole of Poona, Supa, 
Bardmati, Inddpur, and Junnar became part of the Mardtha home- 
rule. In reward for his services on the occasion Baldji Vishvanath 
received several districts near Poona in personal grant or jdgir 
including the fort of Lohogad. 

Not long after (1 720) Chinkalich Khan, better known as the Nizam- 
ul-Mulk, who, after the murder of the emperor Ferokshir, had been 
appointed governor of Mdlwa, revolted, and crossing the Narbada and 
defeating the imperial forces at Burhanpur and BdlApur, made himself 
independent in the Deccan. BAMji's health had suffered considerably 
from the fatigue of the journey to and from Delhi and the labour he 
bestowed on the management of affairs after his return. He was 
allowed to retire for rest to his family seat at Sasvad, where he died 
in afew days in April 1721. He left two sons, Bdjirdv and Chimndji, 
and two daughters Bhiubai married to Abaji Naik the brother 
of Bapuji N^ik, a rich banker of BArAmati, and Annubdi, the 
wife of Ndrdyanr^v Ghorpade of Ichalkaranji in the Bombay 
Karndtak. For nearly seven months after his father's death Balaji's 
eldest son B^jirav was not formally invested with the dignity of 
Peshwa. At last Bajirdv received his robes, his brother Chimnaji 
received the command of an army under the Peshwa and the district 
of Supa in grant or jdgir, and Abajipant Purandhare, their 
father's head agent, was reinvested by Shahu.^ Soon after his 
appointment Bdjirav Peshwa set out with an army for Khandesh, 
but, till 1724, he was forced every year to return to Satdra. 
Bajirdv's great design was to extend Maratha power in North 
India.^ In a debate before Shahu he said. Now is our time to 
drive strangers from the land of the Hindus and to gain undying 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

MarIthas, 
1720-1817. 



Sd^irdv Balldl, 

Second Peshwa, 

17S0-1740. 



* The svtvrdj or home-rule districts were Poona, Supa including BArdmati, Inddpur, 
VAi, the Md,vals, SAtdra, Karhdd, Khat4v, Mto, Phaltan, Malkdpur, TArla, PanhAla, 
Ajra, Junnar, and Kolhipur ; the pargands of Kopal, Gadag, Halydl, and all the forts 
which were captured by Shivdji to the north of the Tungbhadra, and Rdmnagar in the 
Konkan including Gandevi, Jawhdr, Oheul, Bhimgad, Bhiwndi, Kalydn, RAjpuri, 
Dibhol, Jdvli, Rdjdpur, Phonda, Akola, and Kuddl. The six subMs of the Deccan were 
Aurangabad, Bedar, Berdr.Bijdpur, Haidarabad, and Khindesh, yielding an estimated 
revenue of Rs. 18,05, 17,300, the sardeshmuhhi on which was Rs. 1,80,51,730, and the 
chaidh and other rights Rs. 11,75,16,762. Grant Duffs Mardthds, 200. 

a Grant Dufi's Mardthds, 209. ^ Grant Duff's Mardthds, 212. 



244 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

Makathas, 
1720- 1&17. 



Bdldji Edjirdv, 

alias Ndndsdheb, 

Third Peshwa, 

1740-1761. 



^t^^^n' r ^ turning our efforts to Hindustan the Mardtia flag 
shall fly from the Krishna to the Attok, Let as strike at the trunk 
Qv *v® 7^*°^"°^ *^ee and the branches must fall of themselves, 
bhahn tor the moment roused to something of his grandfather's spirit 
replied. You shall plant my flag on the Himdlayaa. You are a 
noble son of a worthy father. At this time several Maratha officers, 
who afterwards became independent leaders or founders of states, 
rose to distinction. The chief of these were Malharji Holkar, the 
ancestor of the-Holkars of Indur then chaugula or assistant headman 
of the Tillage of Hoi on the Nira, Ranoji Sindia the ancestor of the 
Smdids of Gwdlior, the Peshwa's slipper-bearer, Udaji Poyar the 
ancestor of the Povd,rs of Dhar an enterprising warrior of Malwa, 
and PiMji Gaikwar the son of Damdji Gdikwdr the ancestor of the 
Baroda Gaikwdrs.^ In 1731 Bajirav remained at Poona and 
employed himself in the internal management of Maratha affairs. 
His victory over his rival Trimbakr^v Dd,bhdde the Maratha 
commander-in-chief or Senapati like the issue of every civil war 
left unfriendly feelings in many minds. Bajirav took every means 
to regain goodwill, among others continuing Ddbhade's practice of 
feeding some thousand Brdihmans for several days. This charitable 
practice Bdjir^v continued at Poona and gave sums of money at 
the same time to the assembled Shdstris and Vaidiks. This festival 
was continued by his successors and was known by the name of 
Dahshina or money gifts.^ In 1734 Bdldji was most successful in 
the north gaining MAlwa and the territory between the Chambal 
and the Narbada, and, in 1739, his brother Chimndji drove the 
Portuguese from almost all their leading possessions in the North 
Konkan. Bdjirdv died in 1740. He left three sons, Bdlaji the 
eldest who succeeded him as Peshwa, Raghunathrdv the second 
afterwards so well known to the English, and Jandrdan Bdva who 
died in early youth. He left one illegitimate son by a Muhammadan 
mother whom he bred as a Musalmdn and named Samsher-Bahddur. 
Bajirav was ambitious, a thorough soldier, hardy, self-denying, 
persevering, and patriotic. Mardtha pictures represent him eating 
fried Jvdri ears or hurda as he rides at the head of a troop of 
Maratha soldiers. He was no unworthy rival of Nizam-ul-Mulk, 
and wielded the mighty arm of Maratha power with incomparable 
energy. While the main body of his army remained encamped on the 
Shivganga, Raghuji Bhonsla the Sena Sdhel Subha or commander-in- 
chief returned to Satara, and endeavoured to prevent Bdlaji Bdjirdv's 
succession as Peshwa by proposing for the vacant office Bdpuji 
Naik, a Brahman banker of Baramati, a connection but an enemy 
of the late Peshwa who was Bapuji's debtor for a large sum. 
Chiefly by the help of his uncle Chimnaji, Balaji's claims prevailed, 
and he was invested in August 1740. The disappointed Bapn]i 
Naik at first pressed Balaji hard to pay his father's debts. Bala]i 
was relieved from this annoyance by the influence and credit of his 
agent or divan, Mahddajipant Purandhare. In 1741, on the death 
of his uncle Chimndji, BdMji Peshwa returned from the northern 



1 Grant Duff's Mardthis, 212. .. 

2 Grant Duff's Mariithds, 205. This dakshma fund is now used for promoimg 
vernacular literature and providing fellowships in the two arts colleges in Foonii an« 
Bombay. 



Deccan] 



POONA, 



245 



districts and spent nearly a year in improving the civil administration 
of Poena and S^tara. Prom this till 1745, a time of comparative 
quiet in the Deccan, Balstji encouraged agriculture, protected the 
villagers and grain merchants, and caused a marked improvement 
in the state of the country. 

Shdhu died in 1749 and was succeeded by Rdm Rija, the 
posthumous son of the second Shivaji whose birth in 1712 was kept 
a secret. Before his death Bdlaji obtained a deed from Shdhu Raja 
empowering him to manage the Maratha empire, on condition of 
perpetuating the Rdja's name and keeping up the dignity of the 
house of Shivaji through the grandson of Tardb^i and his descendants. 
Baldji left the Rd,ja in Raghuji's charge and went to Poona, and from 
this time Poona became the capital of the Maratha empire. Tdrabai, 
whom Balaji had almost overlooked, although seventy years of age, 
showed him how dangerous it was to slight a woman of her spirit. 
On pretence of paying her devotions at her husband Rajdram's tomb 
in the fort of Sinhgad, she endeavoured to persuade the Pant Sachiv 
to declare for her as the head of the Mardtha empire. After much 
persuasion Baldji induced Tardbai to come to Poona, and, flattering 
her ambition with the hope of a large share in the administration, 
persuaded her to use her influence with Rdm Rdja to confirm his 
schemes. The Mardtha chiefs were subservient to the Peshwa's 
views and were not likely to cause opposition. Bdldji owed much 
of his success to his minister or divan, Mahadajipant, who, except 
Saddshivrav his cousin had more influence than any one over Balaji. 
Through Sadashivrav's influence, Ram Rdja the new Satdra chief 
agreed to renounce the entire power, and to lend his sanction to 
whatever measures the Peshwa might pursue. After Balaji's scheme 
had so far prospered, it was nearly ruined by a quarrel between him 
and his cousin Saddshivrdv. Sadashivrdv applied to Bdlaji for the 
same share of authority as had been enjoyed by Sadashivrdv's father 
Chimndji Appa. To this Bdlaji would not agree as he was anxious 
that the second place should be held not by Sadashivrdv but by 
Mahadajipant Purandhare to whom Balaji was under deep obligations. 
Saddshivrdv in anger accepted the position of Peshwa to the chief 
of Kolhdpur. As this quarrel was likely seriously to weaken the 
power of the Peshwa, Mahddajipant gave up his post and 
Saddshivrdv came to Poona as the Peshwa's minister or divan} 

In 1750 Balaji Peshya arranged that the Pant Sachiv should 
give him Sinhgad in exchange for Tung and Tikona in Western 
Poona.^ He then marched with an army towards Aurangabad. 
In 1751 as Damdji Gdikwdr did not comply with Bdlaji's commands, 
the Peshwa sent private orders to seize some of the Gaikwar and 
Dabhade families, who were living at Talegaon, and imprison them 
in the hill-fort of Lohogad. He also treacherously surrounded, 
attacked, and plundered Damaji's camp which was near him at 
Satdra, and kept him in confinement in the city of Poona.* During 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

MabAthIs, 
1720-1817. 

Shdhu's Death, 
1749. 



1 Grant Duffs Mardthds, 271 - 272. ^ Grant Duff's Mardthds, 271 - 272. 

' In consequence of this treachery DamAji is said ever after to have refused to 
salute the Peshwa except with his left hand. Grant Duflf's MarAthAs, 274. 



[Bombay Sazetteei** 



246 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

MAHiTHiLs, 

1720-1817. 
The Nizdm, 



the same year (1751) tlie Moghals, supported by the French, advanced 
towards Poona, totally destroying every village in their" route. 
BaMji, alarmed at their progress, endeavoured to negotiate, and at 
the same time to arouse suspicion and jealousy of the French among 
Saldbat Jang's oflScers. Monsieur Bussy, the French general, as the 
best means of counteracting such schemes and securing influence with 
the NizAm, exerted himself with judgment and energy. He planned 
an attack on the Mar^tha camp at Rdjapur on the Grhod river on the 
night of the 22nd of November, at the moment of an eclipse of the 
moon when the Hindus were at prayer. The Maratha army fled 
before him, and though only one man of consequence was wounded, 
some valuable booty was taken particularly some gold vessels 
belonging to the Peshwa. This success added greatly to Bussy's 
reputation. In spite of the surprise, next day the Mardthas were 
as active as ever. Still the Moghals pressed on, plundered R^njan- 
gaon, and totally destroyed Talegaon D^bhade. At last on the 
27th of November they were attacked by the Marathas with the 
greatest determination, and nothing but the French artillery saved 
them from total defeat. The Marathd,s were led by Mahddajipant 
Purandhare, the late divan, supported by the two sons of R^noji 
Sindia, Dattdji, and Mahadji, and by Konher Trimbak Ekbote whose 
feats of valour gained him the title of P/i(i&rfe or the hero. StiU the 
Moghals pressed on to Koregaon on the Bhima. Negotiations were 
opened but were stopped by the news that the Marathds had taken 
the Moghal fort of Trimbak in NAsik. Salabat Jung demanded that 
the restoration of Trimbak should form part of any settlement. This 
BAMji refused and the Moghals moved towards Junnar continually 
harassed by the Mardthds. At last an armistice was concluded 
and the Moghals returned to Haidarabad (1 752) . During the next 
year the armistice was turned into a peace. Balaji returned to 
Poona and soon after prepared a large force for an expedition into 
the Karnatak which turned out to be the most profitable in which he 
was ever engaged.^ Before he left for the Karnatak Bd.ldji endea- 
voured to arrange a compromise with Td,rd,bdi against whom a force 
had been sent in the previous year. In June 1754 Bdl^ji returned 
to Poona from the Karndtak. Damdji Grdikwd,r, who had been 
imprisoned at Poona since 1751, was anxious to procure his release, 
andBaMji entered into terms, when, among other points it was arranged 
that Damdji should pay a sum of £150,000 (Rs. 15,00,000), should 
set apart for the Peshwa half of the territory conquered by him in 
Gujarat, and should pay a large sum as deputy commander-in-chief. 

In 1751, with the object of gaining possession of Surat then the 
chief centre of trade in Western India, Raghund,thr^v, BdMji's 
brother, had been sent to Gujarat, but was recallsd without effecting 
his object. Nothing more was done till at the close of the rains of 
1754, to spread Maratha power in Gujard.t and to carry out the 
settlement made with Damiji, Raghunathrdv started on a second 
expedition to Gujardt. Shortly after a second expedition which 
Balaji accompanied for some distance in person proceeded to the 



1 Grant Dufifs Mardth^s, 280. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



247 



Karnatak. Baldji, who was naturally indolentj left the burden 
of military affairs to his brother Raghunathrd,v and the civil 
administration to his cousin Sadashivrd-v. For more than the life 
of a man plunder and violence had been general. An improvement 
was begun at this time by Edmchandra Baba Shenvi the friend and 
adviser of Sadashiv and after his death was carried on by Saddshiv 
Chimndji. 

In March 1763, Raghuji Bhonala the Sena Sdheh Subha died. 
Before his death he counselled his son to preserve union in the 
Mardtha empire. Soon after, with the object of being, confirmed 
in his father's office, Raghuji's son Jdnoji came to Poena. Encouraged 
by Jdnoji's approach, and, on the Peshwa's assurance of safety, 
Tdrdibai, the aged head of the Satdra state, came to Poona. She 
was received with great attention and agreed to the Peshwa's former 
proposals. B^laji professed much anxiety forthe release of RamR^ja, 
the Satara chief, who was then in confinement in Satd.ra fort. He 
pressed the point, being anxious that R^m Rd/ja should be kept in 
confinement and judging that to profess the opposite view was 
the likeliest means to bring Tarabdi to take the course he wished. 
This calculation was correct and the chief remained a prisoner. 
Jdnoji Bhonsla agreed to the terms subscribed, by his father. He 
undertook to furnish 10,000 horse for the service of the state and 
to pay £90,000 (Rs. 9 lakhs) a year to meet the cost of the 
establishment of the Sdtdra chief. Jdnoji was formally invested 
as Sena Sdheh Subha, and BAliiji approved of the treaty Jdnoji 
had made in 1751 with Alivardi Khan of Haidarabad, under which 
the Marathds were to receive a share of the revenues of Orissa. 
Janoji then left for Beri.r. 

In July 1 755 Bdldji Peshwa returned from an expedition into the 
Karnatak. Shortly after Bd,ldji's return Muzaffar Khan, who had been 
dismissed from the Nizam's service appeared at Poona, made 
humble apologies to the Peshwa and promises of good conduct, and 
was again entertained contrary to Saddshivrav's advice. In April 
1766 the capture of Angria's stronghold of Gheria or Vijaydurg in 
Ratnagiri and the destruction of Angria's power at sea was the 
first achievement which raised the English to importance as a 
political power in Western India. A land force of the Peshwa's 
had acted with the English fleet. They had given little aid and by 
intrigues with Angria had tried to secure Gheria for themselves. This 
attempt was discovered and prevented by the English, and the English 
were in the strong position of holding Gheria of which BdlAji was 
most anxious to gain possession. In October 1756, Mr. John Spencer 
and Mr. Thomas Byfield, members of the Bombay Council, came to 
Poona and had a long interview with BalAji Peshwa at which 
Raghunathrav the Peshwa's brother and Saddshivrav the Peshwa's 
cousin were present. As news had reached him that M. Bussy had 
been restored to power at Haidarabad Baldji was anxious to obtain 
the services of a body of English troops. To this Mr. Spencer was 
instructed not to agree, though, at the same time, he was to let the 
Peshwa know that SalAbat Khan had been asking the Madras 
Government to supply him with English troops to aid him in 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

MaeathIs, 
1720-1817, 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 
2'A8 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter VII. driving out the French. B^laji expressed strong disapprovdl of any 
History. alhance between theEnglish and the Nizam. Undera treaty concluded 

MabIthAs °°- *^® ^'^}^ °* October 1756 B^laji agreed to allow the Dutch 

1720-1817.' °o s^*^® ™ the trade of the Maratha dominions, and the English 
agreed to cede Gheria to Balaji receiving iu exchange ten villages 
including Bdnkot in the Central Konkan and the sovereignty of the 
Bdnkot river. BAMji engaged to give no territory to Angria and to 
settle with the Sidi of Janjira regarding his customs dues in the 
Bdnkot river. He also agreed to waive all claims on the English 
company and to levy on English merchandise no additional inland 
duties.! Shortly after (1756) RaghunathrAv, with 'Sakhard,m B^pu 
as his agent or divan started for Hindustd,n. They were joined by 
Malhdrav Holkar, and together advanced to Delhi and broke the 
power of Ahmad Abdalli who was forced to retire to Afghanistan. 
This, though one of the most successful of Mardtha campaigns, 
was costly, and was not rewarded with any large share of booty. 
At the close of 1756 Baldji led an army south to the Karndtak, 
and crossed the Krishna in February 1757. Meanwhile news had 
come that the English were in trouble in Calcutta, and that war had 
broken out in Europe between England and France. This caused 
a change in Bdldji's attitude to the English. He wrote to the 
Madras Government, forwarding a letter to the king of England, 
written with much less friendliness than he had shown in the 
negotiations with Mr. Spencer, and, in spite of the provision in 
the 1756 treaty agreeing to waive all claims on the English 
Company, asking for the treasure and stores ..which the English 
had carried off from Gheria. This request was probably made 
not in the hope of getting the Gheria spoils, but preparatory to 
demands for a share in the revenues of the Moghal provinces of 
the eastern or Pdyin Ghat that is lowland Karnd,tak in which the 
English had now a direct interest. About May 1757 Bd,]dii 
returned from the Karndtak with the greater part of his army 
successful to Poona. 

During the next two years Bdldji took a considerable part in 
Haidarabad affairs where a plot was on foot to cause a revolution 
and drive out the French. In March 1759 Bdlaji succeeded for a 
time in keeping the English from taking Surat castle, but through 
the ability of Mr. Spencer and the military talents of Admiral Watson 
the castle and with it the post of Moghal admiral passed to the 
English inthe same year. At Poona the civil administration continued 
under the management of Saddshivrdv, Bdldji's cousin. Saddshivrd,v 
was violent and grasping but active and vigorous, and though proud 
and unbending, had a large share of good nature and good sense. He 
was open to bribes but not under circumstances to which Maratha 
ideas attached shame. SSdashivrav had a bitter enemy in Balaji's 
wife Gopik^bdi, who feared that Sadd,shivr^v would prevent her sons 
from gaining their proper position and power in the state. To 
remove her fears Sadashivrdv was urgent in recommending to BaUji 



1 Grant Duffs Mar&th&a, 298, 



Dcccan.] 



POONA. 



249 



the early employment of his eldest son Vishvasrav in war and in 
civil affairs. In spite of Sadashivrav's goodwill in this matter, 
Gopikdbdi nursed a bitter dislike of Sad^shivrd,v and did what she 
could to arouse unfriendly feelings between him and her husband 
Balaji. This ill feeling did not turn to open discourtesy till the 
return of Ragund,thrd,T from North Indiain 1 769. Saddishivrdv blamed 
an arrangement of Ragundthrav's which had caused a loss to the state, 
and Ragund,thrdT left him in anger telling him he had better take 
command of the next expedition. The quarrel between Ragunathrav 
and Saddshivrdv spread to other members of the family, and the ill 
feeling became still stronger after an attempt on Sadashivrav's life 
by Muzaffar Khan whom, contrary to Sadashivrav's advice, BAlaji had 
received back to favour. There was no proof that either Balaji or 
Ragundithrav was a party to the plot. In 1 760 the arrangement which 
had -been suggested by Ragunathrdv in anger, that Raghun^thr^v 
should take Sadashivrdv'splace at thehead of civil affairs in the Deccan 
and that Sadashivrdv should take Ragunathr^v's place at the head of 
the Maratha army in North India was carried out. Before Saddshivr^v 
left with his army for North India, news came of the success of au 
intrigue for the surrender of the strong fort of Ahmadnagar, which 
for a sum of money was betrayed into the hands of a Brahman 
agent of Sadashivrd.v's by Kdvi Jang the Moghal commandant. 
This act of treachery brought on a war with the Nizam. Balaji 
marched with a large army to Ahmadnagar, and Saddshivrdv moved 
eastwards. The Moghal army under Saldbat Jang and Nizam Ali 
met Bdlaji's army at Udgir on the banks of the Manjra about 
one hundred miles east of Ahmadnagar, and chiefly by the brilliant 
courage of Sadashivrav ended in a severe defeat to the Nizam. 
Under the terms of a treaty concluded after this important victory, 
Shivner in Poona, Daulatabad, Asirgad, Bijdpur, and the province 
of Aurangabad were made over to the MaratMs. These territories 
yielded an estimated yearly revenue of over £620,000 (Rs. 62 
lakhs). Of the whole territory portions yielding an estimated 
yearly revenue of £410,000 (Rs. 41 Idkhs) were according to the 
Peshwa's practice granted as military estates or jagirs. Towards 
the close of 1 760 Sadashivrav marched to North India in command 
of the richest army which the Mardthas ever assembled. In the 
middle of January 1761 news of the ruin of the Mardth^s at 
P^nipat reached Peshwa Balajirav in the Goddvari valley. The 
message ran : Two pearls have been dissolved, twenty-seven gold 
mohars have been lost, of the silver and copper the total cannot 
be cast up. BAMji understood that the two leaders his cousin 
Saddshivrdv and his eldest son Vishvasr£v were slain, numbers 
of his nobles lost, and the mass of the proudest army the Mar^thds 
ever pjit in the field .destroyed. Baldji retired slowly to Poona. 
The blow crushed him, his mind gave way, and he died in the end 
of June in the temple he had built on Parvati hill close to the south 
of Poona. 

Though under Balaji the Maratha power was at its highest, 

and though the Marathds praise the time of his rule, B^ldji owed 

more to his father and grandfather and to his brother Raghunathrdv 

and his cousin Sadd,shivrdv than he owed to himself. He was 

B 132—32 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

MARji.THi.S, 

1720-1817. 



Udgir, 
1760. 



Pdnipat, 
1761. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



250 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

MabAthas, 
1720-1817. 

Condition, 
17U-X760. 



Mddhavrdv Balldl, 
Fourth Peshwa, 

nei-nn. 



lazy sensual and dissipated, but kind generous and charitable. He 
loved intrigue and hated violence. He had great address, polished 
manners, and considerable political sagacity, tempered by a cunning 
which passed for wisdom. Though perhaps less well-ordered than 
it became about thirty years later under N^na Padnavis, under 
Bdldji Bdjirdv the administration of the country round Poena was 
greatly improved. BAld,ji Vishvandth the first Peshwa (1714-1720) 
had done good by stopping revenue-farming, by granting land on 
cheap leases, and by encouraging villagers to protect themselves 
from the exactions of petty chiefs. Still, till about 1750, the country 
round Poona was full of turbulence and disorder. B^ldji B^jirdv 
appointed mdmlatddrs and subhedd/rs to the different districts and 
over them in the more distant parts placed a sarsubhedar or 
provincial governor. Poona and the other lands between the 
Goddvari and the Krishna, though the best protected territories 
under Mardtha rule, had no governor. Instead of being under a 
governor they were under the Peshwa's favourites and courtiers, 
who had absolute police, revenue, and judicial power. They stayed 
at court, governed by deputy, allowed their districts to fall into 
disorder, paid to the state but a small share of their revenues, and 
furnished no accounts. Bdlaji Bajirdv was too indolent to reform 
these abuses. But Sadashivrdv, acting on a policy which was started 
by Edmchandra Bdba Shenvi, appointed a governor or sarsuhheddr, 
and, in spite of opposition which in one case had to be met by force, 
compelled the managers of the districts to produce their accounts 
and to pay the state its share of the revenue. A respectable 
Shdstri was placed at the head of justice and the police was greatly 
improved. These reforms and the Peshwa's success in war, which 
enriched the I Deccan with the spoils of great part of India, improved 
the state of the people. The Mardtha peasantry have ever since 
blessed the days of Bl,laji BAjirdv, or as he was commonly called 
N^na Saheb Peshwa.2 

Though power had so entirely passed from the S4tdra chief that 
he had to get leave from the Peshwa to appoint an agent to collect 
his dues as hereditary deshmukh of Inddpur, Bdlaji's second son 
Mddhavrav, then in his seventeenth year, in September 1761 went 
to Sd,tara to receive investiture. The young Md.dhavrav and his 
uncle Raghundthrd,v who was appointed regent had to face the 
difficulties which the ruin of Panipat had brought upon the heads of 
the Marfitha empire. The first difficulty was in the Konkan where 
the English sided with the Sidi of Janjira, saved his state from 
destruction by the Mardthd,s, and forced the Marathas to restore 
part of the Sidi's lands which they had taken.^ Raghunathrav 
agreed to these terms because he knew that Nizdm Ali was collecting 
a large force in the hope of winning back the territories which had 
been lost to Haidarabad by the defeat of TJdgir in 1760. The 
Peshwa's finances were low and the Mardtha nobles held back 
from coming to the Peshwa's help. Eaghundthrdv, in the hope 



' Grant Duff's Mardthis, 307. " Grant Duff's Usix&th&s, 320-322. 

3 Grant Duff's MarAthSs, 324, 



Deccau.] 



POONA. 



251 



of securing the services of English troops, offered the Bombay 
Government large cessions of territory near Jambusar in Gujarat. 
What the Bombay Government wanted was the island of S^lsette but 
this Raghunathrav was most unwilling to give. While negotiations 
went on, the Moghal army had advanced close to Ahmadnagar. At 
Toka about forty-five miles east of Ahmadnagar the Musalmdns 
destroyed some Hindu temples, and most of the Mardthd/S in their 
army deserted to the Peshwa carrying with them Mir Moghal 
Nizam-ul-Mulk's youngest son. The Moghals, though opposed with 
spirit, continued to advance. At last in 1762, within fourteen miles 
of Poena, negotiations were opened and on the cession of land in 
Aurangabad and Bedar yielding £270,000 (Rs. 27 Idkha) a year the 
Moghal army retired. When the danger from the Moghals was at 
an end Raghund,thrav's anxiety for English soldiers ceased, and 
the negotiations about ceding Salsette to the English were rudely 
broken off.^ 

When the treaty with the Nizam was concluded, Madhavrdv the 
young Peshwa, attended by Trimbakrav Md,ma the maternal hncle 
of the late Saddshivrdv, was sent south to collect the revenue, and 
Nizam Ali returned towards Bedar.^ Shortly after Mddhavr^v 
returned to Poena, his anxiety to share in the administration 
brought on disputes between him and his uncle Raghundthrd,v. 
Raghundthrd,v, Sakhfir^m Bhagavant Bokil better known aa 
Sakhdram Bapu, and several other ministers resigned. Mddhavrdv 
promptly asked Trimbakrav Mdma to act as minister or divdn, 
and next under Trimbakrd.v appointed Gopalrdv Govind Patvardhan, 
Jdgirddr of Miraj. At the same time MadhavrAv chose as his 
personal agents, or kdrkuns, Haripant Phadke and Bd>laji Jandrdan 
Bhanu, afterwards the famous Nana Fadnavis. The failure of his 
plan to force Madhavr^v to keep him in power and the mutual 
hatredof AnandibdiRaghunathrAv'swifeand Gopikab^i Mddhavrdv's 
■mother so enraged Raghunathrdv that he retired from Nasik to 
Aurangabad, and on promise of ceding Daulatabad, Asirgad, 
Ahmadnagar, Shivner, and territory yielding £510,000 (Rs. 51 
lakhs) , he was assisted by a Moghal army, with which half-way 
between Poona and Ahmadnagar he met and defeated MAdhavrdv. 
Md,dhavrAv saw that a war between him and his uncle must cause a 
complete split in the Maratha state. He accordingly threw himself 
into Raghundthrav's power, who placed him in confinement but treated 
him with respect. Raghunathrav, being now in uncontrolled power, 
appointed Sakharam Bapu and Nilkanthrav Purandhare his principal 
ministers, bestowing on Sakhdrdm an estate worth £90,000 
(Rs. 9 lakhs) and giving Nilkanthrav the command of Purandhar 
fort. He raised his own infant son Bhdskarrdv to the office of 
Pratinidhi or deputy, and made Naro Shankar his deputy. These 
and other changes gave much offence, and, when, to gratify 
personal hatred, Raghunathriiv took the fort of Miraj from Gopdlrav 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

MabAthas, 
1720-1817. 



1 Grant Duffs MarAthds, 325. 

2 Colonel Wilks does not mention this expedition into the Karnfttak. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 
252 DISTEICTS. 

Caiapter_VII. Patvardhan, GopAlrav and many Mar^tha nobles went over to the 
History. Nizam. 

Makatkas, In tlie war which followed the Maratha troops ravaged the 

1720-1817. Nizdm's country, and Nizam AH advanced and plundered Poena, 
taking much property and destroying and burning all houses which 
were not ransomed. Shortly after, in 1763, the violence of the rains 
forced the Moghals to withdraw to Anrangabad. In the same year 
Janoji Bhonsla, who had been won to the Nizdm's side by the promise 
of the Satdra regency, found the Nizam's promises deceptive 
and returned to the Peshwa. In the battle which followed at 
Rakisbon or Tdndulja, in great measure owing ^o the courage and 
military talent of Madhavrav, the Mar^thds gained a complete 
victory. After peace was concluded with the NizAm, on the death 
of Raghundthrdv's son Bhaskarrav, Bhavanrdv was restored to his 
rank of Pratinidhi, Miraj was given back to Gopdlrdv Patvardhan, 
and on BaMji Jan^rdan Bhdnu afterwards known as N^na Padnavis 
was bestowed the 'office of Fadnavis. In 1764 a large army was 
assembling at Poena to act against Haidar Ali who had risen to 
power on the ruins of the Hindu state of Maisur. Madhavrav 
insisted on his right to command this army while his uncle 
remained at Poena to conduct the government. Sakharam Bapu 
joined in supporting Md.dhavrdv. Raghunathrdv yielded but retired 
in anger to A'nandveli near Nasik. These discussions delayed the 
Peshwa's advance, and, before he could reach the Karndtak, 
GopdlrAv Patvardhan was defeated by Haidar's general Pazal- 
uUa Khan with great loss. Madhavrav was more successful. In the 
month of May he entered the Karnatak with an army of 30,000 
horse and about the same number of infantry and near Anndvatti 
inflicted a severe defeat on Haidar Ali. This led to a treaty under 
which Haidar engaged to restore all places wrested from Murarrdv 
Ghorpade, to relinquish all claims on the Nawdb of Savanur, and to 
pay £320,000 (Rs. 32 Idkhs) to the Peshwa. After this treaty was 
concluded MMhavrav left the Karndtak and recrossed the Krishna by 
the end of February 1765. The ill feeling between Madhavrav and 
Raghnnathrav continued to be fostered by the hatred of Gopikdbdi 
and Anandibdi. As Mddhavrav knew that Raghundthrdv could at 
this time gain the aid either of Nizdm Ali or of Jd/noji Bhonsla, he, 
in 1766, concluded a secret alliance with Nizdm Ali who hoped to 
persuade M&dhavrdv to join him in attacking Haidar Ali. During 
the same year Nizd,m Ali entered into an alliance with the English 
with the object of overthrowing Haidar and restraining the spread 
of the Mardthds. In 1767 Mddhavrdv, who probably felt that the 
combination of the English and Nizam must be partly directed 
against him, advanced by himself into the Karndtak, levied 
£300,000 (Rs. 30 Uhhs) from Haidar and £170,000 (Rs. 17 IMh) 
from other powers in the Karnatak, and returned to the Deccan 
before the Nizd,m had taken the field. The English and the Nizdm 
sent envoys to claim part of the Mardtha plunder, but they were 
treated with broad and undisguised ridicule.^ 

" Grant Du£f's MarAthis, 337. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



253 



In 1768 Mr. Mostyn came to Poona as envoy from the Bombay 
Government to try and secure an assurance that the Peshwa would 
not join in alliance with Haidar and the Nizam. Madhavrav refused 
to give any promise and told the envoy that he would be guided 
by circumstances. In April of the same year, with the help of 
Damdji Gaikwdr and GangMhar Yashvant the divan of Holkar, 
Raghunathrav collected a large army at Ndsik and marched about 
fifty-five miles north to the neighbourhood of the hill fort of Dhodap. 
As he was waiting at Dhodap in the hope of being joined by Janoji 
Bhonsla of Berd,r, Madhavrdv surprised Raghunathrdv's army, took 
him prisoner, and carried him to Poona where he confined him in 
the Peshwa's palace. In 1769 to punish Jdnoji for the support 
he had given to Eaghundthrav, the Peshwa advanced towards BerSr, 
and Jdnoji wheeled to the west and began to plunder the country 
on the way to Poona. After Poona was destroyed by Nizam Ali in 
1763, Mddhavr^v had proposed to surround it with a wall. This design 
was afterwards abandoned on the ground that no fortified plain city 
could be as safe as Sinhgad and Purandhar. On Jdnoji's approach the 
people of Poona sent off their property. Mddhavrdv ordered Gopalrdv 
Patvardhan and Rdmchandra Ganesh to move against Jdnoji with 
30,000 horse, but Gopd,lrd,v was in league with JAnoji and took no 
steps to stop his plundering. MMhdvrdv shortly after was forced to 
make a treaty with Jdnoji. He next ordered Visdji Krishna Binivdle, 
accompanied by RAmchandra Ganesh, Tukoji Holkar, and Mahddji 
Sindia the illegitimate son of Rdnoji Sindia and the successor in 
the family estates of his nephew Jankoji, to start at once with an 
army to Malwa. In spite of these urgent orders Md,dhavrav, two or 
three days after, when riding to his favourite village of Theur thirteen 
miles east of Poona, found Mahddji's camp without a sign of moving. 
He instantly sent word to Mahddji, that if on his return from Theur 
he found a tent standing or his troops in sight he would plunder 
the camp and take his estates. This expedition to Northern India 
was extremely successful, and a heavy tribute was imposed on 
the Jd,ts. Though so constantly pressed by wars and rebellions, 
MildhAvrav did much to improve the civil government of his country. 
His efforts were greatly aided by the celebrated Edm Shdstri, an 
upright and pure judge in almost universal corruption. One of 
Mddhavrdv's first acts was to stop the practice of forcing villagers 
to carry baggage without pay. The practice was so common, that 
the order putting a stop to it occasioned much discontent and many 
of the leading men disregai'ded the order. Mddhavrav, who had an 
excellent system of spies,leamed that some valuable articles belonging 
to the subheddr of Bassein were being carried by forced labour. He 
seized and confiscated the property, and levied a heavy fine to repay 
the people for being taken from their fields. He issued fresh orders, 
which none who knew his system of spies dared to disobey. In 
the fair season of 1770, Madhavrav had leisure to turn his attention 
to the Kamdtak, where Haidar Ali, having made peace with the 
English, not only evaded the Mar^tha demands but levied 
contributions on the Peshwa's vassals. To punish this insult, in 
November, Madhavrav sent forward a large body of horse under 
Gopalrdv Patvardhan and Malharrdv Rdstia, himself following at 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

MarAthas, 
1720-1817. 



254 



[Bombay Gazetteer, . 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

MarIthAs, 
1720-1817. 



Death of 
Madhavrdv, 

177S. 



DISTRICTS. 



tlie head of 20,000 horse and 15,000 foot. His progress was 
successful and he reduced several places of strength. In June an 
attack of the disease which was wasting him, a consumption which 
he believed was brought on by the curse of the mother of the Kolhdpur 
chief, forced MMhavrav to return to Poona, leaving Trimbakrdv 
Mdma to carry on the war. In 1771, as soon as the season allowed, 
mdhavrdv marched from Poona intending to join Trimbakrav 
Mdma. He was again taken ill, and made over the command to 
Apa Balvant who defeated Haidar and forced him to come to 
terms. During the rainy season Mddhavrav's health so greatly 
improved that he seemed to have shaken off his disease. But in March 
1772 his sickness returned. This attack was pronounced incurable, 
and on the morning of the 18th of November he died at Theur in the 
28th year of his age. He left no children, and his widow Eamdb^i, 
who had a great love for him, burnt herself with his body.. The 
death of Md,dhavr^v, says Grant Duff, occasioned no immediate 
commotion. Like his own disease it was at first scarcely perceptible, 
but the root which nourished the far-spreading tree was cut from the 
steni. _ The plains of Panipat were not more fatal to the Mardtha 
empire'than the early end of this excellent prince, brave, prudent, 
fond of his people, firm, and successful. Mddhavrdv, who is known 
as Thorale or Great Madhavrdv, is entitled to special praise 
for his support of the weak against the oppressive, of the 
poor against the rich, and, so far as the constitution of society 
admitted, for his justness. Mddhavrdv started nothing new. He 
improved the existing system, tried to cure defects without changing 
forms, and restrained a corruption which he could not remove. The 
efficiency of his early government was clogged rather than aided 
by the abilities of Sakhdrdm Bdpu. The old minister's influence 
was too great for his young master's talents. All useful acts were 
set downtoSakhdrdm Bdpuand all that was unpleasant to Md.dhavrdv, 
an allotment of praise and blame, which Mddhavrdv's irritable 
and ungoverned temper seemed to justify. When, shortly after 
Eaghundthrdv's confinement (1768), T\y,dhavrdv removed Sakhd,rAm, 
he allowed Moroba his successor to do nothing without his orders, 
and established a system of intelligence which gave him prompt and 
exact information regarding both domestic and foreign events. 

For some time before Mddhavrdv's death Raghundthrdv's 
confinement hadbeenmuch relaxed. As his nephew's health dechned, 
Raghundthrdv opened intrigues with Haidar Ali and the Nizam to 
obtain his freedom and secure his succession as Peshwa. During 
Mddhavrdv's last illness the ministers intercepted the correspondence. 
Nineteen persons were sent to hill forts, and Raghun^thrdv's 
confinement would have become stricter than ever, had not Madhavrdv, 
feeling that death was near, interposed, observing that it 
natural for his uncle to desire his liberty. His sound 



was 



discrimination showed him that his brother would fail to conduct the 
administration i£ Raghundthrdv were neither effectually restrained 
nor conciliated. Judging conciliation better than restraint, he 
appointed Raghunathrdv's friend Sakhdrdm Bapu minister, and 
summoned Raghundthrdv to Theur and there solemnly placed his 
younger brother Ndrdyanrav under Eaghundthrd,T's charge. Shortly 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



255 



before Mddhavrdv's death Mr. Thomas Mostyn, of the Bombay Civil 
Service, came to live at Poena as an envoy of the British 
Government.^ In December 1772 N^rd.yanrd.Vj the third of BdlAji 
Bdjird,v's sons, then seventeen years old went to SAtdra and was 
invested as Peshwa. Sakhdrdm Bdpu received the robes of prime 
minister under the name of kdrbhdri, Bajdba Purandhare was 
appointed minister or divan, and Nd,na Padnavis was appointed 
recorder or fadnams? NArdyanrdv and Eaghundthrd,v for some time 
continued in apparent friendship. But the old hatred between 
Ndrdyanrdv's mother Gopikd,bdi and Eaghunathrdv's wife Anandibdi, 
and the jealousy of the Brahman ministers soon produced discord, 
and, on the 11th of April 1773, Raghunathrdv was confined in a room 
in the palace in which Ndrayanrdv usually lived when at Poona. Nana 
Padnavis stood high in Narayanrdv's favour, but Bajdba Purandhare 
and Haripant Phadke were his chief confidants. The conduct of the 
leading affairs of state nominally continued with Sakhdrdm Bi,pu, 
but the favourites were opposed to his power. Nard,yanrd.v, who had 
a longing for military fame, looked forward with eagerness to the 
next season's campaign in the Karnatak. Troops were told to be 
in readiness, and orders were despatched to recall the armies from 
North India. On the morning of the 30th of August a commotion 
broke out among the Peshwa's regular infantry in Poona. Towards 
noon the disturbance so greatly increased that N^rdyanrdv, before 
going to dine, told Haripant Phadke to restore order. Haripant 
neglected these instructions and went to dine with a friend. In 
the afternoon, Ndrayanrdv, who had retired to rest, was wakened 
by a tumult in the palace, where a large body of infantry, led by 
two men named Sumersing and Muhammad Tusuf, were demanding 
arrears of pay. Kharaksing who commanded the palace guard 
joined the rioters. Instead of entering the open main gate, 
they made their way through an unfinished door on the east side, 
which, together with the wall round the palace, had shortly before 
been pulled down to make an entrance distinct from the entrance to 
Raghunathrdv's quarter. On starting from sleep Nardyanrdv, closely 
pursued by Sumersing, ran to his uncle's room. He threw himself 
into his uncle's arms, and called on him to save him. Raghundthrdv 
begged Sumersing to spare his life. I have not gone thus far to 
ensure my own destruction replied Sumersing ; let him go, or you 
shall die with him. Raghun^thrdv disengaged himself and got out 
on the terrace. Narayanrdv attempted to follow him, but Tralia Povar 
an armed Maratha servant of Raghundthrdv's, seized him by the leg, 
and pulled him down. As Nardyanrdv fell, Chdpdji Tilekar, one 
of his own servants, came in, and though unarmed rushed to his 
master. Nd,rd,yanrdv clasped his arms round Ohdpdji's neck, and 
Sumersing and Tralia slew them both with their swords. Meanwhile 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

MabAthIs, 
1720-1817. 



Balldl, 
Fifth Peshwa, 

nn-im. 



Ndrdyanrdv 

Murdered, 

30th August 1773. 



' Grant Duff's MardthAs, 371. The appointment of envoy was made under 
instructions from the Court of Directors. The object of the appointment nominally 
was to keep the different Presidencies informed of the movements and intentions of 
the MardthAs. The real object of the mission was to obtain the cession of SAlsette and 
the islands of the Bombay harbour. 

2 The first object of the new administration was the reduction of R4ygad in KoUba 
(1773) which was held by the Moghals. Grant DufE's Mar^thds, 359. 



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Chapter VII. 

History. 

MarathAs, 
1720-1817. 



Haghundthrdv, 

Sixth Peshwa, 

1773- 1774- 



the conspirators secured the whole of the outer wall of the palace. 
The tumult passed to the city, armed men thronged the streets, the 
shops were shut, and the townsmen ran to and fro in consternation. 
Sakhd.rd,m Bdpu went to the police magistrate's office and there heard 
that Raghunithrdv had sent assurances to the people that all was 
quiet. Sakhdrdm Bd,pu directed Haripant Phadke to write a note to 
Raghundthrd,v. Raghundthrdv answered telling him that some soldiers 
had murdered his nephew. Haripant declared that Raghund,thr^v was 
the murderer and fled to Bdrdmati. Sakhdrdm Bd,pu told the people 
to go to their homes and that no one would harm them. On that 
night Bajdba Purandhare and Mdiloji Ghorpade had an interview with 
Raghundthrdv, and Trimbakrdv Mdma bore off Ndrdyanrdv's body 
and burnt it. Visitors were received at the palace. Mr. Mostyn, 
the English envoy and the different agents paid their respects, 
but RaghundthrAv remained in confinement, detained, as was said, 
by the conspirators as a security for the payment of their arrears. 
Raghund,th^v was suspected, but there was no proof. He was known 
to have loved his nephew, and the ministers decided that, until 
the contrary was proved, RaghundthrAv should be held innocent and 
be accepted as the new Peshwa. BAm Shdstri approved of this 
decision. At the same time he made close inquiries. After about 
six weeks he found a paper from Raghundthrdv to Sumersing, giving 
him 'authority to slay Ndrdyanrdv. Rdm Shdstri showed this paper to 
Raghnnd,thrd,v, who admitted that he had given an order, but persisted 
that his order was to seize Ndrdyanrdv, not to slay him. Examination 
of the paper confirmed RaghunAthrdv's statement, showing that the 
word dha/rme seize had been changed to mdrdve kill. This change it 
was generally believed was the work of Anandibdi Raghun£thrdv's 
wife ; it was also believed that it was under her orders that the 
servant Tralia Pov^r had taken part in NArdyanrd,v's murder. When 
Raghundthr^v confessed his share in Ndriyanrdv's murder, he asked 
Rdm Shdstri what atonement he could make. The sacrifice of your 
life, replied the Shi,stri, is the only atonement. The Shdstri refused 
to stay longer in Poena with Raghundthrdv at the head of affairs, left 
the city, and spent the rest of his life in retirement near Vdi. Meant 
while the arrears of pay were discharged, RaghunAthrdv was released, 
and his adopted son Amritrd.v, attended by Bajdba Purandhare, 
was sent to S^tdra to bring the robes of office. RaghundthrAv was 
proclaimed Peshwa. Sakhdrdm BApu was confirmed as prime minister 
or kdrbhdri ; and Chinto Vithal and Saddshiv RAmchandra the son of 
Rdmchandra Bdba Shenvi were the most confidential of Raghundth? 
rdv's advisers. Ndrdyanrdv was murdered in his eighteenth year, 
His follies, which were the follies of a boy, have been blackened i^to 
crimes by the feelings and interests of his rivals. He was affectionate 
to his relations, kind to his servants, and loved by all but his 
enemies. By the end of the rainy season (November 1773) the 
Peshwa's army in North India underVisdji Krishna returned to Poona. 
They had defeated an attempt of the emperor Shdh Alam II. to free 
himself from Mardtha control, and had greatly strengthened 
Mard,tha power at the Delhi court.^ Haidar Ali of Maisur 



1 Grant Duffs MarAthAs, 363. 



Deccan] 



POONA. 



257 



and Nizdm Ali of Haidarabad lost little time in taking advantage 
of the disorders at Poona. RaghunAthrdv resolved to oppose Nizdm 
Ali and cripple Ms power. It was when the army had marched 
and Raghundthrdv was leaving Poonaj that R^m Sh^stri produced the 
proof of Raghund,thrdv's knowledge of the plot against NArdyanrdv 
and stated that so long as Raghundthrd,v remained at the head of 
affairs he would never return to Poona. Though the other ministers 
did not openly withdraw from Raghundthrdv's support they soon 
became estranged from his councils, and Saddshiv Rd,mchandraj 
Chinto Vithal, A'bAji MahddeVj and Sakhdrdm Hai-i, the persons 
of whom he made choice, were ill qualified to supply their place. 
Sakhdram B^pu and Ndna Fadnavis on different pretences withdrew 
from the army and returned to Poona. They were soon followed 
by Ganpatrdv Rd,stia, Bdbaji Naik Bar^matikar/ and several other 
persons of consequence. Except Baj^ba Purandhare, Moroba 
Fadnavis was the last of Raghunathrav's minister to quit his camp. 
All but Raghunathr^v and his dependents saw there was some 
scheme on foot.^ 

The leading members of the Poona ministry were Sakhard,m 
Bdpu, Trimbakrdv Md,ma, Ndna and Moroba Fadnavis, BajAba 
Parandhare, Anandrdv JivAji, and Haripant Phadke. All these 
men had been raised by the Peshwa^s family and had no 
connection with Shivaji's and Shahu's eight ministers. The 
leaders of the ministry were Nana Fadnavis and Haripant Phadke. 
It was found that Gangabdi Nardyanrdv's widow was pregnant, and it 
was determined that she should be taken for safety to Purandhar, 
and, according to some accounts, that other pregnant Brdhman women 
should be sent with her that the risk of mishap might be avoided 
and the chance of Gangabai's child proving a girl be amended. 
On the morning of the 30th of January 1774, N^na Fadnavis and 
Haripant Phadke carried Gangd,bd,i from Poona to Purandhar. She 
was accompanied by Pdrvatibdi, the widow of Sadashivr^v, a lady 
held in high respect, and the reason of her removal was publicly 
announced. The ministers formed a regency under GangdbAi and 
began to govern in her name. All the adherents of Raghunathrav, 
who, by this time had advanced beyond Balldri, were thrown into 
confinement. Negotiations .were opened with Nizdm Ali and 
Sabdji Bhonsla, both of whom agreed to support Gang^bdi and a wide- 
spread intrigue inRaghundithr^v's camp was organized by Krishnar^v 
Balvant. When Raghundthrav heard of the revolt in Poona, with the 
Pant Pratinidhi and Murdrr^v Ghorpade, he began to march towards 
the city. Haripant Phadke came from Poona to meet him at the 
head of a division, while Trimabkrav Mdma and Sdbaji Bhonsla 
were advancing from Purinda. On the 4th of March 1774 Raghu- 
nathrdv met and defeated the minister's troops under Haripant 
Phadke near Pandharpur in Sholapur. The news of this defeat 
filled Poona with alarm. The people packed their property and 



Chapter VII 

History. 

MaeAthAs, 
1720-1817. 



Regency, 

30th January 

1774. 



^ The nephew or grandson of BApuji Ndik Bdrdmatikar, who was married to the 
aunt of B4Uji Bijirdv and who endeavoured with the support of Raghuji Bhonsla to 
purchase the office of Peshwa in 1740. 

2 Grant Duff's Mardthis, .365. 



B 1327 -33 



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258 



DISTRICTS. 



Cliapter VII. 

History. 

MabAthas, 
1720-1817. 
Mddkavrdv 
NArdyan, 
Seventh Peshwa, 
1774-1795. 



fled for safety to retired villages and hill forts. Instead of 
inarching on Poona Raghundthrdv passed north to receive the aid 
of Holkar, Sindia, GdikwAr, and the English. On the 18th of 
April 1774, a son was born to Gangdb^i, NardyanrSv's widow. In 
Grant DufE's opinion, notwithstanding the suspicious circumstances 
which formed part of the minister's scheme, there is little doubt that 
the child was the son of the murdered Ndrayanrdv. The child was 
named Mddhavrdv Nard,yan, afterwards known as Sav^i Madhavr^v. 
Gangabai sent Sakhd,rAm Bdpu and Nd,naFadnavis to receive her son's 
robes of investiture, which the Raja sent from S^tara in charge of Nil- 
kanthrav Purandhare. The infant Mddhavr&v was formally installed 
Peshwa when he was forty days old.^ Jealousy soon sprang up among 
the ministers. Nd.na Fadnavis was too cautious to take the lead and 
supported Sakhd,ram Bapu as the head of the government. This ■ 
conduct was as much due to timidity as to design. Sakhdrdm Bapu 
was an old, cautious, time-serving courtier, but he n&s a man of much 
more courage than Nd,na, and, in his humble and assiduous colleague 
and adherent, he did not see a future rival and a powerful foe. 
So great was Sakh^ram Bapu's influence that his secession would 
have ruined the minister's cause. Nana's position was greatly 
strengthened by Gangdbai's passion for him. He could thoroughly 
trust her and teach her the best means of governing the old 
ministers. Ndna's cousin Moroba, who had been Mddhavrav's 
ostensible prime minister, was dissatisfied to find that little deference 
was paid to his counsel. If he could have done it with safety and 
made sure of a future rise to power, he would readily have gone back 
to Raghundrthrdv. Such of the other ministers as would not submit 
to Sakhardm and Nana were soon united in common discontent. 
This split among the ministers became generally known by the 
discovery of a correspondence on the part of Moroba, Bajdba, and 
Babd,]'i Ndik with Raghundthrd.v. Letters intercepted by Haripant 
near Burhanpur showed that these three had formed a plan to secure 
Sakhdrdm B^pu, Nana, Gangd,bdi, and the infant Md,dhavrdv, all of 
whom, during the rains, to escape the chill damps of Purandhar, had 
come to live in Sdsvad. They heard of this conspiracy on the 30th of 
June, and with undissembled panic fled to the fort. The discovery of 
their plot defeated the designs of the feeble triumvirate. The ministers 
sent agents through the country to blacken the crimes of Raghundthr^v 
and hold forth on the justice of the ministers' cause. At the same 
time they breathed nothing but union and concord. They deter- 
mined to gain Raghundtbrav's absolute submission; and their active 
and judicious preparations for war showed that they understood the 
best means of ensuring peace. ^ When Raghundthrdv passed north 
instead of marching on Poona he sent an agent to the British 
resident with hurried and vague applications for aid in men and 
money. The British were willing to help him, but before any 
agreement could be made he had retired too far for communication 
from Poona. Negotiations were next opened with Mr. Gambier the 
English chief or civil governor of Surat. In the latter part of 1774 



Grant Duff's Marithis, 368. 



' Grant Duffs Marithds, 370. 



Deocan,] 



POONA. 



259 



the ministers won botli Sindia and Holkar to their side and sent an 
army of 30,000 men under Haripartt Phadke to pursue Raghundthrav. 
In the beginning of 1775 Sakh^ram andNdna returned to Purandhar 
and from it transacted all affairs. On the 6th of March 1775 
Eaghund,thrd>v entered into a treaty with the English, which is known 
as the treaty of Surat.^ With their help he went to Cambay in 
Gujardrt, and on the plain of Ar^s about ten miles east of 
Anand in Kaira, defeated Haripant Phadke and his adherent 
Fatehsing Gaikwar. This news caused the ministerial party great ' 
alarm. Nizdm Ali pressed them hard, professed sympathy with 
Raghundthrav, and doubts of the legitimacy of the young Mddhavrdv, 
and, to remain quiet, received a grant of land worth £180,000 (Rs.l8 
Idkhs) a year. The MarAtha nobles had no dislike to Raghund,thrdv, 
and, if the next campaign proved as successful as the last, would 
probably have made no objection to his being named regent of the 
young Mddhavrdv. Raghunathrdv was disliked by many Poena 
Brdhmans, even by those who did not believe he was a party to the 
murder of Ndrdyanrav. The bulk of the people seemed to have 
no stronger feeling against him than that he was unlucky.^ The 
success which had attended the efforts of the English to help 
Raghundthrdv and the advantages the English had gained by their 
alliance were lost by the action of the lately arrived members of the 
Bengal Council, who, contrary to the opinion of the President, Mr. 
Hastings, declared the Bombay treaty with Ragunathrav impolitic, 
dangerous, unauthorised, and unjust, and sent Colonel Upton to 
Poona to conclude a treaty between the ministers and the Bombay 
Government.* This ill-judged interference strengthened the hands 
of the ministers at Purandhar and ultimately cemented the tottering 
Maratha confederacy under the administration of Ndna Fadnavis. In 
December 1776 Sakhardm Bapu received a letter from the Governor 
General stating that the Bombay Government had acted beyond 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

MarAthXs, 

1720-1817. 

Treat]/ of Sural, 

1775. ■ 



^ Under the treaty of Surat the Bombay Government engaged at once to send 500 
European and 1000 Native troops with a due proportion of artillery to help 
RaghunAthriiv. They pledged themselves to make up the number to 700 or 800 
Europeans and 1700 sepoys, with gun-lascars, artificers, and pioneers, the whole 
amounting to 3000 men. Eaghun4thr4v engaged on account of 2500 men to pay 
£150,000 (Rs. IJ lakhs) a month with a proportionate increase or decrease 
according to the number of men supplied. As a security for the paymemt he made 
over temporarily the districts of A'mod, Hdnsot, Balsir, and part of Anklesvar 
in Central Gujardt, and ceded in perpetuity Bassein with its dependencies, the 
island of Sdlsette, and the other islands ; the districts of Jambusar and OlpAd in 
Central Gujardt ; and an assignment of Rs. 75,000 annually upon Anklesvar in 
Broach, the whole amounting to £192,500 (Rs. 19,25,000) a year. He engaged to 
procure the cession of the G&ikwix's share of the revenue of Broach, and to pay all 
expenses the Company might incur in obtaining possession of the specified cessions, 
which were to be considered as belonging to them from the date of the treaty. 
As Raghundthrdv was destitute of other funds, he deposited jewels valued at 
upwards of £60,000 (Rs. 6 lakhs) aa a security for the promised advance, pledging 
himself to redeem them. The protection of the Company's possessions in Bengal and 
those of their ally the Nawd,b of Arkot was also provided for ; and all British ships or 
vessels sailing under the protection of the British flag which might have the 
misfortune to be wrecked on the Mardtha coast were to be given to the owners. 
Grant Dug's Mardthis, 377. In 1803 the jewels were restored to BAjirAv as a free gift 
from the Company. Ditto. 
2 Grant Duffs MarithAs, 387. ' Grant Duffs MarAthAs, 390, 391. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



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DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

MARjlTHis, 

1720-1817. 



Treaty of 

Purandhar, 

1776. 



their powers in going to war without the sanction of the Bengal 
Government, that they had been ordered to withdraw their 
troops, and that an envoy had been sent to conclude peace.^ 
Colonel Upton arrived at Purandhar on the 28th of December 1 775. 
The ministers took full advantage of the power which the mistaken 
policy of the Bengal Government had placed in their hands. They 
assumed a liigh tone of demand and menace, which Colonel Upton 
judged to be firm and sincere. Colonel Upton though upright and 
moderate was ill-qualified to conduct a negotiation with Maratha 
Br^hmans. The ministers greatly extolled the just and honourable 
motives which had determined the great Governor of Calcutta to 
order peace to be concluded. But when Colonel Upton proposed 
that the English should keep Sdlsette and the islands in the Bombay, 
harbour, the cession of Bassein which they had obtained in the 
late war together with the revenue of Broach, the ministers were 
astonished that a Government which had so justly condemned the 
war could be so ready to keep the fruits of it. Colonel Upton 
argued that Salsette was taken possession of as a precautionary 
measure long deemed necessary to the safety of Bombay, and the 
prosperity of its commerce. But the ministers would listen to 
nothing. They had been put to immense expense by keeping armies 
idle at the wish of the Bengal Government, which, if they had not 
been interfered with, would have long since settled the whole matter. 
They demanded the immediate surrender of Raghunathrdv and the 
entire restoration of the territory occupied by the Bombay Govern- 
ment since the beginning of the war. If Raghundthrav was given 
up and all the territory restored, the ministers as a favour to the 
Governor General would pay £120,000 (Rs. 12 lakhs) to reimburse 
the East India Company for the expenses incurred by the Bombay 
Government. They seconded their arguments with threats, and 
mistook the mild remonstrances of the envoy for timidity. As 
Colonel Upton could not agree to these proposals on the 17th of 
February he wrote to the Governor General that he supposed 
negotiations were at an end. But almost immediately after they 
bad carried their menaces to the highest pitch the ministers agreed 
to the greater part of Colonel Upton's original demands. Before 
accounts had time to reach Calcutta that the negotiatiotis were 
broken off the treaty of Purandhar was settled and signed on the 
1st of March 1776. The chief provisions were that Sdlsette or a 
territory yielding £30,000 (Rs. 3,00,000), and Broach and territory 
worth £30,000 (Rs. 3,00,000) more should be left with the English and 
£120,000 (Rs. 12 lakhs) paid to them on account of war expenses ; 
that the treaty with Raghundthrd,v was annulled ; that the English 
were to return to garrison and Raghund.thrAv's army be disbanded 
within a month ; and that Raghunathrdv was to get an establishment 
and live at Kopargaon on the Godavari.^ The Bombay Govern- 



' Grant Duff's MardthAs, 392, 

* Grant Duff's MarithAs, 393-394. The Peshwa's name was not mentioned in the 
treaty. The ministers Ndna and Sakhdrim probably left out the name, that in case 
the child MAdhavrd,v should die GsmgAbdi might adopt another son. 



Deccan] 



POONA. 



261 



ment still clang to Raghunathrav's cause and received him with 200 
followers at Surat, where he appealed to the Directors and to the 
King. The ministers threatened war if Raghundthrdv^s army was 
not disbanded. To this the Bombay Government paid no atten- 
tion, and their position was strengthened by the arrival at Bombay 
on the 20th of August 1776 and again in November 1777, of 
despatches from the Court of Directors approving the Bombay 
treaty of Surat with Raghundthrdv, and censuring the great and 
unnecessary sacrifice of the Bengal treaty of Purandhar with the 
ministers. Though hostilities had ceased, peace was not estab- 
lished.i In October 1776 a man claiming to be Saddshiv ChimnAji, 
the leader of the Mardthds at Panipat, with the support of the 
Bombay Government possessed himself of the greater part of 
the Konkan and seized the Bor pass and Rajmdchi fort. Near 
Rd.jmachi he was attacked and defeated by a ministerial force, fled 
to Kolaba, was given up by Angria, and was dragged to death at an 
elephant's footinPdona. On the 11th of November Raghunathrav was 
allowed to live in Bombay and an allowance of £1000 (Rs. 10,000) a 
month was settled on him.^ In November Colonel Upton was recalled 
from Poena and Mr. Mostyn was sent as envoy in his place. The 
Poena ministers next showed their dislike to the English by trying 
to establish their enemies the French in a position of power in 
Western India. At Poona an agent of France was received with dis- 
tinction and Mr. Mostyn was treated with studied coldness. In the 
middle of March 1777 several Frenchmen, who landed at Cheul in 
Kolaba went to Poona, and, early in May 1777, one of them St. 
Lnbinwas received in Poona as an ambassador from France. The port 
of Cheul was promised to the French and an agreement made for the 
introduction of troops and warlike supplies.^ Though the treaty of 
Purandhar and the suppression of Sadashiv's rising had strengthened 
the ministers'" government in the Deccan, in the Bombay Karnatak 
they had suffered several reverses from Haidar and the KolhApur 
chief. In September 1777, Gangabai the infant Peshwa^s mother 
died from a drug taken to conceal the effects of her intimacy with 
Nana Padnavis. In October 1777, Mr. Hornby the Governor of 
Bombay reviewed the position of the Poona ministers, and showed 
how their difficulties were increased by Sindia's and Holkar's want 
of support, by the defection of other Mardtha nobles, by Haidar's 
victories, and by Gangdbdi's death.* The effect of Mr. Hornby's 
minute must have been greatly increased at Calcutta by the length 
which Nona's hate of the English carried him in his dealings with 
St. Lubin and by the Directors' despatch received in November 1777 
strongly censuring the Calcutta treaty of Purandhar, and, under 



Chapter VII 
History- 

Makathas, 
1720-1820. 



' Grant Duff's Mardthis, 396. ^ Grant Duff's MarAthAs, 398. 

3 Account of Bombay (1781). St. Lubin had been in India before. Though he was 
not an ambassador, St. Lubin had authority from the French to find what advantage 
could be gained from an alliance with the Marithds. He offered Nana to bring 2500 
Europeans and 10,000 disciplined sepoys, and abundance of war stores, 

* Grant Duff's Marithis, 404. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



262 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

MarAthas, 
1720-1817. 



suitable circumstances approving an alliance with Eaghundthrav.' 
Meanwhile (1778) at Poona dissensions among the misterial party 
increased. Ndna Fadnavis despised the abilities of his cousin 
Moroba Fadnavis, but, with a Brdhman's caution, he was at more 
pains to conceal his contempt than his enmity. Moroba was 
supported by all Eaghunathrav's partisans, particularly by BajAba 
Purandhare, Sakhardm Hari, Chiuto Vithal, Vishnu Narbar, and 
lately by Tukoji Holkar. Still Nana was confident, a spirit which Mr. 
Mostyn believed was due to assurance of support from France. After 
the death of Gangabai, Sakharam began to be jealous of Ndna and 
expressed a qualified approval of a plan to restore Eaghund.thrav, and 
Moroba wrote to the Bombay Government proposing the restoration 
of Eaghunathrav. The Bombay Government, who from Nona's deal- 
ings with the French were satisfied that their safety depended on a 
change of ministry at Poona, agreed to restore Ragunathrav, provided 
Sakharam Bapu, thechiefauthorityinPoona, expressed his approval of 
the scheme in writing. The decision of the Bombay Government was 
approved by the Governor General. To help their plans and to 
counteract French designs in Western India, a force under Colonel 
Leslie was ordered to cross the continent, and place themselves under 
the orders of the Government of Bombay.^ Sakhd,ram Bapu refused to 
record in writinghis approval of the plan to restore Raghundthrl.v and 
further action was stopped. At Poona Nana attempted but failed to 
seize Moroba. In spite of this failure, with the help of Sakharam 
.Bapu and with the offer of a position in the ministry, Ndna 
succeeded in inducing Moroba to join his party. The effect of 
this change was at first a loss to Ndna. Moroba, with the help of 
Holkar's troops, was more powerful than Ndna, who retired to 
Purandhar and agreed to the plan for bringing EaghunAthravto 
Poona provided no hai-m should come to himself or his property. 
But Nana, by reminding Sakharam Bapu of the evil results of 
Raghundthrav's former term of rule at Poona, persuaded Sakhd,ram 
Bapu and through Sakhard,m B£pu persuaded Moroba to give up the 
idea of bringing Raghunathrdv back. The enjoyment of power 
under the existing arrangement and Nana's persuasion led Moroba 
still further to adopt Ndna's views and favour St. Lubin and a 
French alliance. 

The Bombay Government remonstrated with the ministers for keep- 
ing St. Lubin in favour in Poona. Ndna saw that the English would 
not stand further friendship between theFrench andtheMarathds. He 
accordingly dismissed St. Lubin in July, and granted passports for the 
Bengal troops through Mardtha territory on their way across India to 
counteract French influence in Western India. While dismissing 
St. Lubin, Ndna assured him that if St. Lubin could bring a French 
corps to India he would grant the French an establishment in 
Maratha territories ; and, while granting passports to the British 
for safe conduct through Maratha territory, Ndna was sending secret 
orders to the Mardtha officers and to the Bundelkhand chief to do 



' Grant Duff's MardthAs, 406. 

" The force consisted of six battalions of sepoys, proportionate artillery, and some 
cavalry. Grant Duff's MarAthds, 406, 



Deccan] 



POONA. 



263 



what they could to stop the English.^ Nana allowed Moroba to re- 
main in power for about a year. On the 8th of June 1778 Haripant 
Phadke and Mahddji Sindia joined N^na at Purandhar and a bribe 
of £90j000 (Rs. 9 lakhs) removed the source of Moroba's strength by 
the transfer of Holkar from Moroba's interests to the interests of 
Ndna.2 On the 11th of July 1778, Moroba was seized by a party of 
Siadia's horse, made over to.Nanaj and placed in confinement. The 
wholeof Moroba's party were arrested except Sakhardm Bapu,who,for 
the sake of the Purandhar treaty, had to be left at liberty.* In spite 
of Ndna's trinmphj the Bombay Government resolved to continue 
their efforts to place Ragun^thrav in the regency, and directed Colonel 
Leslie to march on Junnar. At Poona, N^na Fadnavis on the plea 
of age, removed Sakh^ram Bapu fi'om the administration, and placed 
a body of Sindia's troops over his person and house. Self-mounted 
horsemen or sMleddrs were recruited all over the country and ordered 
to assemble at the Dasara festival in October. In the different ports 
vessels were refitted, forts were provisioned and repaired, fresh 
instructions were despatched to harass Leslie's march, and an agent 
was sent to Bombay to amuse the Government by making overtures 
to Raghunathrav. This last deception failed, as the Bombay Govern- 
ment knew from Mr. Lewis what was going on in Poona. 

On the 22nd of November 1778, under agreement with Raghu- 
ndthrdv, an advanced party of British troops under Captain James 
Stewart, consisting of six companies of native grenadiers from dif- 
ferent corps with a small detail of artillery, moved from the port of 
Apti in Koldba, took possession of the Bor pass without opposition, 
and encamped at Khandala. The main force landed at Panvel in 
Thana on the 25 th November, but from delay in making a road for the 
guns up the Bor pass, they did not reach the top of the pass till the 
23rd of December 1778. The force was' under the command of Colonel 
Egerton and Mr. Carnac. It included 691 Europeans, 2278 Native In- 
fantry and 500 gun lascars. They were accompanied by Raghunathrd.T, 
his adopted son Amritrdv, and a few horse. Some skirmishing had 
taken place between Captain Stewart and small parties of the enemy, 
in which the British sepoys showed great zeal. At Khandd,la 
Colonel Egerton, the commanding officer, reserving the advance as 
a- separate corps under Captain Stewart, divided the main body 
of his force into two brigades, one commanded by Lieutenant 
Colonel Cay and the other by Lieutenant Colonel Cockburn. 
Through fairly level, though in places somewhat marshy land, these 
three diyisions advanced at the rate of about three-quarters of a 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

MarathAs, 

1720-1817. 

Ndna Fadnavis, 

1778. 



1778. 



1 Grant DufiPs Mardthds, 409 - 410. ^ Grant Duffs MarAthAs, 408. 

* Grant Duffs Mar^lthas, 401. Among the better type of Mar^thAs who devoted 
their lives to the attempt to place at the head of the state the generous soldier 
Baghun4thr4v, instead of Ndna the scheming and cowardly courtier, was a KAyaatha 
Prabhu named Sakhirira Hari. Sakhirdm, who had spent his life in Raghun&hrAv's 
service and never wavered from his master's interest, was arrested with others of 
Morob4's party. He was chained in irons so heavy that, though a man of unusual 
strength he could hardly lift them. His allowance of food and water was slow starva- 
tion. Still at the end of fourteen months when too weak to rise, his spirit and his 
love for his master remained unshaken. My strength is gone, my life is going, when 
voice and breath fail my bones shall shout Raghmdthrdv, Raghmdtkrdv. 



iBombay Gazetteer- 
264 DISTRICTS. 

Chapter VII- mile a day, one division always occupying the ground which the 
History. other had quitted. In this way eleven days passed before they reached 

MaeAthA Karla a village eight miles from the ground which Captain Stewart 

1720- 1817* ^^ occupied about six weeks before. The extraordinary slowness 
Vadgaon °^ *^^^ march encouraged the enemy's advance guard, which 

1778. ' under Bhivrdv Yashvant Pd,nse brought infantry, rockets and guns 
to harass them, but on every occasion were attacked and driven 
back with the greatest spirit. During the march from Khanddla 
the army lost Lieutenant Colonel Cay an excellent officer, who 
was mortally wounded by a rocket on the 31st of December. A still 
more serious loss was at Kdrla, on the 4th of January 1779, the 
death of Captain Stewart the leader of the advance, a true soldier 
active gallant and judicious, whose distinguished courage so 
impressed the Mard,th^s that for years he was remembered as 
Stewart Phakde or Hero Stewart. This creeping advance of the 
Bombay army gave Ndna Fadnavis and Mahd-dji Sindia ample time 
to gather their forces. As the chief signer of the Purandhar treaty 
Sakhardm Bdpu could not well be longer kept under restraint, and, 
after aformalreconciliation,he nominally returned to his office of minis- 
ter. Ndna's military leaders were Mahadji Sindia, Haripant Phadke, 
and Tukoji Holkar. But, as in spite of his bribe of £90,000 
(Rs. 9 lakhs), Nd.na mistrusted Holkar, he was kept in a position 
from which it was almost impossible for him to join Raghundthrd-v. 
As the English drew near, the Mardtha army advanced to Talegaon 
about twenty miles east of Khanddla and eighteen miles west of 
Poona. On the 6th of January 1779, ill health forced Colonel 
Egerton to resign the command to Colonel Oockburn. Colonel 
Egerton started for Bombay, but as the Marathas had cut off 
communications he was forced to return to the army where he 
continued a member of the committee. On the 9th [of January 
1779, when the Bombay army reached Talegaon, the Marathds 
retired. The village was found to be burnt, and it was said that 
if the Bombay army advanced further Chinchwad and Poona 
would also be burnt. Though they were within eighteen miles 
of Poona and had stores and provisions for eighteen days the 
Committee, that is apparently Mr. Carnac, scared by the union and 
the determination of the Mardthas proposed a retreat. In vain 
Raghundthr^v, who had once led 50,000 of his countrymen from the 
Narbada to the Attok, pleaded for an action, one success would bring 
forward numbers of his partisans ; in vain Mr. Reid, Mr. Mostyn's 
assistant stated that a party of horse in Moroba's interest were 
on their way from the Konkan ; in vain Colonel Cockburn engaged 
to take the army to Poona and Captain Hartley and Mr. Holmes 
argued that if an advance was impossible negotiations should at 
least be begun before a retreat was ordered. The committee had 
determined to retreat and did not delay one day. At eleven on the 
night of the 11th of January the heavy guns were thrown into a 
pond, stores were burnt, and 2600 British troops began to retreat 
before 50,000 Marathas.-' The Committee imagined their retreat 

1 Grant Duffs Mardthis, 415. Mr. Lewis estimated the Mar^tha force at 35,000 ; 
the MarSthAs at 100,000 ; Colonel Cockburn at 120,000 ; Grant DulT at 50,000. 



Secoan.] 



POONA. 



265 



would remain unknown. By two next morning, within three 
hours of their start, a party of Marathds fired on the advanced guard ; 
shortly after the rear also was attacked and the baggage plundered ; 
at daybreak the army was surrounded and large bodies of horse 
were coming to the attack. The weight of the assault fell on the 
rear, composed of Hero Stewart's six companies of grenadiers and 
two guns now under the command of Captain Hartley a distinguished 
officer and well known to the men. Shortly after sunrise the rear 
was again attacked by the main body of the Mar^thd,s, horse foot 
and guns. The sepoys fought with enthusiasm, the red wall, as 
Sindia said, building itself up again as soon as it was thrown 
down.^ Five companies of Europeans and two companies of sepoys 
weresentto support Captain Hartley, who, in spite of constant attacks, 
continued till noon to keep the Mardtha force at bay. During 
the whole of the morning the main body of the army were engaged 
in returning the fire of the Mardtha artillery and suiiered little loss. 
About noon Major Frederick was sent to take the command in the 
rear. About an hour after Major Frederick was ordered to retire 
on the main body and the whole force moved to the village of Vadgaon 
where the advance guard was posted. Crowds of followers pressed 
in and the entrance into Vadgaon was a scene of confusion and 
loss. At last the troops cleared themselves, drove off the Maratha 
horse, got guns into position, and by four in the afternoon the army 
had some respite. Early next morning (13th January 1779) the 
enemy's guns opened on the village and a body of infantry advanced 
to attack it. They were repulsed, but a feeling spread among some 
of the officers that the men were dispirited and were ready to desert. 
The commander's example encouraged this feeling. A further 
retreat was deemed impracticable, and Mr. Farmer the secretary 
of the committee was sent to negotiate with the ministers.^ The 
ministers demanded Raghund,thrd,v, but the committee were saved 
the disgrace of surrendering him, by Raghunathrav's agreeing to 
give himself up to Sindia. The ministers, that is Nana and Sindia 
who between them held the real power, insisted that the committee 
should agree to surrender all the territory which the Bombay 
Government had acquired since the death of Madhavrdv BalMl (1772), 
together with the Company's revenue in Broach and Surat which the 
Marathas had never possessed. When these terms were laid before 
the committee Captain Hartley pleaded that one more effort might 
be made to retreat but his proposal was rejected. A message was 
sent to the ministers that the committee had no power to enter into 
any treaty without the sanction of the Bombay Government. Still 
Mr. Carnac immediately after sent Mr. Holmes to Sindia with full 
power to conclude a treaty. Sindia, though highly flattered by this 
direct negotiation, gave in nothing from the Maratha demands, and 
Mr. Holmes had to agree that everything should be restored to the 
MarAthas as in 1772 and that a message should be sent to stop the 



Chapter VII 
History. 

MarAthAs, 
1820-1817. 

Vadgaon, 
1779, 



1 Grant DufPs MarithAs, 425. 

2 The English loss on the 12th January was fifty-six killed, 151 wounded, 155 
missing. Of the killed and wounded fifteen were European officers. Grant Duff's 
MardthAs, 417. 

B 1327—34 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



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Chapter VII. 

History. 

MarAthas, 
1720-1817. 

Vadgaon, 
1779. 



Ooddard's 
March, 
1779. 



advance of the Bengal troops. Sindia's favour was purchased by a 
private promise to bestow on him the English share of Broach and 
by the gift of £4100 (Rs. 41,000) to his servants. The Bombay 
army, after leaving Mr.Farmer and Colonel Stewart as hostages, were 
allowed to withdraw. 

Mr. Carnac's first act on reaching the Konkan was to suspend 
his order stopping the advance of the Bengal troops.^ When 
news of the disgrace at Vadgaon reached Bombay Mr. Hornby 
disavowed Mr. Carnac's power to make a treaty. On the 19th 
of February he proposed to the council that their object should 
be to secure peace so as to exclude the French from the Mardtha 
dominions and to prevent the cession of English territory. He 
thought the £4100 (Rs. 41,000) spent in presents to Sindia's servants 
should be paid and the promise of the grant of Broach to Sindia 
confirmed.^ 

The position of the English which was almost ruined by the 
disaster at Vadgaon was retrieved by the success of Goddard's 
march. On hearing that the Bombay army had suffered a defeat at 
Vadgaon, G-oddard pressed on with speed from Rdjegad in Buudel- 
khand and reached Surat on the 25th of February 17-79.* When 
news of Vadgaon reached the supreme Government they ordered 
Goddard, whom they had already appointed their plenipotentiary, 
to conclude a treaty with the MarAthAs. The new treaty was to be 
on the basis of the Purandhar treaty with an additional article 
excluding the French from any establishment in Mardtha territory, 
Goddard was also, if he gained the opportunity, to come to a separate 
arrangement with Sindia.* Sindia who continued to keep 
Raghund,thrav in his power arranged that lands worth £1,200,000 
(Rs. 1,20,00,000) a year should be settled on RaghunAthrdv in 
Bandelkhand. On his way to Bundelkhand RaghunAthrav escaped 
from his guard and reached Surat where he prayed General Goddard 
to give him shelter. Goddard agreed to shelter him (I2th June 
1779) and gave him an allowance of £5000 (Rs. 50,000) a month. 
The escape of Raghund,thr£v caused some coldness between Nana 
and Sindia. This passed off and Holkar and Sindia with 15,000 
horse agreed to oppose Goddard in Gujarat.^ 

When the rains of 1 779 were over, as the MarAthds refused to 
come to terms, troops were sent from Bombay and overran North 
Thdna and secured the revenue. On the 1st of January 1780 
Goddard marched south from Surat to act with the Bombay troops. 
In December 1780 he captured Bassein, while Hartley defeated the 
Mardthas with heavy loss at the battle of Dugad about twenty miles 
north of Thana. After these successes in the Konkan, in the hope 
that a display of vigour would bring Ndna to terms, Goddard 
advanced and took the Bor pass on the 1st of February 1781. 
Goddard kept his head-quarters at Khopivli or Kampoli at the foot 
of the pass and sent proposals to Ndna. Nana who was busy 



1 Grant Duff's Mardthis, 418. ^ Grant Duff's Mardthds, 420. 

2 Goddard's route lay through Multdn, Khemlassa, Bhilsa, BhopAl, Hoshangabad, 
and Burhdnpur. After refreshing his army at Burhdnpur he resumed his march on 
the 6th of February, and, in twenty days, reached Surat a distance of 300 miles. 

< Grant Duff's Mardthds, 424. » Grant Duff's MarAthAs, 431. 



Deccan.l 



POONA. 



267 



collecting troops negotiated for a time, and, when his preparations 
were ready,returnedGoddard's proposals on the ground that no terms 
could be considered which did not provide for the safety of the 
Mard,thas^ ally Haidar of Maisur. On the 15th of April Goddard 
began to retreat on Bombay. From the first he was sorely pressed 
by the Marathds. Only his skill as a general and the courage of 
his troops enabled him on the 23rd of April to bring them safely to 
Panvel. The Mardthas considered this retreat of Goddard's one of 
their greatest successes over the English. In September 1781 Lord 
Macartney, Sir Eyre Coote, Sir Edward Hughes, and Mr. McPherson 
addressed a joint letter to the Peshwa stating their wish for peace, 
the moderation of the Company's views, the desire of the British 
nation to conclude a firm and lasting treaty which no servant of the 
Company should have power to break, and assuring the Peshwa 
that satisfaction should be given in a sincere and irrevocable treaty. 
General Goddard, who still considered himself the accredited agent 
on the part of the supreme Government, also opened a negotiation, 
and assumed, what was privately agreed, that Sindia should use his 
endeavour to obtain a cessation of hostilities between the Peshwa 
and the English until the terms of a general peace could be adjusted. 
In January 1782 the Bombay Government sent Captain 
Watherstone to Poona, but shortly after his arrival oflBcial intelligence 
was received that Mr. David Anderson had been deputed to 
Mahadji Sindia's camp, as Agent of the Governor General 
with full powers to negotiate and conclude a treaty with the 
Marathas. On this Captain Watherstone was recalled. At last on 
the 17th of May the treaty of Salbai was concluded and ratified by 
the Peshwa on the 20th of December 1782. ^ Its chief provisions 
were that Eaghundthrdv should have £2500 (Rs. 25,000) a month 
and live where he chose ; that all territory should remain as before 
the treaty of Purandhar ; that all Europeans except the Portuguese 
should be excluded from the Mardtha dominions ; that Haidar should 
be compelled to relinquish his conquests from the English j and 
that Broach should be given to Sindia for his humanity to the 
English after the convention of Vadgaon. Raghunathrav accepted 
theterms of the treaty and fixed his residence at Kopargaon on 
the Goddvari in Ahmadnagar. He survived only a few months. 
His widow Anandibai shortly after gave birth to a son Chimndji 
Apa. The infant Chimnaji together with Bd,jirAv, who at the 
time of his father's death was nine years old, remained at 
Kopargaon till 1793 when Nana Padnavis removed them to 
Junnar.^ 

In 1784, a conspiracy formed with the object of deposing 
Mddhavrav Ndrdyan and raising Bajirav, the son of the late 
Raghunathrd.v was discovered and crushed by Nana. In the same year 
Muddji Bhonsla the chief of B'erdr visited Poona. He showed a 
sincere de"sire to connect himself with the head of the state, and, in 
the name of his son Raghuji, entered on a new agreement pledging 
himself never to assist the English against the Peshwa's Government 
and promising to co-operate in the expected war with Tipu. One 



Chapt^ VII. 

History. 

Mahathas, 
1720-1817. 



Treaty of Salhai, 



1 Grant Duff's MarAthis, 452. 



2 Grant Dufl's MarAthils, 459, 520. 



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Chapter VII. 

History. 

Marathas, 
1720-1817. 



Sindia in Poona, 
1792. 



effect of the treaty of Salbai was greatly to favour Sindia's desire 
to form an independent Mardtha dominion. In 1784 he took 
Gwalior from the Rana of Gohad who had forfeited his claim to 
British protection ; he obtained supreme authority at Delhi ; he was 
appointed commander-in-chief of the Moghal forces and manager of 
the provinces of Delhi and Agra ; and made a claim on the British 
for chauth for their Bengal provinces which was disavowed by 
Mr. McPherson. In 1785 the news of Sindia's success in Northern 
India was received at Poona with surprise and joy. A small body 
of the Peshwa's troops was sent to join him as a measure of policy 
to preserve the appearance of the Peshwa's co-operation and 
supremacy. In the same year at Nana's desire Mr. Charles Malet 
was chosen to be British resident at Poona. 

In December 1789, on hearing of Tipu's movements, Nana 
Fadnavis made specific proposals to the Governor General in the name 
both of his master and of Nizam Ali. These proposals with slight 
modifications were accepted. A preliminary agreement was settled 
on the 29th of March 1790, and, on the 1st of June, for the suppres- 
sion of Tipu an offensive and defensive treaty was concluded at 
Poona between Mr. Malet on the part of the Company and Ndna 
Fadnavis on the part of the Peshwa and Nizdm Ali.^ In 1 792 Sindia, 
who was supreme at the Dehli Court, marched from the north 
towards Poona bearing from the Emperor of Delhi to the Peshwa 
the deeds and robes of the hereditary office of Vahil-i-Mutlak 
or Chief Minister, whose hereditary deputy in North India was 
to be Sindia. Nana Fadnavis applied to the English for the 
permanent services of Captain Little's Detachment which had 
acted with Parashuram Bhdu in the war in the Karnatak in 1790 
and 1791. This proposal was not agreed to. Sindia, afraid that NAna 
might enter into some such arrangement with the English, and to 
allay Nana's well-founded jealousy of his regular infantry, brought 
with him only a small party under an Englishman named Hessing 
and a complete battalion commanded by Michael Piloze a 
Neapolitan. Sindia reached Poona on the 11th of June and 
pitched his camp near the Sangam or meeting of the Mutha and 
Mula rivers, the place assigned by the Peshwa for the residence of 
the British envoy and his suite. Nana, who was jealous of Sindia, 
did all he could to prevent the Peshwa's accepting the titles and 
insignia brought from the emperor. He represented the impropriety 
of adopting some of the titles, especially that oi Maha/rdj Adhraj,t]ie 
greatest of great rd,jas, which was inconsistent with the constitution 
of the Mardtha empire. Still Sindia persisted and the Rd,ja of Sdtdra 
gave the Peshwa leave to accept the honours. Nine days after his 
arrival, Ndna visited Sindia who received him in the most cordial 
manner, refused to sit on his state cushion in the minister's presence, 
and treated him with the greatest respect. Next day Sindia paid 
his respects to the Peshwa, carrying with him numberless rarities 
from North India. The following morning was fixed for the ceremony 
of investing the young Peshwa with the title and dignity of Vakil-i- 



1 Grant Duff's Mardthda, 484, 



Deccan] 



POONA. 



269 



Mutlak. Sindia spared no pains to make the investiture imposing. 
Poona had never seen so grand a display. The investiture of Sindia 
as the Peshwa's deputy in the office of Vakil-i-Mutlak filled the 
next day. In spite of tte outward success of these ceremonies the 
Marathds and Brdhmans of Poona and the' Deccan remained 
unfriendly to Sindia. Sindia hoped by tlie magnificence of his 
presents to gain the goodwill of the Peshwa. He also, in contrast 
to Nana^s strictness and decorum, took pains to please the Peshwa, 
making hunting and water parties for his amusement. These efforts 
of Sindia's liad so much, success that Ndna in an interview with the 
Peshwa, after reminding him what services he had rendered, warned 
him of the danger he ran if he put himself in Sindia's hands, and 
asked leave to retire to Benares. Mddhavrav was much affected 
and promised that nothing would persuade him to desert Nana 
for Sindia. So bitter was the feeling between NAna and Sindia 
that disputes nearly ended in an outbreak. This danger was 
removed by the death of Mahddji Sindia of fever after a few days' 
illness at Vd,navdi about two miles east of Poona on the 12th of 
February 1794.^ Mahddji Sindia's career had been most eventful. 
He was the chief Mardtha leader for about tliirty-five years, he 
mediated between the Peshwa and the English, and he ruled the 
puppet emperor of Delhi with a rod of iron. He was succeeded 
by his grand nepbew Daulatrdv Sindia, then in his fifteenth year. 
Ndna Fadnavis was now the only Maratha statesman. The 
Mardtha confederacy still maintained the nominal supremacy of 
the Peshwa ; but the people were losing their adventurous spirit 
and each chieftain was gradually becoming independent of any 
central authority. Between Sindia's death in February 1794 and the 
close of the year the^ progress of events was in Nana's favour. 
Bat the disputes between him and Nizam Ali regarding arrears of 
tribute grew more and more complicated. Sir John Shore would 
not interfere and war was begun in 1794. For the last time all 
the great Maratha chiefs served together under the Peshwa's 
banner. Daulatrd,v Sindia Mahadji's successor, and Tukoji Holkar 
were already at Poona, and the Raja of Berdr had set out to 
join ; Govindi-dv Grdikwdr sent a detachment of his troops ; the 
great southern vassals the Brdhman families of Patvardhan 
and Rdstia, the Brdhman holders of Mdlegaon and Vinchur, the 
Pratinidhi,the Pantsachiv, the Maratba Mankaris, Nimbdlkar, Ghatge, 
Chavhan, Dafle, Povar, Thordt, and Patankar with many others 
attended the summons. The Peshwa left Poona in January 1795, 
and the great Maratha army marched at the same time, but by 
different routes for the convenience of forage. The army included 
upwards of 130,000 horse and foot, exclusive of 10,000 Pendharis.* 

1 Grant Duff's Mard,thds, 503. 

^ Of this force upwards of one-half were either paid by the Peshwa's treasury, or 
were troops of vassals under his direct control. Daulatrdv Sindia's force was more 
numerous and more efficient than that of any other chieftain, although the greater 
part of his army remained in North ludia and MAlwa. Jivba Ddda Bakshi commanded 
immediately under DaulatrAv and had lately joined him with a reinforcement. The 
whole consisted of 25,000 men, of whom 10,000 were regular infantry under De 
Boing's second-in-command M. Perron. Raghuji Bhonsla mustered 15,000 horse and 
foot, Tukoji Holkar had only 10,000, but of these 2000 were regulars under 
Dudreneo and most of the Pendharis were followers of Holkar. ParashurAm Bhiu 
had 7000 men. Grant Dufif's MarAthds, 614. 



Chapter VII 
History. 

MarAthas, . 
1720-1817. 

Sindia 
in Poona, 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



270 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 

History- 

Marathas, 

1720-1817. 

Ndna's Triumph, 

1795. 



Mddliavrdv, 
1795. 



Ndna Padnavis consulted the chief officers separately, and seems 
to have adopted the plans of Jivba Ddda Bakshi the Shenvi 
commander of Sindia's troops, and of Tukoji Holkar. He appointed 
Parshurdm Bhau to act as commander-in-chief. The war ended on 
the 1 1th of March by the defeat of the Moghals at Kharda in the 
Jd,mkhed sub-division of Ahmadnagar, a defeat due more to Moghal 
panic than to Mar atha bravery. Nizam Ali was obliged to treat and 
surrender an obnoxious minister Mashir-ul-Mulk, who had resisted the 
Maratha claims. After the battle the Peshwa returned to Poona; Nana 
Fadnavis was employed in distributing the acquisitions and in settling 
affairs with the different chiefs; ParshurdmBbdu and Raghuji Bhonsla 
remained near Poona ; Holkar encamped at Jejuri about twenty-five 
miles south-east of Poona ; and Sindia at Jamgaon in Ahmadnagar. 
By the middle of September 1795 Daulatrdv Sindia had taken leave of 
the Peshwa and gone to Jamgaon on his way to Hindustan; Parashurdm 
BhAu had returned to Tasgaon in SAt^ra ; Holkar remained at Poona ; 
and Raghuji Bhonsla left Poona at the middle of October being 
dismissed with great honour. Ndna Fadnavis was at the height of his 
prosperity. Without calling the help of any foreign power he had 
gained every object of his ambition. Daulatrdv Sindia was well 
disposed towards him and Sindia's ministers and officers were more 
intent on forwardingtheir own views in the government of their young 
master than in schemes for controlling the Poona Court. Tukoji 
Holkar had become imbecile both in mind and body and his officers 
were in Nona's hands, Raghuji Bhonsla was completely secured in 
his interests, and the Brdhman estate-holders were of his party. The 
fair prospect that the Peshwa's Government would regain the tone 
and vigour of the first Mddhavr^v^s time (1761 - 1772) was ruined 
by Nana's fondness for power. His unwillingness to let even his 
master share with him the control of the state brought on Nana a 
catastrophe which undermined his authority, overturned the labour 
of his life, and clouded his last days with trouble and misery.^ 

Though Mddhavrdv" was now (1795) twenty years old, Nana 
loosened none of the restraints under which he had been reared. 
At the same time he became more than ever watchful of all the 
state prisoners whose liberty might endanger his own power. In 
1794, before the beginning of the war with Nizdm Ali, Bajirav and 
ChimnAji Apa, the sons of Raghun^thrav, with their adopted 
brother Amritrav were taken from Ndsik to the gadhi or mud fort 
of Junnar and were kept there in close custody. The bulk of 
the people thought the imprisonment of these youths harsh, cruel, 
and unneeded. The old partisans of Raghunlithrav and all who 
disliked N^na strove to strengthen and embitter this feeling, 
praising the youths and overdrawing the harshness of their 
confinement. The knowledge how widely this feeling was 
spread made Nd,na still warier and more careful. He felt that 
Bajirdv, the elder brother, though a youth of only nineteen, was a 
rival whom he had reason to fear. Graceful and handsome, with a 
mild persuasive manner, Bdjirdv was famed for skill as a horseman, 



1 Grant Dufifs MaiAthas, 518. 



Oeccan.] 



POONA. 



271 



archer, and swordsman, and for a knowledge of the sacred books 
greater than any Mardtha Brahman of his age had ever been known 
to possess. MadhavrAv heard with delight these accounts of his 
cousin^s skill, and prayed that he might be set free and become his 
friend. In yain Ndna warned him that Bdjir^v was no friend to 
him but a rival. The more Nana warned and lectured the stronger 
grew Madhavrdv's longing to know his cousin. Btljirav heard that 
Mddhavr^v loved him and -was anxious that BdjirAv should be set 
free. Through his keeper Balvantrav, whom after long persuasion he 
at last won over, Bdjirdv sent Madhavrav a message of respect and 
sympathy : We are both prisoners, you at Poena and I at Junnar, 
still our minds and affections are free and should be devoted to 
each other ; the time will come when we two together will rival 
the deeds of our forefathers. When N^na heard of this 
correspondence which had lasted for some time he showed an 
altogether unusual rage. He upbraided MadhavrAv, doubled the 
closeness of Bdjirdv^s confinement, and threw Balvantrdv into a 
fort loaded with irons. Madhavrav galled by restraint and 
overwhelmed with anger and grief for days refused to leave his 
room. At the Dasara on the 22nd of October, he appeared among 
his troops and in the evening received his chiefs and the ambassadors. 
But his spirit was wounded to despair, a melancholy seized him, 
and, on the morning of the 25th of October 1795, he threw himself 
from a terrace in his palace, broke two of his limbs, and died after two 
days, having particularly desired that Bajirdv should succeed him. 
When he heard that Mddhavrav had thrown himself from the terrace 
and was dying. Nana summoned Parashurdm Bhdu, recalled Raghuji 
Bhonsla and Daulatrdv Sindia, and called in Tukoji Holkar who was 
in Poena. He hid from them Mddhavrdv's dying wish that Bajirdv 
should succeed him, and warned them that Bajirdv's succession would 
be certain ruin to any one who had sided against Raghunathrav. 
He enlarged on the family connection between Bajirdv and the 
English ; his accession would end in the English ascendancy ; why 
not continue the prosperous government which the Deocan had for 
years enjoyed. He proposed that Mddhavrav's widow Tashoddbdi 
should adopt a son and that Ndna should conduct the government 
till the son came of age. Holkar gave this scheme his support, and 
by January (1796) the leading nobles had agreed to it and withdrawn 
from Poena. This decision was told to Mr. Mallet. The English 
could raise no objection and nothing remained but to choose the 
child. Bdjirdv was informed of these measures. He knew that Baloba 
Tatya one of Sindia's ofBcers was well disposed to him ; he heard 
that on his death-bed Jivba Dada Bakshi, Sindia's prime minister, told 
his master that he was ashamed that he had agreed to keep Bdjirav 
from his rights, and he promised Sindia territory worth £40,000 
(Rs. 4 lakhs) if he would help him to become Peshwa. Sindia 
promised and a formal agreement was drawn up. When Ndna heard 
of the agreement between Bdjirav and Sindia, he sent in haste for 
Parashurdm Bhdu who marched from Tdsgaon in SAtd,ra to Poona, 
120 miles in forty-eight hours. N4na and Parashuram Bhdu agreed 
that their only chance was to be before Sindia and at once offer the 
Peshwaship to Bdjirav. Parashurdm Bhau started for Junnar and 



Chapter VII 
History. 

MabAthAs, 

1720-1817. 

Bdjirdv, 

1795. 



Mddhamrdv 
Dies, 
1795. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



272 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

MaeathIs, 
1720-1817. 



GhimndjiMddhavrdv, 

Eighth Peshwa, 

May 1796. 



made the offer. When Parashuram Bhau had held a cow by the tail 
and sworn by the Goddvari.Bajirav was satisfied and went with him to 
Poona. As soon as Bajii-dv reached Poona he had a meeting with N^na. 
Bajirdv, assured of the saccession, agreed to keep Ndna at the head 
of his administration^ and both promised to bury former enmity. 
When Baloba Tdtja, and his master Sindia heard that Bd,jir^v had 
deserted them in favour of Ndna they marched on Poona with a 
large force. The timid Ndna was dismayed and told Parashurd,m 
Bhau that as it was against him that Sindia was coming he had 
better retire. Nana accordingly withdrew to Purandhar and then to 
Satdra. When Sindia reached Poona he had a friendly meeting with 
Bdjirdv. But his minister Baloba Tatya could not forgive Bajirav's 
desertion. He proposed that Mddhavrav's widow should adopt 
Bajirdv^syounger brother Chimnaji, and that Parashurdm Bhau should 
be prime minister. Parashuram Bhdu consulted Ndna, and Nana said 
the scheme was good, provided Parashurdm Bhdu got Bajir^v into his 
hands. Parashurdm Bhau overlooked this condition and told Bdloba 
that his scheme had Ndna's approval. Bdloba expressed himself 
pleased as he feared that Ndna might organize a combination 
against his master. Nana obtained the robe of investiture from 
the Satdra chief and was on his way with it to Poona when he heard 
that Parashurdm Bhau had not secured possession of Bajirav. He 
suspected treachery, sent on the robe, and halted at Vai in Satdra. 
During all this time Bajirav knew nothing of the plot to pass him over 
in his brother's favour. To settle some dispute, regarding certain 
arrears of pay he had promised to make good to Sindia, Bajirdv went 
to Sindia's camp. Towards evening confused news came that 
Parashurdm Bhau had seized Ohimndji and carried him off. 
Bdjirdv was keen for pursuit ; but no one knew where the boy had 
been taken and till morning pursuit was useless. Bdjirdv stayed 
the night in Sindia's camp. Next morning he saw the snare into 
which he had fallen when he was advised to remain with Sindia as 
no place outside of the camp was safe for him. Parashurd'm Bhdu 
had taken Chimndji to Poona, and on the 26th of May 1796 
contrary to his wish, Chimndji was adopted by the name of 
Chimndji Madhavrdv and formally invested as Peshwa. The day 
after the new Peshwa was installed Parashurdm Bhdu proposed 
that Ndna Fadnavis should come to Poona, be reconciled to Sindia's 
minister Bdloba, and assume the civil administration, while the 
command of the troops should remain with Parashurdm Bhdu. In 
reply Ndna Fadnavis requested that Parashurdm Bhdu's eldest son 
Haripant, might be sent to Vdi to settle preliminaries. Instead 
of coming as an envoy, Haripant crossed the Nira at theTiead of 4000 
to 5000 chosen horse. Ndna's suspicions were strengthened by a letter 
from Babdrdv Phadke advising him to lose no time in putting himself 
in a place of safety, and Ndna retired to Mahad close to Rdygad fort 
in Kolaba. Ndna's fortunes now seemed desperate. But necessity- 
forced him out of his timid and half-hearted measures. He exerted 
himself with a vigour of judgment, a richness of resource and a power 
of combining men, which from his European contemporaries gained 
him the name of the Maratha Machiavel.^ Nana's two chief enemies 
were Parashurdm Bhau who was acting as minister at Poona and 

I Maohiavel, a great Italian statesman. 



Decoau] 



POONA. 



273' 



Bdloba, Sindia's minister. His chief hope lay in persuading B£jirfiv, 
like himself a chief loser under the present arrangement, to throw 
in his lot with his. In these extremities Nana's wealth, which he 
had been laying by for years and had placed with trusty bankers 
all over the country, was of the greatest service. Money could buy 
some leading man in the Peshwa's army to counteract Parashuram 
BhAu ; money could buy a party in Sindia's camp to oppose Nana's 
other chief enemy Baloba ; if only Bajirdv were on his side 
promises of territory would win Sindia and the Niz^m. Ndna's 
negotiations with Bdjirdv were made easy by the arrival of a trusty 
dependent now in Bajirav's service bringing friendly assurances 
from Bajirav who urged Nana to exert himself as their cause was 
the same. Nana's schemes succeeded. He had Tukoji Holkar 
ready at a signal to help him with all his power. He won over 
Babirdv Phadke who was in command of the Peshwa's household 
troops as a make-weight to Parashuram Bhdu, and gained Sakhdrdm 
Ghdtge, whose daughter Sindia was most anxious to marry, an 
enemy of Bdloba Sindia's minister. He offered Sindia 
Parashuram Bhdu's estates in the Bombay Karndtak, the fort of 
Ahmadnagar, and territory worth £100,000 (Us. 10 lakhs) on 
condition that he would place Bdloba in confinement, establish 
Bdjirdv as Peshwa, and withdraw to North India. To these terms 
Sindia agreed. When Bdjirdv and Babdrdv Phadke, the command- 
ant of the Peshwa's household troops knew that Sindia's alliance 
was secured, they began openly to collect troops with funds placed 
at their disposal by Nilna. Bdloba Tdtya, Sindia's minister, found 
out that Bdjirdv and Bdbardv were raising troops. He seized and 
imprisoned Bdbdrdv in Chdkan, surrounded Bdjirdv's encampment, 
and disbanded his troops. Bd,loba thought BAjirdv was the root 
of the whole conspiracy, and arranged that he should be sent to 
North India under the charge of Sakhdrdm Grhdtge. On the way 
'BAjiri.v used every endeavour tojwin over Ghdtge, and, on the promise 
that Bdjirdv when he came to power would gethimappointed Sindia's 
minister, Ghdtge allowed B^jird,v to halt on the plea of ill-health. 
Mashir-ul-Mulk, the Nizd,m's minister, whom he had lately freed 
from confinement in Poena was allowed by Parashurdm Bhdu to 
collect troops to be used against Ndna. But Ndna had already 
gained the Nizdm and his vizier, promising, if the Nizdm helped 
Bdjirdv to be Peshwa and Nd,na to be minister, that the lands won by 
the Marathds after the battle of Kharda (1795) should be restored 
to the Nizam and outstanding claims cancelled. On Dasara which 
fell on the 11th of October the regular battalions in the Peshwa's 
service under Mr. Boyd marched to the Nira bridge and a brigade 
of Sindia's regulars started towards Eaygad both apparently with the 
object of crushing Ndna. Nona's plans were now complete. On the 
27th of Oqtober Sindia arrested his minister Baloba and sent a body 
of troops, accompanied by some of the Nizam's to seize Parashurdm 
Bhau. Parashurd,m Bhau was warned and fled, taking Chimn^ji Apa, 
but was pursued and captured. B^jirdv was brought back and camped 
at Koregaon on the Bhima. Ndna left Mahdd, met the troops 
which he had collected at the Sd,lpa pass in Satdra and was joined 
by the Peshwa's infantry under Mr. Boyd. Before advancing Ndna 
B 1327—35 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

MarathAs, 

1720-1817. 

Ndna's Triumph, 

1796, 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



274 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

MarAthas, 
1720-1817. 



Bdjirdv Baghundih, 

Ninth and last 

Peshwa, 

1796-1817. 



required a guarantee from Bdjirdv that no treachery was intended, 
and that if he ever wished he might resign his post as minister in 
the certainty that his person and property would be respected. 
Ndna Fadnayis resumed the duties of prime minister on the 25th 
of November and Bdjirdv was installed Peshwa on the 4th of December 
1796. The Shdstris declared Chimndji's adoption illegal and after 
a nominal penance Chimndji was appointed governor of Gujardt.i 
The English and Eaghuji Bhonsla of Ndgpur approved of Bdjirdv's 
accession. At the time of his accession Mr. Tone, who was then in 
Poena, described Bdjirdv as over middle size, fair, and graceful, with 
a manly sensible and majestic face and impressive manners. 

During these irregularities the army had fallen into disorder. 
In 1797 a desperate affray took place in the streets of Poona 
between a body of Arabs and a party of Mr. Boyd's sepoys, in which 
upwards of 100 persons were killed and many shops and warehouses 
were plundered. The treaties with Sindia and Raghuji Bhonsla were 
fulfilled, and Raghuji left for/ Nagpur. But as Bajirav, unless it 
was greatly modified, refused to ratify the treaty of Mdhdd with 
Nizdm Ali, Mashir-ul-mulk quitted Poona without taking leave of 
the Peshwa and returned highly incensed to Haidarabad (13th 
July 1797). This dispute with the Nizdm and the death of Tukoji 
Holkar in August 1797 considerably weakened Nana's power. On 
Holkar's death (13th July 1797) Malharrav quarrelled with his 
brother Kdshirdv, who was imbecile in mind and body, and, with 
his two illegitimate brothers Yashvantrdv and Vithoji, removed 
to Bhamburda, about two miles north-west of Poona city. Ndna 
favoured Malhan-dv, and Kdshirdv applied for help to Sindia. Sindia 
promised help with the greatest readiness, sent a strong force to 
Bhdmburda, and, as Malhdrdv refused to yield, his camp was 
surrendered and he was killed. His half-brothers Yashvantrdv and 
Vithoji escaped. This success gave Sindia power over the whole 
of Holkar's resources and was a deathblow to the schemes of Nana 
Fadnavis. Bajirav secretly encouraged Sindia, who, in transferring 
Angria^s estates in Koldba from Mdnaji to his own relation 
Bdburdv and in other matters, began to exercise a more arbitrary 
power than the Peshwa had ever claimed.^ Hitherto Bdjirdv whose 
appearance and misfortunes always won sympathy was believed to 
have an excellent natural disposition. This belief was the result of 
his talent for cajoling and deceiving. Prom the beginning his 
conduct was governed by two principles to trust no one and to 
deceive every one. His great object was to free himself from the 
control of Sindia and of Nana. Sindia he regarded as a less evil 
than Nana. At the worst he thought that at any time he could get 
rid of Sindia by persuading him to go to North India. To free himself 
from Ndna's control Bdjirdv entered into a plot with Ghdtge, whose 
daughter was not yet married to Sindia, and persuaded him that so 
long as Ndna remained in power Ghatge's hope of becoming Sindia's 
minister could never be realised. They agreed that Nana should be 
placed in confinement. On the 31st of December 1797, Ndna, while 



1 Grant DnflPs MardthAs, 527-529. 



2 Grant Duflf's MarAthAs, 501. 



Deccau.] 



POONA. 



275 



returning a formal visit to Sindiaj was seized with all his retinue j 
his guards were attacked and dispersed ; and under Ghdtge's orders 
Naaa's house and the houses of his adherents were plundered. 
Many resisted ; firing went on for a night and da-y ; the whole city 
was in an uproar ; all went armed and in bands. When Nd,na was 
seized in Sindia's camp, Bajirdv, as if on business, sent for the leading 
members of Nona's party and put them in confinement.^ Ndna 
was sent to Ahmadnagar fort. Bdjirav appointed his own half- 
brother Amritrdy prime minister and raised the unexperienced 
BAldjipant Patvardhan to the command of the army. When as he 
supposed he had got rid of Nana' s control, Bajirav began to devise 
means for dismissing Sindia. But he had first to carry out the 
promises he had made. Sindia was married to Grhatge's daughter, 
and money difficulties caused by marriage expenses and the cost of 
his army at Poena pressed hard on Sindia, so that he urged Bajirav 
to give him the £2,000,000 (Rs. 2 krors) he had promised. Bdjirav 
said he had not the money. If Sindia would make Ghatge his 
minister, Bajirav would give Ghdtge leave to recover from the rich 
people of Poona as much as was required. Sindia agreed and 
Ghatge was made minister and empowered to levy the amount 
required from the people of Poona. Ghatge's first step was to raise 
money from the members of Nona's party who were confined in 
BAjirdv's palace. These men of high position and reputation were 
dragged out and scourged till they gave up their property. One of 
them, a relation of Nana's, was tied to a heated gun, and as he would 
not part with his property, remained tied to the gun till he died. 
These cruelties were not confined to Nd,na's friends. Merchants, 
bankers, and all in the city who were supposed to have wealth, 
were seized and tortured with such cruelty that several of them 
died. Though the plan of levying money by force from the people 
of Poona was Bajirdv's, Bajirav never supposed that the money 
would be collected with such cruelty. He remonstrated with 
Sindia but his complaints were of no effect. Amritrdv, Bd.jird,v's 
brother, who did not know that Bd,jirdv had any share in the 
matter proposed to seize Sindia. To this Bdjirdv willingly 
agreed. Before this Bajirav and Amritrdv, to make the Peshwa's 
infantry more nearly a match for Sindia's, had agreed to engage 
British officers and Mr. Tone was chosen to command the 
first brigade. Their relations with the Nizam were put forward as 
the reason for this increase of their troops and Sindia was asked to 
join in an expedition to recover the arrears due under the treaty of 
Kharda (1795). Sindia readily agreed. About this time there was 
much ill-feeling among Sindia's officers and Sindia became very 
unpopular. Bajirdv fostered the feeling of dislike to Sindia, so that 
if he seized Sindia he might have less difficulty in preventing an 
outbreak among Sindia's followers. Bdjir^v arranged with Amrit- 
r^v that Sindia should be invited to his palace and should be seized by 
Aba Kale who commanded one of the Peshwa's regular battalions. 
Sindia was asked to come but excused himself. BAjirdv ordered 



Chapter VII. 
History. 

MaeAthas, 

1720-1817. 

Ndna Seized, 

1797. 



Poona Pluiidered 
1797. 



' See Mr. Uhtoflf's Despatches. 



[Bombay Gazetteei-> 



276 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

MarAthas, 
1720-1817. 



The Widows' 
War, 
1797. 



him to attend. At their meeting he upbraided Sindia for his 
disobedience, and for all the sufferings which he had caused in 
Poona. He ordered Siudia to withdraw from Poona to •Jd.mgaon 
in Ahmadnagar. Sindia expressed the greatest willingness to movej 
but regretted that until the present arrears of pay were made good 
his army could not leave Poona. When the time came to give the 
signal for seizing him, Bajirav's courage failed and Sindia was 
allowed to leave. Bdjirdv had afterwards the meanness and weak- 
ness to tell Sindia what Amritrdv had intended and to advise him 
to be on his guard. Fresh difficulties arose from the arrears of 
pay due to the Peshwa's army. They were ordered to march to 
S&td,ra to put down a rising. Instead of starting they raised a riot 
in Poona and kicked about the street the turban of one of Bdjirdv's 
favourites who tried to interfere. Govindrdv Pingle, one of the 
ministers who was iu confinement, sent word to Bajirav that the only 
man who could bring the troops to order was Naropant Chakradev, 
the former commander who had been imprisoned as a friend of Nana's. 
Bdjirdv restored both Pingle and Naropant to liberty, and Naropant 
quelled the tumult in a day. But as Bdjirdv could not trust 
Naropant at a distance he had to release Parashuram Bhdu to 
restore order at Satara. Disorders increased at Poona. Daulatr^v 
Sindia's uncle Mahadji on his death in 1795 had left three widows. 
Daulatrav promised to make ample provision for them and they 
continued to live in his camp. No provision was made and even 
their comforts were scrimped. The youngest of the three widows 
was a beautiful woman and the others either discosrered or invented 
a criminal intimacy between her and Sindia. The ladies openly 
accused Sindia of the crime and Ghafcge who was sent to quiet their 
complaints being refused an entrance forced his way into their 
tents and seized and flogged them (1798). The Shenvi Brdhmans, of 
whom Bdloba was the head and who before Ghatge's rise to power 
were the strongest party in Sindia's army, took the side of the widows. 
After much discussion it was arranged that the widows should be 
taken to Burhanpur and should be kept there in a state of suitable 
comfort. On their way to Burhdnpur their friends learned that the 
widows were being taken not to Burhanpur but to Ahmadnagar fort. 
Under the influence of the Shenvi Brdhmans a Pathdn namedMuzafEar 
Kh^n, who was in command of a choice body of cavalry, assailed the 
escort, rescued the widows, and carried them back close to Sindia's 
camp. Ghatge persuaded Sindia to let him attack Muzaffar. 
Muzaffar had warning and retired with the widows pursued by 
Ghatge. He left the ladies in the camp of Amritrav, Bdjirav's 
brother who was near the Bhima, turned on Ghdtge, defeated him, 
and put him to flight. Bd,jird,v approved of his brother's kindness to 
the widows, andasked Colonel Palmer, the British Resident, to mediate 
between them and Sindia. Sindia refused, and, on the night of the 
7th June, sent GhAtge with five battalions of regular infantry under 
Du Prat, a Frenchman, to surprise Amritrav's camp and seize the 
ladies. Ghdtge's attempt failed and he had to retire with loss. 
Sindia then promised to arrange for a suitable establishment for the 
ladies, and Amritrav came into Poona and camped close to Sindia. 
It was the Mxiharram time, and Ghatge, under pretence of keeping 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



277 



order, brought two brigades of infantry and twenty-five guns close 
to Amritrd,v's camp, suddenly opened fire on it, charged and 
dispersed Amritrav's troops, and pillaged his camp. This outrage 
was nothing less than war with the Peshwa. Holkar came and 
sided with the Peshwa, the other Mardtha nobles joined his standard, 
and the Peshwa negotiated an alliance with Nizam Ali.^ Sindia 
alarmed by the treaty between the Peshwa and the NizAm tried to 
arrange a settlement, but the demands of the ladies became so 
extravagant that nothing could be settled. To intimidate Bdjirav 
Sindia sent an envoy to Tipu, but Bajirav had done the same. A 
more powerful means of influencing Bd.jirav and also a means of 
raising money was to set Nana Fadnavis free. Sindia brought 
Nana from Ahmadnagar and received £100,000 (Rs. 10 lakhs) as 
the price of his liberty. The release of N^na was shortly followed 
by the revocation of the treaty between the Peshwa and Nizdm Ali. 
These events forced Bdjirav to begin negotiations with Nana 
Fadnavis, and Sindia, who did not know that the treaty between 
the Peshwa and the Nizam had been revoked, was anxious to come 
to terms, insisting only that Nana should be placed at the head of 
B^jirav's affairs. Meanwhile Grhatge had been acting with such 
reckless cruelty that Sindia felt that Grhitge's disgraceful acts 
were alienating the minds of all his supporters. He accordingly 
gave orders for Grhdtge's arrest which was successfully effected. 
Ghdtge's arrest helped to reconcile Sindia and Bajirav. The need 
of reconciliation was also pressed on them by the change of policy 
on the part of the English. The timid neutrality which had 
marked the English policy under Sir John Shore was reversed by 
the Marquis of Wellesley's arrival in India on the 26th of April 
1798. Soon after his arrival the Marquis of Wellesley, then Lord 
Mornington, directed the Political Agents at Poona and Haidarabad to 
secure the alliance of those states so that at least their resources might 
not be applied against the British Government. With the object of 
removing Sindia from the Deccan who was known to be always 
anxious to obstruct British influence, the British agent at Poona 
set forth the reported designs on India of Zaman Shah king of 
Kd,bul, the grandson of Ahmad Shdh Abdali terrible to Mard,thd,s, 
The British agent also offered the Peshwa a body of the Company's 
troops to protect his territory and revive the authority of his 
government. Bdjirav had not long before asked for the help of 
British troops and his offer had been refused. He could explain 
this sadden change in the view of the English only by an under- 
standing with Nana, and his suspicion was confirmed when the 
English agent spoke strongly in favour of Nana's restoration. 



Chapter Vir 
History- 

MarAthas, 
1720-1817. 



Nana Set Free 
1798. 



' Under this treaty the Peshwa confirmed the articles of the treaty of Mah^ 
which was passed between Ndna Fadnavis and the NizAm in 1796 ; Mariltha claims 
on Bedar were remitted and a tract of territory yielding £80,000 (Es. 8,00,000) of 
revenue was ceded to NizAm Ali. Niz4m Ali agreed to support the Peshwa against 
any encroachment of Ndna Fadnavis, but in case Ndna was set free by Sindia it 
was agreed that B^jirAv would allow him a yearly pension of £10,000 (Es. 1,00,000). 
Eaghuji Bhonsla of N^gpur, if he chose, was to be considered a party to this treaty, 
and was to receive the whole of Garh Mandla from BAjirAv. Grant Dufifa 
MarAthAs, 539. 



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DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII, 
History 

MaeathA,", 

1720-1817. 

Nana Minister, 

1798. 



As Nana was the object of Bdjirav's strongest hate and fear the 
wish to prevent an understanding between Nana and the English 
overcame all other considerations. Sindia was ready to leave for 
North India but B^jirav at a private meeting persuaded him to 
stay to prevent Nana froni bringing English troops into Poena. 
While these private negotiations with Sindia were on foot Bajir^v 
was secretly praying Ndna who was then in Sindia's camp, to 
return to Poena and take his post as minister. Nd,na at first refused 
unless under a guarantee from the British Government that his 
person and property should be safe. To overcome Ndna's fears 
B^jir^v went alone at night to Nana's house, and using to the 
utmost his extraordinary powers of persuasion and deception 
induced (15th October 1798) the old man to resume his post as 
minister without any guarantee. Within a few months (1799) 
Nana was told by Yashvantrav Ghorpade and by Sindia that 
Bajir^v was again trying to persuade Sindia to put him in con- 
finemenb. Nana went to Bajirav, charged him with this treachery, 
and implored him to let him give up his post as minister and 
withdraw to private life. Bajirav denied any knowledge of the 
proposals, asked who had dared to make use of his name, and 
told Sindia to arrest them. Sindia arrested BAjir^v's minister 
Govindrav, and Shivrara another of B^jirdv's agents, who bore 
the loss of their property and their liberty without impeaching 
their master's truthfulness. After this satisfaction Nd,na resumed 
his duties. As far as possible Ndna avoided public busiuess. But 
for some months affairs had been in progress which no one at 
Poena but Ndna could prevent from seriously affecting the power 
of the Peshwa. On the first of September 1798 a new treaty was 
concluded between Nizdm Ali and the English under which 
Nizdm Ali agreed to disband his French troops and replace them 
with English troops, and under which the English undertook to 
mediate between the Nizdm and the Peshwa and to do their best to 
bring the Peshwa to a friendly settlement. ^ The MarathAs viewed 
this treaty with much jealousy and the British agent urged the 
Peshwa to conclude a similar treaty. He evaded the subject by an 
assurance that he would faithfully execute the conditions of existing 
engagements, and, in the event of a war with Tipu, promised to 
afford his aid. In these replies Bdjirav followed Nona's advice. 
Nana pressed him, after giving these promises, to take care that 
his promises were fulfilled ; any instance of bad faith would add 
greatly to the power of the English in their future dealings with the 
Mardth^s. In this matter Bd.jirav followed his own inclination. 
Though, with the help of Parashuram Bhau, Nina arranged that 
as in 1790 a Maratha contingent should be ready, in 1799, when the 
fourth Maisur war broke out, the English instead of Mardtha support, 
found that Tipu's envoyswere publicly received in Poena, and that 
Tipu's agent had paid Bdjirav £130,000 (Es. 13 lakhs). The 
Governor General noticed the conduct of the court of Poena by 
countermanding the detachment which was in readiness to act with 



1 Grant DuOfs MarAthis, 542. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



279 



Parashuram BMuj an action which Nana Fadnavis who did not 
know that Bdjirav had received the £130,000 (Rs. 13 IdJchs) could 
not understand. 

When he heard that (4th May 1799) Seringapatam had fallen, that 
Tipu was slain, and that his power was at an end, Bd.jird,v affected the 
utmost joy, tried to pursuade Colonel Palmer that the backwardness 
of the Maratha contingent was due to Ndna, and sent urgent 
orders to the governor of the Maratha Karnd,tak to advance into 
Tipu's country. Sindia also, while secretly striving to encourage 
resistance among Tipu's partisans, sent abundant congratulations 
to Colonel Palmer. Though the Peshwa had failed in his promise of 
help, in the hope of making him agree to a treaty like the treaty 
he had concluded with the Nizdm, the Governor General set apart 
a portion of Tipu's conquered country for the Marathds. This 
tract of territory, which included the greater part of the Sunda 
lands now in North Kanara, yielding an estimated revenue of 
£26,300 (Rs. 2,63,000), was rejected by the Peshwa. The Poena 
Government regretted that the disorder in the Mardtha country 
had prevented them from sending the promised contingent to act 
against Tipu ; in the case of the French landing in India the 
Peshwa undertook to join with the English in fighting them, at the 
same time the Peshwa would not agree to exclude Frenchmen from 
his service. He refused the Company's oHered mediation in his 
existing disputes with the Nizam, and treated as absurd the 
proposal to include Raghuji Bhonsla of Nagpur as a principal in the 
intended alliance. Sindia's affairs continued in confusion. After 
Ghatge's attack on AmritrAv's camp in 1798 the ladies sought 
refuge with the Kolhdpur chief. In Kolhapur they were joined by 
the leading Shenvi Brahmans in Sindia's service. Numbers of 
horsemen flocked to their standard, and they marched north 
(February 1799) burning all Sindia's villages between the Krishna 
and the Godavari. Sindia's horse fled before them, and, though they 
gave way to his regular battalions, as soon as the regular troops 
turned to go back to Poena the ladies' troops followed them and 
continued their work of ruin. The country swarmed with horsemen, 
and though plunder was not indiscriminate the devastation was 
great.i In addition to his troubles with the widows Sindia's power 
was threatened by a revolt in North India and by the escape and 
rapid success of Tashvantrav Holkar in Malwa. In these straits 
Sindia's headmen advised him to set Bdloba Tatya free and appoint 
him minister. Baloba promptly made a settlement with the ladies. 
But after all was arranged the murder of one of their followers 
enraged the ladies and they withdrew and again marched through 
the country plundering.^ In August 1799, with the approval of 
their chiefs^ Bdloba and Nd,na deliberated on measures to counteract 
the close alliance between the Nizd.m and the English. For some 
time Satara and Kolhapur had fallen into complete disorder and 
Parashuram Bhd.u the Peshwa's commander had lately been killed. 
A combined force of the Peshwa and Sindia marched towards 



Chapter VII 

History. 

MabathIs, 
1720-1817. 



The Widowh' 
War, 
1799. 



1 Grant Duffs MarAthds, 645. 



2 Grant Duffs Mardth4s, 546. 



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280 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

MakAthIs, 
1720-1817. 

Nana Dies, 
1800. 



Kolhdpur, defeated the chief, forced him to seek safety in Panhd,la, 
besieged Kolhdpur, and had nearly taken it when (1800) events at 
Poena forced a prompt settlement and saved the existence or at 
least the independence of the Kolhapur state. 

Ndna's health, which had long been declining, failed rapidly in 
the beginning of 1800, and he died at Poona on the 13th of March. 
This event sealed the ruin of the Peshwa's government. 
In figure N^na was tall and thin, dark in complexion and 
grave in manners, with a quick searching and intelligent 
expression. In private life he was truthful, frugal, and charitable, 
a most orderly and painstaking worker. He respected the sincerity 
and vigour of the English, but, as political enemies, looked on 
them with the keenest jealousy and alarm. As a politician his early 
life was disfigured by timidity and ambition. During his last 
years he acted with the courage and sincerity of a patriot, regardless 
of consequences to himself, counselling Bdjir^v to do what he 
believed was for the good of the state. In his early life he devoted 
his energies to maintain the improved civil management which had 
been established by Madhavrdv Balldl (1761-1772). In later years 
home intrigues and foreign troubles so filled his time and his thoughts 
that in practice almost all check on abuses disappeared. Even in 
Poona city so slack was the control that G-hdsiram the head of the city 
police was able without check to commit a series of murders, and at 
last, when his guilt was proved, was punished not by the law but by a 
rising of the townsmen who stoned him to death. With Nana 
passed away all that was wise and moderate in the Peshwa's 
government. 

Ndna died leaving a young widow and no children. The desire to 
seize his wealth, which in spite of all he had latterly been forced to 
part with was said to be still immense, soon set Sindia and BSjirav 
quarrelling. When the insurrection in North India was crushed, 
Sindia, under the influence of Ghatge determined to destroy Bd.loba. 
He was seized and thrown into Ahmadnagar, death freeing him 
from the tortures which Ghd,tge had planned for him and which he 
carried out in the case of two of Baloba's supporters blowing one 
from a gun and mangling the other by tying round him and setting 
fire to a belt of rockets. While Sindia vented his hate on the 
Shenvi Brdhmans, Bajirdv gratified his revenge by seizing and 
throwing into confinement the former supporters of Ndna and of 
Parashuram Bhau and other Patvardhans. Sindia was now all- 
powerful at Poona. He had BAjirdv so entirely in his hands, that 
he for some time kept a guard round Bdjirdv's palace lest he should 
attempt to escape. Before the close of 1800, the rapid success of 
Yashvantrav Holkar, who had overrun almost the whole of Md,lwa, 
compelled Sindia to leave Poona and march north. Before he left Poona 
he forced B^jirav to give him bills worth £470,000 (Rs. 47 Ukhs). 
Several bloody battles were fought between Sindia and Holkar in 
Md,lwa. The infamous Ghatge joined Sindia's army and gained a 
complete victory over Holkar. Yashvantrdv, though nearly ruined, 
by a skilful march arrived unexpectedly in the neighbourhood of 
Poona. When Sindia left Poona, instead of trying to win 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



281 



the respect of his people, Bdjirav gave his attention to 

distressing and pillaging all who had opposed either himself or 

his father. One of the first who suffered was Mddhavrdv R^stia, 

whom he invited to visit him, seized, and hurried to prison. 

This act, followed by others like it, caused general discontent. 

Lawlessness spread and the Deccan was filled with bands of 

plundering horsemen. Among the prisoners taken in one affray was 

Vithoji the brother of Yashvantr Av Holkar. According to Maratha 

practice the punishment to prisoners taken in a plundering raid 

was not always death. Something short of death might have 

sufficed in the case of a son of Tukoji Holkar. But Tukoji 

Holkar had been Nona's friend and the Holkars were Sindia's 

enemies. So to death Bd,jiriv added disgrace and sat by as Vithoji 

was bound to an elephant's foot and dragged to death in the streets 

of Poona (April 1801). B^jirdv's cruelty brought on him the hate 

of Vithoji's brother Tashvantrav, a hate which for years haunted 

Bdjird,v's coward mind. Shortly after Vithoji's death, the news 

of Yashvantrdv's vow of vengeance and of his successes against 

Sindia's troops at Ujain (June 1801) led Bdjirdv to address him in 

friendly terms as the heir of Tukoji Holkar. As Sindia was fully 

occupied with his fight against Holkar, who had more than once 

defeated his troops, BAjirav thought the opportunity suitable for 

seizing Sindia's officer Ghd,tge. Ghatge, whose plundering was causing 

much misery in the Deccan, came into Poona and in his demands for 

money insulted the Poona Court. Baldji Kunjar, Bd,jird,v's favourite, 

asked him to his house to receive some of the money he demanded. 

Ghdtge came ; but noticing from a signal given by BdMji Kunjar 

that treachery was intended, he forced his way out, leaped on his 

horse, escaped, and returned to Poona with a force threatening 

to sack the city. The British Resident was called in to effect some 

settlement of Ghdtge's claim, and Poona was saved further loss by 

an urgent message from Sindia requiring Ghdtge in MAlwa. Early 

in 1802 Shah Ahmad Khan, an officer detached by Yashvantrdv 

Holkar, carried his ravages into the Peshwa's territories between 

the Godavari and Poona, and cut off almost to a man a force of 

1500 horse under Narsing KhanderAv the chief of Vinchur. The 

consternation at Poona caused Bdjirdv to renew negotiations with 

the English. He wished to have a force, but he objected to its 

presence in his territory, and he still refused to agree that the 

English should arbitrate between him and the Nizdm. Yashvantrdv 

Holkar himself soon moved towards Poona. The Peshwa did all in 

his power to stop him. Yashvantrav said, You cannot give me back 

Vithoji but set my nephew Khanderav free. Bdjirdv promised ; but, 

instead of setting him free, had Khanderdv thrown into prison at 

Asirgad. Meanwhile Sindia's army joined the Peshwa's, and together 

they prepared to stop Holkar at the Ali Bela pass in north Poona. 

Yashvantrdv, knowing their strength passed east by Ahmadnagar, 

joined his general Fatesing Mane near Jejuri, marched down the 

Rajvdri pass, and on the 23rd of October 1802 encamped between 

Loni and Hadapsar about five miles east of Poona. 

About eight days before Yashvantrd,v's arrival the joint Sindia- 
Peshwa army had fallen back from Ali Bela and taken a position 
B 1327—36 



ChaptOT VII. 

History. 

MaeIthar, 
1720-1817. 

Vitfugi Holkar 
KiUed, 
1801, 



YashvorUrdv 
Holhar's 
Invasion, 



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282 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

MarAthAs, 
1720- L817. 

Tashvantrdv 

Holkar's Victory, 

1803. 



Bdjirdv leaves 
Potma. 



Poona Plundered, 
180S. 



Treaty o/Basiein, 

Slat December 

1803. 



close to Poona near the present cantonment. The Peshwa- ordered 
Yaahvantrdv to retire. He replied he was willing to obey ; but that 
Sindia, not he, was the rebel and had refused to give up TashvantriiT's 
nephew Khanderdv whom B^jirdv had ordered him to set free. On 
the morning of the 25th of October the armies met, and, after a 
well contested fight, the battle ended in a complete victory for 
Yashvantrav which was chiefly due to his own energy and courage. 
Bajirav making sure of victory came out to see the battle but the 
firing frightened him and he turned southward. On learning the 
fate of the battle he fled to Sinhgad. From Sinhgad he sent an 
engagement to Colonel Close binding himself to subsidise six 
battalions of sepoys and to cede £250,000 (Rs. 25 Idhhs) of yearly 
revenue for their support. He had already agreed to waive his 
objection to allow the troops to be stationed in his territory. For 
some days after his victory Yashvantrav showed great moderation 
at Poona. He placed guards to protect the city, treated Bdjird.v'3 
dependents with kindness and made several attempts to persuade 
Bajird,v to come back. Bajird,v, after staying three days in Sinhgad, 
fled to Rdygad in Kolaba, and from Rdygad retired to the island of 
Suvarndurg oS the north coast of Ratnagiri. From Suvamdurg, 
alarmed by news of the approach of one of Holkar's generals, he 
passed to Revdanda, and from Revdanda sailed in an English ship to 
Bassein which he reached on the 6th of December 1802. Meanwhile, 
at Poona, when Holkar heard that Bajirdv had fled from Sinhgad, 
he levied a contribution from the people of Poona. The 
■contribution was arranged by two of Bdjirav's officers and it was 
carried out in an orderly manner. When Yashvantrav found that 
Bdjird,v would not return he sent a body of troops to Amritrav with 
the offer of the Peshwaship. Amritrdv at first refused ; but, when 
Bajirav threw himself into the hands of the English, Amritrdv held 
that he had abdicated and took his place. After much hesitation 
he was confirmed as Peshwa by the Satara chief. 

This settlement of affairs at Poona was followed by a plunder of 
the city as complete and as wickedly cruel as Sindia's plunder in 
1798. Every person of substance was seized and tortured oat of their 
property and several out of their life. The loss of property was 
unusually severe as some time before the battle of the 25th of October 
Bdijirav had set guards to keep people from leaving Poona and 
Holkar took care that after the victory these guards were not with- 
drawn. These excesses were begun even before Colonel Close left 
Poona. Both Amritrav and Holkar were anxious to keep Colonel 
Close in Poona. They wished him to mediate in their differences with 
Sindia and the Peshwa, and his presence seemed to show that the 
British Government approved of their usurpation of power. Finding 
that no persuasion could alter Colonel Close's purpose he was allowed 
to leave on the 20th of November 1802. 

On the Slst of December 1802, at Bassein in the North Konkan, 
Bdjird,v agreed to a treaty, under which the English undertook to 
Testore Bajirav to power in Poona and to maintain permanently in 
the Peshwa's dominions a subsidiary force of 6000 regular infantry 
with the usual proportion of field artillery and European artillery- 
men. In return for these troops the Peshwa agreed that districts 



Deccan. 



POONA. 



283 



yielding a yearly revenue of £260,000 (Rs. 26 lakhs) should be 
assigned to the English; that he would keep a force of 3000 infantry 
and 5000 horse ; that he would entertain no European of any nation 
hostile to the English ; and that he would have no dealings with any 
power without consulting the British GoYernment. The treaty of 
Bassein made the English sovereign in the Deccan ; Bajirdv bought 
safety at the cost of independence. In March 1803 to re- 
establish Bajirdv at Poena the subsidiary force at Haidarabad 
under Colonel Stevenson took a position at Purinda near the 
Peshwa's eastern frontier. General Wellesley was detached from the 
main army of Madras which was assembled in the north of Maisur, 
and, with 8000 infantry and 1700 cavalry, was directed to march 
towards Poena to co-operate with Colonel Stevenson. General 
Wellesley left Harihar in Maisur on the 9th of March and crossed 
the Tungbhadra on the 12th. On the banks of the Krishna he was 
joined by the Patvardhan and other Mardtha and Brahman Karndtak 
estateholders, all of whom, especially the Patvardhans, showed much 
friendliness to the British. On the 19th of April as he drew near 
Poena, General Wellesley was warned that Bd.jird,v's brother Amrit- 
rdv was likely to burn the city. To prevent this misfortune General 
Wellesley pressed on with the cavalry of his division, and the 
Mard,tha troops under Apa Sdheb Gokhla and others of the Peshwa's 
ofiBcers, using such speed, that, though kept six hours in the Little 
Bor pass, he reached Poena on the 20th of April after a march of 
sixty miles in thirty-two hours.^ In the country south of the Bhima 
straggling bodies of Holkar's plunderers were seen, who, on being 
ordered to desist, had retired. Before General Wellesley reached 
Poena all hostile troops had left. Holkar had gone to Chdndor in 
Nasik some days before, and Amritrdv had started that morning for 
Sangamner in Ahmadnagar.^ On the 13th of May, escorted fromi 
Panvel by 2300 infantry of whom 1200 were Europeans, Bdjird»v 
entered Poena, was installed as Peshwa, and received presents from, 
the leading men of the state. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

MarA-ThAs, 

1720-1817- 

Treaty of Bassein, 

Slst December 

180S. 



Bdjitdv Restored:. 



' General Wellesley's route was by Miraj and Pandharpur to B4r4mati. He 
camped at BArimati on the 18th of April and atMoreshvar on the 19tb. AtMoreshvar 
he heard that Amritrdv meant to burn Poona. After halting for a few hours at 
Moreshvar he moved with one native battalion and the whole of his cavalry. Though 
detained six hours in the Bor pass he entered Poona at two on the 20th of April, 
a march of sixty mUes in thirty-two hours. The infantry joined him on the 22nd. 
Col. Close in Wellington's Despatches, I. 166. During this war General Wellesley made 
one greater march than this. When engaged on the Goddvari he started on the morn- 
ing of the 4th of February 1804 with the British cavalry, the 74th Regiment, the first 
battalion of the 8th Regiment, 500 men belonging to other native corps, and the 
Maisur and MarAtha cavalry. After a march of twenty miles on the 4th word 
was brought that the enemy were twenty -four miles off. He marched again on the 
night of the 4th, but the road was bad and they did not reach the place named 
tifl nine next morning. The infantry arrived at the point of attack along with the- 
cavalry. The enemy had heard of their advance, were in retreat, but still in sight.. 
They were pursued from height to height till the whole body was scattered. All 
was over by twelve on the 5th. The troops had marched sixty miles in thirty 
hours. General Wellesley thought this was quicker even than MarAthAs. He oftea 
spoke of it as the greatest march he ever made. Wellington's Despatches, II, 97,. 
98, 100, 101 ;.III. 448. 

2 AmritrAv fought and defeated the R4ja Bahddur of N^sik. He afterwards 
entered into an agreement with General Wellesley, and finally retired to Benares on. 
a yearly pension of £80,000 (Rs. 8 lakhs). Grant Dufi's Mar^thAs, 569. 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



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DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

Maeathas, 

1720-1817. 

Condition, 

1803. 



In consequence of the ravages from whicli the country had for 
some years suffered, and especially from the ruin caused by Holkar 
and his Pendhdris, 1803 was a year of scarcity in the Deccan, 
and, in consequence of the complete failure of rain in September 
and October 1803, the last months of 1803 and the first half of 
1804 was a time of deadly famine. Meanwhile, secretly encouraged 
by BAjirdv, Sindia and Raghuji Bhonsla were preparing to contest 
British supremacy in the Deccan. The capture of Ahmadnagar fort 
on the 12th of August 1803 and the famous victory of Assaye, 
160 miles north-east of Poona, on' the 23rd of September made 
the British supreme in the Deccan.^ For some time the country 
round Poona continued disturbed by insurgents and freebooters. 
When they were crushed, until B^jirdv stirred war in 1816, the 
presence of British troops at Poona, Sirur, and Ahmadnagar 
preserved peace. When it passed under British sovereignty 
Poona, like most of the Deccan, was little more than a desert. 
In January 1803, writing from information received at Maisur, 
General Wellesley described the country round Poona as entirely 
exhausted.^ It was in great confusion. The heads of villages 
and districts no longer obeyed the chiefs who had governed them ; 
each had assumed supreme authority in his own district, and they 
were carrying on a petty but destructive war against each other. 
In April 1803, after his march from Miraj through BArdmati and 
the Little Bor pass. General Wellesley wrote: * In the country to 
the south-east of Poona Holkar could not possibly maintain an army. 
They have not left a stick standing within 150 miles of Poona. 
They have eaten the forage and grain, have pulled down houses, and 
have used the material as firewood. The people have fled with 
their cattle. Between Miraj and Poona, except in one village, not 
a human being had been seen. General Wellesley's rapid march 
saved Poona from burning. The people showed the most lively 
gratitude and great numbers returned to their homes.* The Poona 
market was well supplied with grain,^ but forage was so scarce that 
General Wellesley determined to march west to the hills. He went 
no further than Pnnavle, about fifteen miles to the west of the city 



' The Hon, Mountstuart Elphinstone, who was on General Wellesley's staff at the 
head of one of the branches of the Intelligence Department and took part in all the 
engagements in this war, describes the MarAtha camp as an assemblage of every sort 
of covering of every shape and colour, spreading for miles on all sides over hiU and 
dale mixed with tents, flags, trees, and buildings (Colebrooke's Elphinstone, 1. 175 ; II. 
137). When the MarAth4s marched, a sea of horse foot and dragoons poured over 
the country fifteen miles long by two or three broad. Here and there were a few horse 
with a flag and a drum, mixed with a loose and straggling mass of camels, elephants, 
bullocks, dancing girls, beggars and buffaloes, troops and followers, lancemen and 
matohlockmen, traders, and agents or mutsadis (Ditto). Of his life in the English 
camp Mr. Elphinstone gives the following details : Tents are struck before five, 
and early breakfast is taken about six. Then we mount and ride coursing a mile 
or two out on the flank, reach the camping ground between ten and twelve, and 
sit if the chairs have come or lie on the ground. When the tents are pitched we 
move into them and talk till breakfast. After breakfast we work read talk or rest in 
the tents till dark. Then comes some exercise, dressing for dinner, dinner, and 
talk till nine. Colebrooke's Elphinstone, I. 84-85. 

2 Wellington's Supplementary Despatches, III. 531, 559. 

' Wellington's Despatches I. 143. * Wellington's Despatches, 1. 145. 

° Wellington's Despatches I. 147. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



285 



because he found that as soon as he moved all the people of property 
left Poona.^ Prom Punavle he sent his cattle further up the valley to 
graze.^ In the country to the north-east of Poena (18th June 1803) 
the people were in the villages and they had'grain in underground 
pits, hut there was no government, or indeed anything but thieving.^ 
The country was very poor. From the Peshwa to the lowest horse- 
man no one had a shilling.* The entire Mardtha territory was 
unsettled and in ruins. Owing to Holkar's plunder and extortion 
whole districts were unpeopled and the towns destroyed. As the 
estateholders for several years had received no rents they were 
forced to allow their troops to plunder their own territories. Every 
man was a plunderer and a thief; no man who could seize or steal 
would till.^ The Peshwa's resources were small and the land about 
Poena was waste.* In 1 803 the rainfall in June July and early 
August was sufficient, apparently abundant.^ But the late rains of 
September and October completely failed ; except in the west the 
bulk of the early harvest must have perished and the late crops were 
probably never sown. The failure of rain was specially severe in 
the central and eastern parts of Poona and Ahmadnagar. By the 
eleventh of October there was every reason to expect a great scarcity 
of grain if not a famine. The troops in Poona could be supplied 
only from Bombay and Bombay only from Kd,nara. In Bombay the 
fear of famine was so strong that Governor Duncan kept for the 
use of the settlement grain which was meant to have gone to the 
army in the Deccan.^ Even in the hilly west of Poona, which 
depends little on the late rains, early in October, famine was raging. 
*The English traveller Lord Valentia reached Khandala from Bombay 
on the 9th of October. Close to the pond vultures and dogs were 
feeding on about a hundred dead bodies. Famine was in every face, 
several houses were empty, and the last victims had never been 
removed from the places where they perished. This terrible suffer- 
ing seems not to have been due to a local failure of rain as the hills 
were green to the top, there were many paddy fields, and the harvest 
was nearly ripe. Kdrla was the first stage from Bombay where 
Lord Valentia saw no famine corpses. The country near Talegaon 
was level and without tillage or trees, and a little beyond Chinchvad 
were signs of Holkar's devastations : the village of Aundh on the 
Mutha was nearly in ruins. The streets of Poona showed no great 
signs of suffering, but the sight of dead bodies on the river banks 
in every stage of decay was distressing. Colonel Close the resident 
distributed charity chiefly from a fund of £4000 (Rs. 40,000) which 
Lady Mackintosh had collected in Bombay. He at first gave the 
people boiled rice. But the sight of the food drove the people 
nearly frantic and numbers lost their share. Money (2 as.) was 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

MaeAthAs 

1720-1817. 

Condition, 

1803. 



1 Wellington's Despatches, I. 155 ; III- 91. ^ Wellington's Despatches, III. 91 . 

' Wellington's Despatches, III. 186, 188. « Wellington's Despatches, III. 190. 

" Wellington's Despatches, I. 240. ' Wellington's Despatches, I. 332. 

' Wellington's Despatches, I. 288 and other passages. 

8 Wellington's Despatches, I. 441-447. 

' Travels, II. 112-169. Lord Valentia noticed that the Indrdyani or Bor pass valley 
between Kdrla and Talegaon was strewn with agates, onyx, and camelian. When he 
was in Poona he made a large collection of agates which were to be had in profusion. 
Ditto, II. 113. 



[Bombay Gazetteer. 



286 



DISTRICTS. 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

MabIthIs, 

1720-1817. 

Condition, 

1803-4. 



accordingly given instead of grain. About 6000 people were relieved 
every day. The Peshwa confined his charity to the relief of 
Brdhmans of whom he fed great numbers.^ In December 1803 
General Wellesley wi^te : ^ The Peshwa has not in his service a 
common writer or civil olEcer to whom he can trust the manage- 
ment of a single district. Itis territories are all either in the hands 
of his enemies or are without managers on his part. All the persons 
capable of arranging his state are either in the service of his enemies 
or are imprisoned and oppressed by himself. Rich districts are going 
to ruin because all the persons fit to manage them are in prison or 
oppressed by the Peshwa. Unless the Peshwa sets these people 
free and employs them in settling the country the Poona state will 
never revive. In January 1804 General Wellesley described the 
Deccan as a chaos. If a militia was not raised and government put 
in some regular train all must fall to pieces.^ The Peshwa's govern- 
ment was only a name. The country along the Bhima five miles 
north of Poona was unsettled, a dreary waste overrun with thieves. 
The Peshwa was unfit to manage the government himself. He gave 
no trust or power to any one and had no person about him to 
conduct the common business of the country.* Towards the end 
of February (2Srd) General Wellesley wrote ^ : The Peshwa does 
nothing to improve his government. His only system of government 
is that of a robber. He does not choose to keep up an ai-my and 
his territories are overrun by armed men who are ready to 
enlist with any one who will lead them to plunder. Except the 
British troops there is no power in the country to support the 
government and protect the industrious classes of the people. 
Conceive a country in every village of which twenty to thirty horse- 
men have been dismissed from the service of the state and have no 
means of living except by plunder. There is no law, no civil 
government, no army to keep the plunderers in order ; no revenue 
can be collected ; no inhabitant will or can remain to cultivate unless 
he is protected by an armed force stationed in his village. Habits 
of industry are out of the question ; men must plunder or starve. 
The state of the police was also lamentable. The Peshwa's ministers 
and favourites were the patrons and the sharers of the profits gained 
by the thieves in their plunder of those whose necessities forced . 
them to travel through the country.* In March, General Wellesley 
wrote : Bajirav's great object is to gain money to meet the expenses 
of the pleasures of his court. He makes no attempt to organize the 
force, which, under the treaty of Bassein, he is bound to support, 
and is anxious to employ English troops in putting down robbers 
and helping his revenue-collectors. General Wellesley refused to 



^ Lord Valentia waa present at the Pasara on the 13th of October. There was 
a great review in which the British troops took part. The Peehwa, on an elephant, 
passed along the line to a spot where the branch of a tree had been stuck in the 
ground. He got off the elephant and performed the ceremonies. He plucked some 
ears of com, a salute was fired, and he went off in a looking-glass elephant-oar. 
Formerly whole fields of corn used to be wasted, the Peshwa leading the wasters. 
Travels, II. 123-124. 

- Wellington's Despatches, I. 547. ' Wellington's Despatches, II. 16, 17. 

" Wellington's Despatches, II. 42. 5 Wellington's Despatches, II, 125, 127, 

6 Wellington's Despatches, II, 128, 129, 187. 



Deccan.] 



POONA. 



287 



have anything to do with the police of the country or the little dirty 
amilddri exactions.^ At the end of April (23rd) the accounts of 
the state of the Deccan were very distressing. Even in the Nizam's 
country, which was better ofE than the west, the sufferings were 
extreme. It was scarcely possible to get forage or grain ; a detach- 
ment was some days without food and lost 100 horses in one day. 
At Poena the British cavalry horses had for some time been fed on 
Bombay rice. Eice was not wholesome food for horses, but it was the 
only grain that could be got. General Wellesley doubted if he could 
move his troops from Poona.^ In May matters were worse. In 
Poena all but the fighting men suffered much distress. By great 
exertions grain was procured but it sold for five pounds (2 J shers) 
the rupee. Forage was very scarce except near the Bor pass, and 
even there it was dear and bad.^ In the beginning of June, so 
many cattle died and General Wellesley received such dreadful 
accounts of the want of forage that he determined to stay in Poona 
as a measure of prudence if not of necessity.* 

^Towards the end of December 1805 Sir James Mackintosh, the 
Eecorder or Chief Justice of Bombay (1804-1811), came from Bombay 
to visit Colonel Close the Resident at Poona. He was pleased with 
Chinchvad and its sacred family, in one of whom the god Ganesh 
dwelt, and whose sacredness had saved the village from ruin in 
Holkar's ravages in 1802, Just^before reaching Poona, Mackintosh 
was interested to see a thousand Mardtha horse, a fair sample of the 
terrible cavalry who had wasted and won almost the whole of India. 
Their air was martial even fierce and next to the Bombay watermen, 
probably the Koli fishermen, they were more robust than any 
Indians Mackintosh had seen. They had no uniform and their 
clothes and arms were most neglected. Their horses varied ; some 
were very wild and some very mean, none were showy. The English 
in Poona moved with considerable state. In front went two scarlet- 
coated couriers or harleards on camels, then an escort of sepoys, 
then several scarlet mace-bearers, then some of the party on horses 
and the rest on elephants. The Residency at the Sangam, which 
Mackintosh describes as a set of bungalows spread over the 
enclosure, was fitted conveniently and luxuriously. Poona city 
had its principal streets paved with stone and was reckoned 
one of the best built native towns in India. The Peshwa's 
residence, the Saturday Palace or Shanvdr Vdda, from its size well 
deserved the name of palace. A gateway opened into a large rather 
handsome square surrounded by buildings, whose walls were painted 
with scenes from Hindu mythology. The staircase at one corner 
was steep and narrow, an odd contrast to the handsome square. 
The audience hall was a long gallery supported by two rows of 
massive wooden pillars. The hall was carpeted and at one end on 
a white cloth were three pillows, the Peshwa's state seat. Bdrjirdv, 
who was then about thirty-four, was a fair man, very handsome, with 
a perfect gentlemanlike air and manner, simply and neatly dressed 



Chapter VII. 

History. 

MabAthAs, 

1720-1817. 

Condition, 

1803-4. 



1805. 



1 Wellington's Despatches, II. 85, 147, 187. 

^ Wellington's Despatches, II. 214. ' Wellington's Despatches, II. 224-225. 

* Wellington's Despatches, II, 288. ^ Mackintosh's Life, I. 274 - 288. 



288 



[Bombay Gazetteer, 



DISTRICTS. 



Cliapt«VII. 

History. 

MabIthIs, 

1720 - 1817. 

Condition, 

1805. 



in white muslin. He had the easy bearing of one who had a long 
familiarity with a superior station. Though more elegant than 
dignified he was not effeminate. Of the three chiefs of nations to 
whom Mackintosh had been presented, George III., Napoleon, and 
Bdjirav, Mackintosh preferred the Brdhman.'- The etiquette of 
Bajirav's court was a whisper. When they moved to Bajir^v's own 
room, an unfurnished bare-walled closet with a white floor cloth and 
some small pillows, Bdjirdv spoke warmly of his happiness under 
the British alliance. Mackintosh's assurance that the English would 
always protect his security and comfort, brightened his face with 
apparently genuine delight. Mackintosh thought Bdjir^v's feelings 
natural, perhaps reasonable, and obviously unaffected. He had lost 
independence but had gained rest for himself and his people, personal 
enjoyment and comfort, and outward dignity. An ambitious man 
might prefer the independence, a philosopher's choice might vary. 
Bdjirdv was neither a hero nor a sage ; he was devoted to nothing 
but to women and to the gods. On leaving the palace a diamond 
crest was fastened in Mackintosh's hat, a diamond necklace was 
thrown round his neck, and several pieces of gold and silver cloth 
and fine muslin were laid before his feet. According to custom 
these presents were given up and sold on account of the Honourable 
East India Company. 

In spite of the unfeigned obviously natural joy and thankfulness 
which carried conviction to such shrewd and practised observers as 
Lord Valentia, Sir James Mackintosh, and Colonel Close, since his 
restoration to power, Bdjir^v had been steadily disloyal to the 
English.^ He wrote (1803) to the chiefs who were in league against 
the English explaining that his wretched dependence on the enemy 
was due to the treachery of the southern estate-holders ; he failed 
to give Greneral Wellosley any help in his campaign against Sindia 
(1803), and did his best to stop his supplies; and in conducting his 
affairs witb the English Resident, he employed Saddshiv Mankeshvar, 
whose chief qualification for the post was his open enmity to the 
English, That the English recommended it was enough to secure 
the failure of any plan for the good of his government. During 



1 Mr. Elphinstone on first meeting BajirAv (April, 1802) found him a handsome 
unaffected person, with a good and dignified face though there was some coarseness 
about the mouth. Colebrooke's Elphinstone, I. 46. 

2 Colebrooke's Elphinstone, I. 291. Lord Valentia, who had three interviews with 
Bijifiv in October 1803, was satisfied that the Peshwa highly valued the English alliance 
and was sincerely delighted when he heard the news that Holkar's fort of Chtodor in 
NAsik had fallen to the English army (Travels, 11. 130). Colonel Close, according to Lord 
Valentia, had no doubt that the Peshwa was sincere in his gratitude to the English, 
He had never seen the Peshwa so evidently pleased or heard him more unequivo- 
cally declare his sentiments. The way in which the Peshwa and his brother Chimniji 
lived together without jealousy proved how excellent was the Peshwa's heart 
(Ditto, 136). With Lord Valentia's, Sir James Mackintosh's, and Colonel Close's high 
opinion of BAjirdv's evident sincerity it is interesting to compare the Duke of Wel- 
lington's opinion, who, and Mr. Elphinstone under his influence, were the only 
Englishmen who resisted the fascination of BAjiriv's manner. The Duke of Welling- 
ton, says Grant Duff (MarAthds, 572 foot), had (1803) remarkably correct views of 
Maritha character ; his opinion of BAjirAv's future conduct was prophetic. In May 
1803, when Bd,jir4v was established at Poona, Colonel Close (Wellington's Despatches, 
I. 170) described the Peshwa's disposition as wholly satisfactory. The Duke at the 
same time (14th May 1803) wrote (Ditto, 164) : The Peshwa showed much quickness 



Deccan] 



POONA. 



289 



the years between 1805 and 1811, under Colonel Close and for a 
short time after under Mr. Russel, affairs went smoothly at Poona. 
Bdjirav for a time seems to have honestly considered the English 
alliance a piece of good fortune and the country greatly improved.^ 
On the 10th of November 1808, Sir James Mackintosh paid a second 
visit to the Deccan. He found Kdrla a miserable village of fifteen 
or twenty huts and about fifty people. It paid £100 (Rs. 1000) a 
year to a man of rank at Poona, who had lately threatened to raise 
the rent to £120 (Rs. 1200), and the people had threatened to 
leave. Mackintosh thought the state of the people wretched. 
They felt they were governed only when they paid taxes, in every 
other respect they were left to themselves, without police or 
justice, except such as the village system supplied. It was hard to 
say why taxes were paid, unless to bribe the sovereign to abstain from 
murder and robbery. At Talegaon the wood entirely ceased. The 
land was bare and little cultivated ; there were no v